Archive for the ‘Iran’ Category

Exclusive: Iran believed to be developing chemical weapons, decades after publicly giving them up – Tortoise – Tortoise Media

Around 30 years ago, Iran told the world it had disposed of all its chemical weapons. It became a founding member of the Organisation for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons (OPCW) and an active presence on the world stage against their use, after an estimated 100,000 Iranians suffered debilitating injuries after Saddam Hussein used mustard gas and nerve agents in dozens of attacks during the Iran-Iraq war.

But while the world has been focused on Tehrans nuclear programme, reports from inside Iran and statements from the US government point to a growing industry of pharmaceutical-based weapons. Iran maintains a chemical weapons program that includes incapacitating agents for offensive purposes, Nicole Shampaine, the US ambassador to the OPCW in The Hague, told Tortoise. This is an area that is a significant concern to us.

Pharmaceutical-based chemical weapons are based on substances such as fentanyl, the synthetic opioid which has ravaged the US. They are aimed at rendering targets unconscious. Leaks from regime-backed universities in Iran appear to show that fentanyl and other central nervous system-acting substances are being developed into aerosolised forms for use on civilians in riot control situations.

These kinds of weapons are often referred to as non-lethal incapacitants, but in practice they can be deadly. In 2002 Russian special forces pumped what is widely believed to have been a fentanyl derivative into a Moscow theatre where hundreds of hostages were being held by Chenyan terrorists. They were successful in regaining control of the theatre, but more than 130 hostages died in the process.

Both the American and Israeli governments say they have intelligence that Iran is developing such weapons, but wont give more detail. Israel is a known hawk when it comes to Iran. The Biden administration is less so.

Several leaks published by Iranian hackers opposed to the Islamic Revolutionary regime in Tehran appear to show academic papers discussing the development of such chemicals. But it is hard to verify such leaks.

In one case described to Tortoise, a veterinary sedative delivered in very large quantities to a regime-affiliated university in Tehran with no veterinary programme later appeared in leaked academic papers describing its use as an incapacitating agent for riot control.

Have they been used? Its possible. Over several months in 2022 and 2023, thousands of school girls in Iran became sick and with symptoms including vomiting and streaming nose and eyes. Some have claimed this as evidence that the regime used pharmaceutical-based agents (PBAs) against its own citizens in an attempt to bring an end to the anti-hijab protests gathering momentum across the country.

The Iranian government has claimed these were attacks carried out by Irans enemies and at other times insisted it was a case of mass hysteria. Attempts by journalists and human rights groups to gather concrete evidence have been unsuccessful.

Whats stopping them? Not much. The OPCW drafted new legislation banning aerosolized use of central nervous system-acting chemical agents in 2021, which designated these weapons as illegal in both law enforcement settings and warfare. The proposal was opposed by Iran, Russia and China but passed anyway.

Although the OPCW is mandated to prevent the use or development of chemical weapons it does not do spot checks. It is possible for a signatory state to call for a challenge inspection on another member nation, although Tortoise understands this has never happened in the organisations 30-year history. Even if it were to happen, the challenged state would have plenty of notice before any inspection enough time to wipe the surfaces clean.

The norm against using chemical weapons is under stress more broadly after the Syrian states use of chemical weapons and, more recently, reports that Russia has used riot-control agents, like CS gas, on the battlefield against Ukraine. In this context CS gas is considered a chemical weapon.

Whats more: In a new podcast series Tortoise investigates a German man accused of sending a chemical that can be used to make mustard gas to Iran during the Iran-Iraq war. He has been on the run for more than three decades Tortoise tracked him down.

Listen to his story: The Gas Man

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Exclusive: Iran believed to be developing chemical weapons, decades after publicly giving them up - Tortoise - Tortoise Media

Iran and Al Qaeda accused of trying to co-opt US pro-Palestine protests – The National

Iran and Al Qaeda endorsed pro-Palestinian and anti-war student protests this week, providing new challenges for the movement, which is calling for university divestment from Israel.

Iran's supreme leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei said in social media posts and a long video on Wednesday that university students in the United States of America are standing on the right side of history.

You have now formed a branch of the resistance front and have begun an honourable struggle, said a letter quoted on his X account.

Mr Khamenei's message of support is in sharp contrast to how his own country dealt with anti-government protests in 2022, after the death of a young woman in morality police custody.

The crackdown on the movement, which focused largely on women's rights and demands for reform, led to mass arrests and even death sentences for some protesters.

This week, Al Qaeda also expressed its approval of the student movement.

We appreciate and value the movement of western demonstrators and sit-in students from western universities, who through their sit-ins and protests expressed their rejection of the genocide taking place in Gaza, a statement from Al Qaeda's central command said, according to a translation by the Long War Journal.

Hamas has also expressed support for the demonstrators, calling them the leaders of the future.

Izzat Al Risheq of the group's political bureau said students were demonstrating because of their rejection of the genocide that our Palestinian people are subjected to in the Gaza Strip.

The group has been designated a terrorist organisation by the US and other countries.

Over the past weeks, students at universities across the US set up tent camps, occupied academic buildings and held protests calling for their universities to divest from investments and academic programmes connected to Israel's actions in the Palestinian territories.

The student movement has been accused of supporting terrorism, and public endorsements by Iran and extremist groups have reignited that criticism.

But critics say the statements appear to be attempts to co-opt the student movement.

There is no evidence that the movement is connected to extremist groups.

Israel supporters and critics have accused participants of sympathising with Hamas due to their pro-Palestine messaging.

Others, including Israeli leaders, have accused protesters of being anti-Semitic.

Students involved in the movement, however, point to the soaring death toll in Gaza now past 36,200 according to local health authorities as the impetus for the on-campus pro-Palestine movement that has spread around the world.

Pro-Palestine protesters say they were compelled to act by images of destruction, starvation and displacement in the Gaza Strip.

While there have been reports of some hate incidents, the protests have been mostly peaceful although some schools have called in police for mass arrests in response.

Updated: May 31, 2024, 5:28 AM

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Iran and Al Qaeda accused of trying to co-opt US pro-Palestine protests - The National

Director Who Fled Iran Brings a Movie and a Message of Hope to Cannes – The New York Times

While shooting his new film The Seed of the Sacred Fig, the director Mohammad Rasoulof learned that he was facing eight years in prison for making movies that criticize Irans hard-line government.

So Rasoulof fled Iran, made his way to Germany, and then arrived in France this past week for the Cannes Film Festival. After The Seed of the Sacred Fig premiered in competition at the festival to strong reviews on Friday night, Rasoulof promised to continue making films that shine a light on the situation in his country.

The Islamic Republic has taken the Iranian people hostage, he said at a news conference on Saturday. Its very important, then, to talk about this indoctrination.

Set against a backdrop of student protests in Tehran, The Seed of the Sacred Fig follows an investigating judge in the Revolutionary Court in Tehran whose job approving death sentences begins to take a heavy toll on him and his family. The judges paranoia is stoked after his gun goes missing, and as he begins to suspect his wife and daughters of conspiring against him, he makes drastic moves to determine who the culprit is.

Rasoulof said the idea for the film had come to him in 2022, when he was imprisoned alongside the director Jafar Panahi for signing a petition that called on Irans security forces to use restraint during public protests.

After his release in February 2023, the director began formulating a plan to shoot The Seed of the Sacred Fig in a clandestine fashion, with a small crew, so as not to arouse suspicion. Sometimes people said, Theres someone outside lurking, and we would all scatter, Mahsa Rostami, an actress in the film, said at the news conference. We just prayed that this project would be followed through to the end.

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Director Who Fled Iran Brings a Movie and a Message of Hope to Cannes - The New York Times

How Princeton got burned by its outreach to Iran – Semafor

Students abducted

Princetons student exchange program first took off in 2014, when a prominent Iranian-American scholar and future Biden administration official, Ariane Tabatabai, connected the Iran centers then-associate director to Mostafa Zahrani, a senior Iranian foreign ministry diplomat with strong ties to his countrys elite military force, the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC). I wanted to introduce you to a friend who is in Princeton, and you will see him in Vienna in three weeks, Tabatabai wrote, ccing Kevan Harris, the then associate director. He is interested in sharing with you a plan to send Iranian students to Princeton and to send American students to Iran.

Harris jumped at this opening, according to correspondence seen by Semafor, and arranged to see Zahrani in Austria two weeks later on the sidelines of the nuclear negotiations that were taking place between Iran, the US, and other global powers. The follow-up took time, but by early 2015, Princeton welcomed its first candidate for the Iran program: a Chinese-American graduate student named Wang Xiyue.

Wang was hesitant about going to Tehran, he told Semafor in recent interviews. He didnt speak Farsi, and his Ph.D. work initially focused on the Soviet Unions role in Central Asia, rather than issues related to Iran itself. He also raised with Princeton his concerns about security, given Irans history of abducting American citizens and the fact Tehran had no diplomatic ties with Washington.

On Dec. 1, 2015, Wang emailed administrators that he felt he needed to be as specific as possible about his scholarship with Iranian officials to protect himself once on the ground. [A]s a US citizen of non-Iranian descen[t], I think it would be preferable for me to be as transparent as possible so that I would not be deported from the country for doing things my visa does not prescribe me to do, he wrote.

But Harris and other Princeton officials reassured Wang about his safety and the importance of learning Farsi in Iran, both for his dissertation and future academic work. Its a good time to go [to Iran] looks like they are in a good mood over there, Harris wrote to Wang in the weeks before his January 2016 departure. Take advantage of it.

Wangs reservations proved to be right. Six months after his arrival in Tehran, Irans intelligence ministry confiscated his US passport. On Aug. 7, 2016, he was arrested on espionage charges and sent to Irans feared Evin Prison, where he spent more than three years, at times in solitary confinement and threatened with death.

Princeton denied that it in any way downplayed the risks of travel to Iran nor pressured Wang into joining the exchange program. Princeton did not direct, and indeed did not have the power to direct, Mr. Wangs travel, university spokesman Michael Hotchkiss told Semafor. And it was Princeton University that undertook a relentless, multi-year and multi-million-dollar global effort to secure his release.

Last year, a second Princeton graduate student, Elizabeth Tsurkov, was abducted by an Iranian-backed militia in Iraq. She hasnt been seen since last November.

Tsurkovs journey to Princeton was an unusual one. The academic and journalist was born in Russia, raised and educated in Israel, and earned her masters degree in social science from the University of Chicago in 2019 with a 3.9 GPA. Throughout this time, she showed a remarkable ability particularly for an Israeli to engage the Middle Easts religious groups, militias, and political movements in hotspots like Syria, Iraq, and Lebanon.

Tsurkov has said in published interviews that she began her reporting through the heavy use of social media. Fluent in Arabic, she employed Facebook, Twitter, and WhatsApp to document the plight of people caught in war zones, and amassed a substantial online following and network in the process. She also used her Russian passport to visit Arab countries that are largely off limits to Israelis.

Tsurkov has acknowledged that her citizenship and religion unnerved some of her contacts. But her colleagues and family said that her writings, which have focused heavily on the plight of victims of regional and sectarian violence including Palestinians have allowed her to gain and maintain the trust of the groups and individuals shes documenting. Among her affiliations is an Israeli-Palestinian think tank that educates Israelis on Islam and their Arab neighbors in a bid to support the peace process.

I think that what drives all of them, at the end of the day, to speak to me is a feeling that I care about them, and I want to properly reflect their perspectives and their views, Tsurkov told the media outlet Al-Monitor in a 2021 podcast.

Tsurkovs doctoral work at Princeton was focused on the patronage systems that underpin political movements in Lebanon, Iraq, and Iraqi Kurdistan and why their members often remain loyal to feudal and sectarian leaders who deliver little economic development in return. In her thesis proposal from 2021, which was approved and funded by Princeton, she outlined the travels shed made, and would continue to make, to Baghdad, northern Iraq, and Lebanon.

Tsurkov was kidnapped on March 21, 2023 from a cafe in the central Baghdad neighborhood of Karrada, just days after undergoing back surgery in an Iraqi hospital for a herniated disc. Both the US and Israeli governments blame the Iranian-backed militia Kataib Hezbollah (KH) for the abduction.

KH was established in 2003 with the direct support of Irans IRGC, and is designated by the US as a terrorist organization. KHs militia forms the largest part of Iraqs national guard, known as the Popular Mobilization Forces, and KH politicians serve in Iraqi Prime Minister Shia Al Sudanis government. US officials say KH also regularly coordinates with the IRGC to attack American military facilities and personnel in Iraq and the wider region. This includes a January drone strike on a Pentagon base in Jordan that killed three American troops.

The Trump administration assassinated KHs founding commander, Abu Mahdi al-Muhandis, in a January 2020 missile strike on his convoy in Baghdad. He was accompanied by the IRGCs most powerful general, Qasem Soleimani, who also died in the attack. Iran has vowed to avenge both of their deaths. KH hasnt contacted the Tsurkov family nor made any demands for her release.

Elizabeths sister, Emma Tsurkov, has publicly criticized Princetons response to the kidnapping mirroring, in many ways, complaints raised by Wang Xiyue. Last August, she penned an opinion piece in the New Jersey Star-Ledger claiming the school had been denying it approved Elizabeths travel to Iraq and was telling the State Department that their grad student had essentially gone rogue. Emma Tsurkov stressed in her article that any divide between the school and Elizabeth was extremely dangerous as it could only fuel charges that she was a spy and hurt her chances of coming home.

Emma told Semafor that Elizabeth, once in Iraq, was in regular contact with her Princeton thesis advisor, Professor Amaney Jamal, the dean of the School of Public and International Affairs. This included occasional video calls from Baghdad. But the Tsurkov family has been disappointed that Jamal hasnt met with Emma in person since Elizabeths disappearance, something Princeton doesnt dispute.

The school in October, for the first time, publicly took responsibility for Elizabeths research and travel to Iraq, even while raising questions about whether she followed proper procedures going there. Spokesman Hotchkiss told Semafor that Princeton is totally committed to gaining her release by making available reputable outside experts the University has retained and by advocating with US government officials to use their influence to help bring Elizabeth home safely.

He added that Jamal directly communicated her deep concern for Elizabeth and her family to Emma Tsurkov via email and that the school has appointed a deputy dean at the graduate school to serve as a point person. [The administrator] is available for Emma at any time and remains in contact with her, he said.

KH released a proof-of-life video in November in which a visibly exhausted Elizabeth Tsurkov reads a statement in Hebrew claiming she was both an operative for the CIA and Mossad, the Israeli spy agency. (The US and Israel deny this charge.) The student is believed to still be in Baghdad.

Emma Tsurkov is now focused on pressuring Iraqs government to secure Elizabeths freedom, given Baghdads close ties to KH. The family believes Iraq should be designated as a state sponsor of terrorism and have its US aid budget slashed unless it wins Elizabeths release. Emma Tsurkov directly confronted the Iraqi prime minister at a Washington think tank last month on behalf of her sister, publicly accusing him of not doing anything to save her.

The Iraqi government hasnt responded to requests for comment from Semafor.

An Iranian diplomat on campus

Princeton entered the Iran debate in a significant way in 2009, when it agreed to host Hossein Mousavian, a top regime diplomat and former nuclear negotiator, in New Jersey. Mousavian fled Tehran that year after being charged with espionage by then-President Mahmoud Ahmadinejads government, and briefly detained. The Islamic Republic insider would be cleared, but still found himself starkly on the wrong side of his countrys vicious political infighting.

Mousavian was no dissident, though, and used his perch at Princeton to advocate Irans positions on its nuclear program and other key national security issues. A former ambassador to Germany, Mousavian has supported ties with the West in ways that have placed him at odds with the IRGC and other hardline parties in Tehran. He has also sought to improve relations between Iran and Saudi Arabia.

Many of Mousavians dictums on the nuclear file would be adopted by the Iranian government after his close political ally, Hassan Rouhani, succeeded Ahmadinejad as president in 2013 and moved to negotiate directly with the Obama administration over the next two years. The Princeton scholar was a prolific producer of opinion pieces and commentary during this period who liaised, at times, with Iranian diplomats, including Mostafa Zahrani and then-Foreign Minister Javad Zarif, to promote their messaging and engagements in the West, according to the foreign ministry correspondence reviewed by Semafor.

Princeton officials lauded Mousavians ability to advise the US and Iranian delegations to help advance the nuclear deal, which was finalized in July 2015. And in the eyes of Wang Xiyue, the graduate student, this reflected his schools strong ties to the upper echelons of the Islamic Republics leadership. This sense of security was only bolstered, Wang told Semafor, by the fact that one of his advisers at Princetons Iran center, Mona Rahmani, was herself related to an Iranian government official. Her father ran Tehrans interests section in Washington, an Iranian government body that works to support dual US-Iran citizens, from 2010-2015.

My concerns were alleviated by the fact that there were these direct links between Princeton and Iran, Wang said. It looked like there was coordination.

Following his arrest in August 2016, these connections to Tehran proved of little use, Wang outlined in a lawsuit he filed against Princeton in 2021, charging negligence. The university advised Wangs wife to stay quiet and not publicly criticize the Iranian government, he says. And Mousavian told Princetons leadership that his outreach to Zahrani, Zarif, and other Iranian officials would be counterproductive for Wang, given the Princeton scholars own sparring with Tehrans security state. Rahmani, meanwhile, also declined to lobby the regime, the lawsuit states. She left the university in 2017.

Wang says he felt totally abandoned during the more than three years he was incarcerated in Evin Prison. He was released on December 7, 2019 as part of a prisoner exchange negotiated between the Trump administration and Iran. Simply put, after encouraging and convincing Mr. Wang to go to Iran, Princeton chose to put their reputation and political interest ahead of Mr. Wangs personal safety, reads his lawsuit.

Princeton denies that it placed its reputation or ties to Iran ahead of Wangs safety. And the school said it invested enormous resources behind gaining his release. Throughout his ordeal, the University worked in close coordination with his wife and provided extensive financial and other support to Mr. Wang and his family during and after his imprisonment, Princetons legal team at Akin Gump wrote to congressional lawmakers investigating the schools ties to Iran last year.

Princeton reached a financial settlement with Wang last September but denies all charges made against the school in the suit. We have chosen to help them [Wangs family] move on with their lives by avoiding protracted litigation, spokesman Hotchkiss said.

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How Princeton got burned by its outreach to Iran - Semafor

The nuclear fatwa that wasn’thow Iran sold the world a false narrative – Atlantic Council

The nuclear fatwa that wasnthow Iran sold the world a false narrative

By KhosroSayeh Isfahani

The idea struck me to introduce the concept of a fatwa [during the 2004 nuclear] negotiations. There was no coordination [in advance], Irans chief nuclear negotiator at the time recounted eight years after the incident. This was nothing short of a stroke of genius in shaping a false narrative about the Islamic Republics nuclear program, which was delivered by a cleric who eventually rose in the ranks and became a two-term president (20132021): Hassan Rouhani.

In a 2012 interview with local magazine Mehrnameh, Rouhani recounted the 2004 talks with the foreign ministers of France, Germany, and the United Kingdom, and claimed that he told them that Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei has issued a fatwa and declared it forbidden to acquire a bomb. This fatwa is more important for us than the NPT [Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty] and the additional protocol. It is more important to us than any law.

Rouhani added that he was referencing comments made by the supreme leader ahead of Friday prayers in Tehran a week prior, when Khamenei said, No, we arent thinking about nuclear weapons. I have said many times that our nuclear weapon is this nation. Our nuclear weapons are these youths. We dont want nuclear weapons. A state that has so many young believers and this unified nation doesnt need nuclear weapons. Nuclear weapons, their production, storage, and use, each has a problem. We have also expressed our religious opinion, which is clear, and everyone knows it.

However, Khameneis religious opinion about nuclear arms has always been a carefully crafted message concocted and repeated by himnever in writing but only in speechesin which he has exclusively called the use of nuclear arms haram (forbidden).

The campaign of deceit was initiated when the Islamic Republic saw its survival at imminent risk. In a speech the day after the March 20, 2003 US invasion of Iraq, Khamenei said, We dont want a nuclear bomb. We are even opposed to having chemical weaponsThese things dont agree with our principles.

Over the years, Khamenei and other high-ranking officials have repeated this line while Iranian scientists were busy developing all necessary components for the development of a nuclear weapon and the supreme leader has consistently celebrated these scientists.

Tracking Khameneis comments over the past two decades demonstrates that he never issued a fatwa against building a nuclear weapon, and only tentatively and revocably spoke against the use of weapons of mass destruction.

What eventually became a staple talking point of Iranian diplomats was sold to world powers as the supreme leaders fatwa prohibiting nuclear arms. In reality, it was the last paragraph of his message to the first iteration of the International Conference on Nuclear Disarmament and Non-Proliferation, which Tehran hosted in 2010.

The segment of the message marketed by the Iranian diplomatic missions as a fatwa reads, We believe that adding to nuclear weapons and other types of weapons of mass destruction, such as chemical weapons and biological weapons, are a serious threat to humanity. The Iranian nation, which itself is a victim of the use of chemical weapons, feels more than other nations the danger of the production and accumulation of such weapons and is ready to put all its resources in the way of dealing with it. We consider the use of these weapons to be haram (forbidden), and the effort to protect mankind from this great disaster is everyones duty.

The supreme leaders official website includes several pages dedicated to explaining his stance on nuclear arms, with one listing all comments he has made about them. Among the eighty-five quotes, the word haram is used only three times and exclusively about the use of nuclear weapons, not their production or stockpiling. He has also twice called the use of weapons of mass destruction a great sin.

On the same page, the only quote that includes the term fatwa comes from a 2015 speech and reads, We dont want a nuclear weapon. Not because of what they say, but because of ourselves, because of our religion, because of our rational reasons. This is both our religious fatwa and our rational fatwa. Our rational fatwa is that we dont need nuclear weapons today, tomorrow, or ever. Nuclear weapons are a source of trouble for a country like ours.

In sharia law, all acts fall into five categories: wajib (obligatory), mustahab (recommended), mubah (neutral), makruh (disapproved), and haram (forbidden). In the case of nuclear weapons, the supreme leader clearly, and presumably intentionally, has avoided labeling the production and storage of nuclear arms with a religious label, leaving room for a nuclear weapons program.

In addition to beguiling world powers with a false narrative about the nonexistent fatwa, the double-speak commentary by the supreme leader gives powerful factions within the regime enough ammunition to pursue the development of a nuclear weapon.

Furthermore, a point of pride for Shia Muslims is that fatwas are not inherently permanent, and Islamic jurists canand often doreinterpret the scripture in accord with the needs of time. Throughout the history of political Islam, Shia ayatollahs have used fatwas as a political tool against adversaries. For example, in the 1890s, Ayatollah Mirza Shirazi issued a fatwa during nationwide protests after the ruling Qajar Dynasty granted a British merchant a monopoly on the growth, sale, and export of tobacco in Iran. This forced the king to revoke the monopoly; after it served its political purpose, the fatwa was also removed.

Iranian officials have consistently warned that, if push comes to shove, they might openly seek nuclear weapons.

In 2021, then Intelligence Minister Mahmoud Alavi told state television, The Supreme Leader has explicitly said in his fatwa that nuclear weapons are against sharia law and the Islamic Republic sees them as religiously forbidden and does not pursue them. But a cornered cat may behave differently from when the cat is free. And if [Western states] push Iran in that direction, then its no longer Irans fault.

In June 2023, Khamenei warned world powers that they cannot stop his regime if it desires to build nuclear weaponsa threat echoed by Irans former nuclear chief, Ali Akbar Salehi.In February, Salehi boasted that the regime has all components necessary for building a bomb.

With heightened tensions in the Middle East, and amid the Islamic Republics four-decade war with Israel creeping out of the shadows and into the open, the clerical establishment has been testing the waters for openly announcing its nuclear aspirations.

In a March speech at a Quran exhibition, Hojatolislam Mohammad Fuker Meibodi said that the Muslim holy book orders believers to amass weapons that would sow fear in the heart of the enemies. He argued that weapons of the pastnamely swords and cannonswill not achieve that aim and therefore, maybe we should acquire nuclear weapons.

Iranian nuclear scientist Mahmoud Reza Aghamiriwho has ties to the supreme leaders office and currently serves as dean of Shahid Beheshti Universitysaid on state television on April 7 that the supreme leader can tomorrow change his stance on building nuclear weapons and that his regime has the capability to make the leap because building the bomb is not complicated.

Aghamiri is among the top Iranian officials who have publicly endorsed the development of a nuclear bomb. In 2022, he said that Tehran can speed up uranium enrichment to 99 percent, build a nuclear warhead, and use it as both deterrence and a bargaining chip in interactions with the West like North Korea, which, according to him, gets away with bullying the world.

Such rhetoric has only intensified in Iran following the April 13 attack against Israel in retaliation for the April 1 killing of Islamic Revolutionary Guards Corps (IRGC) commanders in Syria. Anticipating a response from Israel, which eventually arrived on April 19, Iranian officials warned against the targeting of nuclear facilities in the country.

On April 18, Ahmad Haghtalab, the IRGC commander in charge of nuclear security, said, If the false Zionist regime decides to exploit the threat of attacking our countrys nuclear sites to pressure Iran, revision of Islamic Republics nuclear policies and doctrine and dropping of previously announced considerations in possible and perceivable. Islamic Republic of Iran Broadcasting reported his comments, sharing a video of him pronouncing the nuclear threat.

Javan, an influential daily close to the IRGC, wrote on the same day that it was the first time a senior IRGC official issued such a threat, and noted that state media were forcefully highlighting the comments, signaling coordination with top decision-making bodies.

The daily argued that every states primary goal is survival no matter the cost and that, before launching the April 13 attack against the nuclear armed Israel, Tehran had prepared itself for engagement at highest level or at least is seeking to establish a new equilibrium.

Javan warned Israel to take the warning serious because all technical hurdles have been removed and with a wave of the hand from Imam Khamenei and the regime can build a nuclear bomb.

Pro-reform daily Hammihan wrote on April 20 that the Islamic Republics attack against Israel from Iranian soil has created a new norm of confrontation between the two nations. According to the daily, in this new context, proxy forces cannot provide the deterrence Iran needs. The daily argued that if Iran is pushed towards acquiring a nuclear weapon or adopting nuclear ambiguity, it would benefit from increased deterrence.

On April 22, a member of the National Security Commission of the parliament, Javad Karimi Ghodousi, wrote on X (formerly Twitter), If [supreme leader] issues permission, we would be a week away from testing the first [nuclear bomb].

As an officer of the IRGC, Ghodousi has high security clearance. Through his key position in the parliament, he is privy to military decisions made at the top of the food chain. This attracted much attention when, ahead of the April 13 strike against Israel, he tweeted that the attack was happening in a matter of hours.

In an apparent effort to soften heightened rhetoric, on April 22, the spokesperson of the Iranian Foreign Ministry, Naser Kanani said, Nuclear weapons have no place in Irans defense and military strategy.

Iran-based security analyst Alireza Taghavinia, a frequent guest of state television, reacted to the mixed signals out of Tehran, writing on X, General Haghtalab has fulfilled his assigned duty. [MP] Karimi Qudousi has sent the necessary pulse. The Foreign Ministrys spokesperson has also fulfilled his inherent duty. Politics has complexities and subtleties that not everyone can understand.

Ghodousi doubled down on the comments on April 23, in a video saying that the International Atomic Energy Agency is aware that the Islamic Republic needs half a day or maximum a week to build a nuclear warhead.

The nuclear threat has been echoed by people privy to the supreme leaders thinking as well. On May 9, Khameneis top foreign policy advisor Kamal Kharrazi warned that if Israel threatens the existence of the Islamic Republic, Tehran will change its nuclear doctrine. We have no decision to build a nuclear bomb but should Irans existence be threatened, there will have no choice but to change our military doctrine, Kharrazi told Al Jazeera Mubasher.

A Persian proverb advises that, before shouting an insult, it is best to first murmur it to test the waters. The crescendoing chorus of Iranian officials, from IRGC generals to members of parliament to scientists advocating for the development of a nuclear weapon as deterrent is another sign of how a nuclear weapons program may emerge from the shadows. Unsurprisingly, all Iranian officials signaling this possible change in policy have pointed to the so-called fatwa and its impermanent natureanother sign of the move being orchestrated by the upper echelons of the clerical establishment.

Eyeing tectonic shifts in global power dynamics, the eighty-five-year-old Khamenei, who has unchecked powers and delusions about divine intervention on his behalf, is besieged by crises at every corner. In response, he appears to be shedding his decades-old habit of being a cautious gambler. Now a cornered cat, the ailing ayatollah, in a rush to solidify his legacy, is more likely than ever to embark on a path toward a nuclear weapon to ensure the survival of the Islamic Republic.

KhosroSayeh Isfahaniis an advocate, journalist, and Internet researcher with years of experience working in Iran, including work related to the LGBTQI community.

Image: Supreme Leader attending an IRGC Aerospace Force exhibition on November 19, 2023, Tehran, Iran. (Khamenei.ir)

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The nuclear fatwa that wasn'thow Iran sold the world a false narrative - Atlantic Council