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IAEA director-general Rafael Grossi warned the IAEA Board of Governors that Iran may be taking a more aggressive approach to the nuclear weapons issue.

Until recent months, Tehran has sought to develop nuclear weapons only clandestinely and mainly regarding uranium enrichment, but at least publicly has said it viewed such weapons as prohibited by Islam, and Israeli intelligence had said it had stayed away from advancing specific weapons group issues.

Grossi said, Public statements made in Iran regarding its technical capabilities to produce nuclear weapons and possible changes to Irans nuclear doctrine only increase my concerns about the correctness and completeness of Irans safeguards declarations.

In recent months, multiple top Iranian officials have threatened the West that it might publicly decide that nuclear weapons are not prohibited by Islam, and others have said that it has already completed weapons group issues, such as unique nuclear detonation challenges.

In addition, Grossi said that despite his visit in early May to Tehran, which at the time he said could reignite more positive cooperation, that I deeply regret that Iran has yet to reverse its decision to withdraw the designations for several experienced Agency inspectors, meaning that the Islamic Republic has still banned many key IAEA inspectors from its soil.

Some of those inspectors caught Iran enriching uranium up to 84% in February 2022, the closest it ever got to the 90% weaponized level.

Grossi did reference that he had met with Foreign Minister, H.E. the late Mr. Hossein Amir-Abdollahian, leaving open the possibility that progress was set back by his death in the recent helicopter crash, but also noted that Vice-President of the Islamic Republic of Iran and President of the Atomic Energy Organization of Iran (AEOI), H.E. Mr. Mohammad Eslami, who is still alive, was also part of the discussions.

Next, the IAEA chief cautioned that Irans stockpile of enriched uranium continues to increase, including that enriched up to 60%. The Agency has lost continuity of knowledge in relation to the production and inventory of centrifuges, rotors and bellows, heavy water, and uranium ore concentrate.

It has been more than three years since Iran stopped provisionally applying its Additional Protocol, and therefore, it is also over three years since the Agency was able to conduct complementary access in Iran, he said.

Moreover, he stated, There has been no progress in resolving the outstanding safeguards issues. Iran has not provided the Agency with technically credible explanations for the presence of uranium particles of anthropogenic origin at Varamin and Turquzabad or informed the Agency of the current location(s) of the nuclear material and/or of contaminated equipment.

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IAEA head Rafael Grossi: Iran becoming aggressive in pursuit of nukes - The Jerusalem Post

Raids on so-called "satanist" gatherings are not uncommon in Iran. (Representational)

Iranian authorities have arrested 30 people suspected of belonging to a "satanist network" at an event with "alcoholic drinks", local media reported Thursday in the latest such raid in recent weeks.

A total of "18 men and 12 women" were arrested at a gathering in the northern province of Mazandaran, Fars news agency reported, without specifying when the raid took place.

Police forces seized "alcoholic drinks and drugs" and found "signs and symbols of satanism" at the site of the gathering, Fars quoted provincial police chief Davood Safarizadeh as saying.

He added that attendees had travelled from other provinces.

Raids on so-called "satanist" gatherings are not uncommon in the deeply conservative country, often targeting parties or concerts with alcohol consumption, which is largely banned in the Islamic republic.

On Saturday, police took 35 people into custody in a similar raid in the southwestern province of Khuzestan, and in May, more than 250 people including three Europeans were arrested west of the capital Tehran for promoting "satanism".

Authorities in the Shiite Muslim-dominated country have in the past branded rock and heavy metal music concerts as "satanist" gatherings.

(Except for the headline, this story has not been edited by NDTV staff and is published from a syndicated feed.)

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30 Belonging To "Satanist Network" Arrested In Iran: Report - NDTV

We, the Governments of France, Germany and the United Kingdom, welcome the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) Board of Governors adoption of a resolution on Iran this afternoon. The resolution responds to Irans persistent refusal to cooperate in good faith with the IAEA to clarify outstanding issues relating to undeclared nuclear material detected at multiple locations in Iran. Iran is legally obligated under its Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT) Safeguards Agreement to cooperate with the IAEA and account for all nuclear material and activities.

18 months ago, the IAEA Board stated that it was essential and urgent for Iran to act without delay to fulfil its NPT-required safeguards obligations to ensure the IAEA is able to verify that no nuclear material is diverted. Since then, Iran has consistently failed to meaningfully cooperate with the Agency, further restricted Agency access by de-designating experienced inspectors, and accumulated provocative statements on its technical capability to build nuclear weapons that are contrary to Irans NPT obligations. Despite the repeated efforts by the IAEA Director General to engage in a substantial dialogue with Iran, Iran has made no progress to resolve the issues.

With this new resolution, the IAEA Board sends a strong and renewed message of support for the IAEA and its Director-Generals relentless efforts to address the issue. The Board will not sit idly by when Iran challenges the foundations of the non-proliferation system and undermines the credibility of the international safeguards regime. Iran must cooperate with the Agency and provide technically credible explanations which satisfy the Agencys questions. This resolution supports the Agency to pursue its dialogue with Iran to clarify all outstanding safeguards issues, while setting the stage for further steps to hold Iran to account if it fails to make concrete progress.

If Iran meaningfully cooperates with the Agency, and the Director General is able to report that the unresolved safeguards issues are no longer outstanding, the Board could then close its consideration of this matter. We hope Iran takes this opportunity to resolve these outstanding matters so that no further Board action is necessary.

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IAEA Board of Governors resolution on Iran: E3 joint statement - GOV.UK

Monday, June 3, marks 35 years since the death of the founder of the Islamic Republic of Iran, Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini.

The enigmatic religious leader-cum-revolutionary, who passed away in 1989, left a profound and lasting legacy on Iran and the broader Middle East that is still felt globally today.

As Iran marks 35 years since his death, it's essential to reflect on various aspects of his impact, from his role in the Iranian Revolution to his influence on Islamic political thought and the geopolitics of the region.

Born in Khomeyn, Persia, the young Ruhollah was left orphaned at a young age after his father was murdered in 1903.

He was renowned early in life as studious child, immersing himself in Quranic study and Arabic, receiving tuition from family members. Through his learning, he rose to prominence as a high-ranking cleric in Twelver Shi'ism, eventually earning himself the title of ayatollah ("token of God.")

He was also a prolific author, penning more than 40 books. His vocal opposition to the Shah's White Revolution - when the monarchic government introduced a six-point program of reform including land reform, the sale of state-owned enterprises to private interests, electoral changes to enfranchise women and allow non-Muslims to hold office, profit-sharing in industry, and a literacy campaign in the nation's schools - led to his state-sponsored expulsion to Bursa in Turkey in 1964. Almost a year later, he relocated to Najaf in Iraq, where he delivered speeches on his religio-political theory of Guardianship of the Jurist, which were later compiled into the book "Islamic Government."

Khomeini was barred from returning to Iran during the Shah's reign, remaining in exile. On January 16, 1979, the Shah left Iran for medical treatment and never returned. Two weeks later, on February 1, 1979, Khomeini, who had relocated to a Paris suburb, returned to Iran and was greeted by a joyous crowd estimated to be up to five million people.

His chartered Air France flight to Tehran was accompanied by over one hundred journalists. One of them, ABC reporter Peter Jennings, asked Khomeini how he felt about being back in Iran, to which the ayatollah responded with a single word through his translator: "Hichi" (Nothing).

His statement has been taken by some reverers as a reflection of Khomeini's mystical beliefs and humility.

For some, it underscored Khomeini's indifference to the needs of the Iranian people.

The Iranian Revolution saw a significant shift from a secular, Western-aligned monarchy to a theocratic state based on Khomeini's interpretation of Shia Islam. The establishment of the Islamic Republic marked the first time in modern history that an Islamic theocracy had taken control of a country.

Central to Khomeini's ideological legacy is the concept of Velayat-e Faqih (Guardianship of the Islamic Jurist), which posits that a senior cleric should oversee the governance of the state to ensure that laws and policies comply with Islamic principles. This theory was enshrined in Iran's constitution and remains a cornerstone of its political system. It has influenced other Islamist movements and has been a point of debate and contention within Shia Islam.

Khomeinis success inspired numerous Islamist movements across the Muslim world. His model of governance and his advocacy for resistance against perceived oppression resonated with groups seeking to establish Islamic states. His emphasis on anti-imperialism and opposition to Western influence became rallying points for various Islamist and revolutionary movements globally.

The ayatollahs establishment of a theocratic political system drastically altered Irans governance. The supreme leader, a position Khomeini first held, wields significant power, overshadowing elected bodies such as the president and the parliament. This dual structure of governance continues to shape Iranian politics.

The revolution also led to significant social and cultural changes, including the imposition of strict Islamic dress codes, the segregation of sexes in many public areas, and a general increase in the role of religion in everyday life. Education and media were heavily influenced by Islamic principles, aiming to foster a generation aligned with the ideals of the revolution.

Khomeinis era saw a shift towards economic policies that emphasized self-sufficiency and resistance to Western economic influence. This included nationalizing key industries and promoting policies aimed at reducing reliance on foreign entities. However, these policies have had mixed results, contributing to both economic independence and ongoing economic challenges.

Khomeinis vision extended beyond Irans borders. He sought to export the Islamic Revolution, supporting Shia movements in countries like Iraq, Lebanon, and Bahrain. The creation and support of Hezbollah in Lebanon is a direct result of Khomeinis policies, which significantly affected regional geopolitics. He also led the country during the Iran-Iraq War, when the young republic had to defend itself from Saddam Husseins invasion, leading to an eight-year conflict and the death of hundreds of thousands of Iranians.

Under Khomeini, Iran adopted a staunchly anti-Western stance, particularly against the United States, which Khomeini dubbed the "Great Satan." This rhetoric and the subsequent events, such as the US Embassy hostage crisis, led to decades of strained relations with Western countries. This adversarial stance continues to influence Iran's foreign policy.

On November 4, a group of Iranian college students calling themselves the Muslim Student Followers of the Imam's Line took control of the American Embassy in Tehran, holding 52 embassy staff hostage for 444 days.

In Iran, the hostage crisis was immensely popular and received Khomeini's endorsement under the slogan "America can't do a damn thing against us."

Similarly, Khomeini's relationship with Israel, who he dubbed the "Little Satan" was one of intense animosity and opposition, rooted in ideological, political, and religious beliefs. Khomeini's stance on Israel significantly shaped Iran's foreign policy towards the state and its role in the broader Middle East conflict.

After several years of declining health, Khomeini died on 3 June 1989 after suffering five heart attacks in just a matter of days he was 89. Ali Khamenei succeeded him as supreme leader, who remains in power to this day.

Khomeinis modern legacy is deeply polarizing within Iran and globally. Supporters view him as a revolutionary hero who stood against tyranny and imperialism, creating a government based on Islamic values. Critics, and there is a large Iranian diaspora throughout the world who fled under the rule of Khomeini, argue that his policies led to political repression, economic hardship, and a loss of personal freedoms. The human rights situation in Iran, particularly regarding freedom of speech, women's rights, and political dissent, has been a significant point of contention.

Thirty-five years after his death, Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini's legacy remains a powerful force in Iran and beyond. His establishment of the Islamic Republic and the ideological, social, and political changes he enacted continue to shape the region's dynamics. His influence on political Islam and his role in defining Iran's place in the world make him one of the most significant figures in contemporary Middle Eastern history. Whether viewed as a champion of anti-imperialism and Islamic governance or a symbol of repression and ideological rigidity, Khomeinis impact on history is undeniable.

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35 years since the death of Iran's supreme leader Ayatollah Khomeini - The Jerusalem Post

The recent death of Irans president, Ebrahim Raisi, in a helicopter crash will not only trigger new presidential elections. Many commentators believe that Raisi was slated to become the next supreme leader of Iran.

This position is at the heart of the countrys complex political system. While there are many institutions involved in governing Iran, the supreme leader has the final say on most matters.

In fact, it is very unlikely that Raisi would have succeeded the current supreme leader, Ali Khamenei. According to the Iranian constitution, the position requires both political ability and religious credentials, having been modelled on the theory of the Guardianship of the Supreme Jurisprudent, which former leader Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini placed at the heart of the revolutionary constitution of 1979.

Admittedly, when Khamenei succeeded the late Khomeini a decade later, the Iranian constitution had to be changed because Khamenei did not have the required religious standing in the clerical hierarchy. He was no ayatollah like Khomeini, so the Iranian constitution was amended to highlight political competence over religious legitimacy though even this would not have been enough to legitimise the candidacy of Raisi.

For his part, Raisi was not even a mid-ranking cleric. He had no real religious clout and no political charisma. As such, it is highly unlikely that both the clerical and political establishment would have accepted him as the supreme leader.

The Assembly of Experts, the constitutional organ tasked with the election of the supreme leader, may be dominated by so-called conservatives allied to some of the factions that supported Raisi. But there are senior ayatollahs in Irans Shia equivalent to the Vatican, Qom, who have immense influence in the country and beyond, and have an informal say in the question of succession.

In an Islamic republic driven by theocratic politics, that clerical factor is obviously important, and there was no following for Raisi in Qom.

Neither was Raisi seen as someone with a strong political track record. The senior positions he held were endowed to him by Khamenei. Moreover, he was deeply involved in some of the most egregious human rights violations in Irans recent history, as he served on a panel responsible for doling out capital punishment to thousands of political detainees in 1988. Raisi tried to distance himself from that role, but he never denied his involvement.

When Raisi did challenge for public office as a presidential candidate in the 2017 election, he lost to Hassan Rouhani, who campaigned for better relations with the world and for reforms at home. The subsequent election in June 2021, which finally granted Raisi the presidency, was the least-contested in the history of the Islamic republic. No real opposition was allowed.

In 2022, popular discontent with Irans increasingly confined political space erupted in the Women, Life, Freedom protest movement a massive outpouring of dissent. The inability of the Raisi administration to handle these protests without a major eruption of state violence was yet another indicator of his failure to stabilise Iranian politics.

His proclivity towards the hard-right marginalised various strata of Irans active civil society and the reformist political factions, too. This only undermined the legitimacy of his government. Raisi was seen as a mere yea-sayer to Khamenei and his followers, who seemed to be the only factions holding on to him.

Read more: Iran: 'hijab' protests challenge legitimacy of Islamic Republic

But Khamenei is not a Khomeini. The latter had a gigantic following which delivered one of the most seismic revolutions in recent history. For Khamenei, it is much more difficult to manoeuvre with impunity. As I laid out in my book on Iran, if Khomeini was the Lenin of the Iranian revolution, Khamenei became a mere prefect.

This compromised position, and the intricate clerical politics in Iran, also explain why I dont believe that Mojtaba Khamenei is likely to succeed his father. The younger Khamenei has no real religious credentials necessary for the post of supreme leader, and nor has he held any senior political positions the second constitutional requirement.

Being the son of the current leader is another disadvantage. A revolution against the concept of hereditary monarchy in Iran and beyond cannot afford such succession. As one of the last living figures directly involved in the 1979 revolution, Ali Khamenei is aware of this.

So, who will succeed the current leader? The truth is, no one knows for sure, not even the political establishment in Iran. The speculation outside the country, which is mostly ill-informed, is driven by the politics superimposed on the Iran narrative. In reality, there is a constitutional process that is not easily monopolised by one person alone not even the current supreme leader.

The job description is clear, though. The next supreme leader of Iran will have a solid religious standing that is tolerated by the senior clerics of Qom, as well as the clerical establishment within the state.

He will be politically experienced yet largely unsullied by major scandal. He will have the aura to be respected by the powerful Revolutionary Guards, and he will have some revolutionary pedigree that binds him to Khomeini, the founder of the Islamic Republic.

The new leader will also be at the heart of the so-called axis of resistance, a conglomerate of movements scattered around the region from Palestine to southern Lebanon, Syria, Iraq and Yemen. And he will inherit a nuclear infrastructure capable of building an atomic bomb. So, the Iranian establishment will also look for some competence in conducting international relations.

Whoever next leads modern-day Persia will become one of the major personalities of world politics a mover and shaker of a radically changing world order. That is the full magnitude of this position, which will determine the future of Iran, the region, and international security for generations to come.

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Iran: who will be the next supreme leader? - The Conversation