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As Iran's President Ebrahim Raisi prepares to visit Saudi Arabia, AFP looks back at key moments in the relationship:

- 1979: Iran revolution -

When Iranian revolutionaries overthrow the US-backed shah in 1979 and form an Islamic republic, Sunni-led governments in the region accuse the Shiite state of seeking to "export" its revolution.

In 1980, Saddam Hussein's secular but Sunni-dominated regime in Iraq attacks neighbouring Iran, triggering an eight-year war in which oil-rich Saudi, a key US ally, supports Baghdad.

In July 1987, Saudi security forces in Mecca -- the holiest site in Islam -- crack down on an anti-US protest by Iranian pilgrims. More than 400 people are killed.

Demonstrators ransack the Saudi embassy in Tehran and, in April 1988, Riyadh breaks off diplomatic relations for several years.

From 2011 on, Iran and Saudi back opposing sides in Syria's civil war.

Tehran supports President Bashar al-Assad with military forces and funds, whereas Riyadh backs Sunni rebels but also joins a US-led coalition to fight Sunni extremists from the Islamic State group.

Saudi Arabia and Iran also take opposing sides in the Yemen war.

In 2015, a Saudi-led coalition launches a seven-year campaign of air strikes against the Iran-backed Huthi rebels who seized the capital Sanaa.

In January 2016, Saudi Arabia executes prominent Shiite cleric Nimr al-Nimr, a driving force behind anti-government protests, on "terrorism" charges.

Protesters attack Saudi diplomatic missions in Iran, and Riyadh again severs ties.

In November 2017, Saudi-backed Lebanese Prime Minister Saad Hariri announces his resignation, citing Iran's "grip" on his country through the Shiite militant group Hezbollah.

Saudi Arabia is widely suspected of forcing his resignation, which he later recants.

In June 2017, Saudi Arabia and its allies sever ties with the tiny gas-rich Gulf monarchy of Qatar and impose a blockade on it, accusing Doha of being too close to Iran and backing extremism.

Under US pressure, Riyadh ends the embargo three years later.

In a surprise move, on March 10, 2023, Tehran and Riyadh announce Chinese-brokered plans to resume ties after seven years.

Days later, Iranian President Ebrahim Raisi receives an invitation from Saudi Arabia's King Salman to visit.

On April 6, the Iranian and Saudi foreign ministers hold talks in Beijing, where they pledge to work together to bring "security and stability" to the Middle East.

On April 9, a Saudi delegation visits the Yemeni capital Sanaa to negotiate a new truce between the ousted government and Huthi rebels, raising hopes of a possible end to the war.

On April 9 and 12, Saudi and Iranian delegations visit each others' capitals to discuss reopening their respective diplomatic missions.

On April 12, Syria's foreign minister visits Saudi Arabia for the first high-level talks between Riyadh and the Iran-backed Syrian regime since the Syrian war started.

The aim of the visit is to "achieve a complete political settlement" to the Syrian crisis and to "bring back Syria to its Arab fold," the Saudi foreign ministry says.

Link:
Iran and Saudi Arabia: rivals seeking to restore ties - FRANCE 24 English

Irans Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps was said to hold a parade in support of the Palestinians on Thursday.

According to various Iranian state media, this is the biggest parade of the authority of the naval mobilization of the IRGC Navy... in support of the Palestinian people... on the shores of the Persian Gulf, the Oman Sea, and the Caspian Sea.

According to the claims, the stunt was expected to have involved some 2,500 boats and floating vessels from a whole plethora of IRGC-linked units, including the Basij. Tasnim News said the sea parade was in support of the Palestinian people and the cause of the liberation of Jerusalem.

The various events reportedly took place in the countries of the axis of resistance and on the coasts of Syria, Lebanon, Palestine, Yemen, and Iraq, presumably meaning that Hamas participated from Gaza, claiming it is doing this in Palestine.

According to earlier reports, the IRGC Navy was expected to send its vessels, which usually include hundreds of fast boats of varying type and quality, some of which have been recently outfitted with drones and other weapons. The IRGC Navy generally surpasses the actual Iranian Navy in terms of its support from the regime and its role in regime activities, often operating in the Persian Gulf, where it has harassed vessels in the past.

Iranian state media additionally claimed that according to the IRGC Navys public relations, Rear-Admiral Alireza Tangsiri said that the maritime parade will be held on April 13 in the northern and southern coastal regions of the country as well as in a number of ports around the world. He said this was to defend the [oppressed] people of Palestine, support their intifada and condemn the heinous and cruel crimes of the Zionist regime. The largest popular parade by the vessels of the IRGC Navys Basij is planned for 15:30 on Thursday.

Iran put out various statements tying together the parade of vessels with outrage at Israels activities in Jerusalem. Iranian Foreign Minister Hossein Amirabdollahian has said that Iran wants to show off an effective and deterrent action against Israel.

This all comes as Iran takes part in meetings with Russia and China in Uzbekistan, the Iranian-backed Palestinian Islamic Jihad meets in Baghdad with officials, and also as the pro-Iranian Nujaba movement in Iraq threatened Israel with drone attacks in a propaganda video.

Though these parades serve as propaganda, they also exhibit fresh Iranian capabilities. The fact that Iran was openly planning this for various countries shows that even as it reconciles with Saudi Arabia, it intends to continue to use Syria, Iraq, Lebanon, Yemen, and Gaza as threatening boards against Israel.

The coastlines of these areas add up to a large arc of Iranian influence. Recent moves by Iran in Iraq and Syria point to Iran shifting focus to those countries, and away from the Houthis in Yemen. The naval parade shows off a power Iran generally lacks, which means it does not generally have a very large navy, and neither do its proxies or allies.

Read more:
Irans pro-Palestinian naval stunt extends arc of coastline influence - The Jerusalem Post

Perusing global media coverage of the skirmishes on our northern and southern borders this month, I am struck by the fact that few outlets focus on Iranian aggression. Instead, the story has played out as a clash between Israel and Syria or between Israel and Hamas.

This is a serious error in analysis that belies a deeper and more dangerous trend, which is the tendency of Western observers to ignore the root of so much evil in the region: The Islamic Republic of Iran.

In fact, it continually surprises me that public figures I meet who are visiting from North America and Europe truly are not aware of the scope of Iranian muckraking and troublemaking in the region. Generally, they know that there are bad actors at play out there, from Al Qaeda and ISIS to Hezbollah but they dont have a comprehensive picture of Iranian belligerence and ambition or the transformative, tectonic threat of Iran to Mideast and even global stability.

If anything, they often think that the JCPOA (United States president Barack Obamas nuclear deal with Iran) is still in place, shunting concerns about Iran to the backburner and that the ayatollahs now are placidly focusing on rebuilding their society and economy.

But of course, nothing could be farther from the truth. Iran is on an aggressive march across the Middle East, presenting significant security challenges to Israel, moderate Sunni Arab countries and Western interests. Iran does not hide its overarching revolutionary ambitions: to export its brand of radical Islamism globally, dominate the region and destroy Israel.

SO, FOR the purposes of briefing those who have not been paying sufficient attention, here is a summary of the treacherous Iranian record.

Iran is carving out a corridor of control a Shiite land bridge stretching from the Arabian (Persian) Gulf to the Mediterranean Sea, including major parts of Iraq, Syria and Lebanon, under the control of the Iranian Revolutionary Guards Corps (IRGC) and its Quds Force, various Shiite militias and the Hezbollah organization. This corridor gives Iran a broad strategic base for aggression across the region.

Iran is establishing air and naval bases on the Mediterranean, the Red Sea and especially in Syria to project regional power. It has also stepped up its harassment of international shipping and Western naval operations in the Persian Gulf. Iranian UAV attacks have claimed innocent lives, such as British and Romanian civilians killed in the attack on the Mercer Street oil tanker off the coast of Oman. Iranian UAVs and missiles endanger civilian flights across the region, too.

Iran is inserting militia forces into many regional conflicts, including support for the Houthi rebels in the Yemeni civil war. It seeks control of the Horn of Africa and the entrance to the Red Sea a critical strategic chokepoint on international shipping.

Iran is fomenting subversion in Middle East counties that are Western allies, including Saudi Arabia, Egypt and Jordan. It remains to be seen whether the recent, tentative rapprochement between Tehran and Riyadh, brokered by China, will temper this. It is particularly focused on destabilizing the Hashemite regime in Jordan to gain access to Israels longest border (its border with Jordan) and from there to penetrate Israels heartland.

Iran is threatening Israel with war and eventual destruction. The Supreme Leader of Iran, Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, regularly refers to Israel as a cancerous tumor in the Middle East that must be removed and speaks of the complete liberation of Palestine (meaning the destruction of Israel) through holy jihad.

Israel and Iran essentially have been in a war of stealth since the early 1980s (when Hezbollah was formed) but now Iranian generals and military forces have decamped on Israels border with Syria and moved to direct and open military confrontation with Israel. Israels defense establishment believes that Khamenei has issued direct orders to increase efforts to strike Israeli targets inside Israel and in the West Bank and to increase support for Palestinian terrorist organizations that do so.

Indeed, Iran is arming guerrilla armies on Israels northern border (Hezbollah and most recently, Hamas in Lebanon), the southern border (Hamas and Islamic Jihad) and terrorist undergrounds in the West Bank. It has equipped Hezbollah with an arsenal of over 150,000 missiles and rockets aimed at Israel and has supplied Hamas with the arms and rockets that fueled three significant military confrontations with Israel over the past decade.

Iran has launched several surveillance and attack drones from Syria into Israel and commanded anti-aircraft batteries that fire on Israeli jets (and even felled a $50 million, NIS 182.6 m., F-16I, the first Israeli jet felled by enemy fire in 30 years).

Iran is sponsoring terrorism against Western, Israeli and Jewish targets around the world, including through unambiguous funding, logistical support, planning and personnel for terrorist attacks that span the globe, from Buenos Aires to Burgas. Iran maintains an active terrorist network of proxies, agents and sleeper cells worldwide.

IRAN IS building a long-term nuclear military option, with enrichment and armament facilities buried deep underground. According to the IAEA, Iran has enriched uranium to near-bomb-ready levels (84%, which is very close to the 90% level necessary for a nuclear weapon) and is accumulating such weapons-grade uranium for the production of an estimated five nuclear weapons within three months. According to intelligence assessments, this could be in place within two years.

Like his predecessors, US President Joe Biden has pledged that he will never allow Iran to acquire a nuclear weapon. But his chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, General Mark Milley, hinted to Congress last month of a dramatic shift in administration policy. He said that the US only remains committed Iran will not have a fielded nuclear weapon. This suggests that the Biden administration is now prepared to tolerate developed nuclear weapons in Irans hands, provided the weapon is not fielded, in other words, deployed.

Iran is developing a formidable long-range missile arsenal of great technological variability, including solid and liquid propellant ballistic missiles, cruise missiles and ICBMs. The entire Iranian ballistic missile program is in violation of United Nations Security Council prohibitions.

Three years ago, Tehran fired ballistic missiles with considerable accuracy at bases housing US troops in Iraq. More than 100 American service members suffered traumatic brain injuries and the consequences could have been even worse had the US not received an advance pinpoint warning from its closest regional ally, Israel.

Last January, Tehrans proxies in Yemen apparently used similar missiles in an attempted strike against a base housing American military forces in the UAE. And at least twice last year, once in March and once in September, Iran launched ballistic missiles at targets in Iraqi Kurdistan, with the latter strike killing 13 people, including one US citizen. Most recently, on March 23 and April 11, Iranian proxies struck US forces in Syria.

These attacks demonstrate the increasing willingness of Tehran and its terrorist proxies to use these weapons to punish and deter action against their regional terror networks. They are part of Irans effort to evict America from the Middle East and coerce US partners into accommodating the Islamic Republic.

The latest Iranian ICBM, the Khorramshahr, seems to be based on the North Korean BM25 missile with a range of 3,500 km. (See Arsenal: Assessing the Islamic Republic of Irans Ballistic Missile Program, by Behnam Ben Taleblu of the Foundation for the Defense of Democracies, January 2023.)

Iran is providing Russia with armed attack drones for President Vladimir Putins war against Ukraine. Experts presume that in return Iran will be getting sophisticated Russian military technologies, such as aerial defense systems and fighter jets for its wars against Israel and pro-Western Arab regimes in the Middle East.

Overall, Iran is strengthening its ties with Russia and China, toning down its conflict with Saudi Arabia and warming its relations with Turkmenistan, Kazakhstan and Armenia as part of a unified front against what it calls the Great Satan, America and the Small Satan, Israel.

As all this happens, the US is beset by political polarization, economic mismanagement and an apparent loss of will. US political and social coherence is in question and as a result, so is its deterrent power. At the moment, some would say the same about Israel.

As Prof. Walter Russell Mead writes, America shrugs (at challengers like China and Iran), so world leaders make other plans (like partnering with China and Iran).

What is sorely missing is a strategy to combat the malign influence and hegemonic ambitions of the mullahs.

The writer is a senior fellow at the Misgav Institute for Zionist Strategy and National Security. The views expressed here are his own. His diplomatic, defense, political and Jewish world columns over the past 26 years are archived at davidmweinberg.com.

More here:
Reawakening to the Iranian threat - opinion - The Jerusalem Post

The Second Nagorno-Karabakh War in 2020 and the ensuing ceasefire agreement allowed Azerbaijan to capture significant parts of the disputed region.

Iran did not oppose Azerbaijans aggressive approach to restoring its territorial integrity, with Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei explicitly defending Bakus stance against Armenia. Yet, Azerbaijan has since made a push to seize more territory and fundamentally alter the regional geopolitical landscape - with the help of Turkey and Israel.

Azerbaijans strategy faces the greatest regional opposition from Iran, which maintains that Azerbaijans postwar position is not consistent with guaranteeing the countrys territorial integrity, but rather with changing international borders and encroaching on Armenian territory.

The previous Nagorno-Karabakh conflict had nothing to do with Azerbaijans seizure of Armenian territory during clashes last September. Armenias territorial integrity is not recognised by Azerbaijan, and the conflict has created dire humanitarian conditions for those living in the region.

At the same time, Azerbaijan has faced criticism for not fully implementing the 2020 ceasefire agreement. The deal stipulates that Azerbaijan must ensure the safe passage of people, goods, and vehicles along the Lachin corridor, a road that connects Armenia to Nagorno-Karabakh, although a replacement route was to be constructed within three years. Azeris have blocked the Lachin corridor and an alternative route, violating the peace agreement.

Despite Azerbaijans assertion that Armenia transports weapons into Nagorno-Karabakh via the Lachin corridor, no reliable evidence has been provided to support this notion.

Meanwhile, Azerbaijan says that Armenia must guarantee a connection, dubbed the Zangezur corridor, between Azerbaijan and theNakhchivan Autonomous Republic, as per the ceasefire agreement. But Tehran fears this route would block the Iran-Armenia border, reducing its geopolitical influence in the South Caucasus.

Since Russia has been apathetic towards Azerbaijan and the US and other European powers have appeased it, Baku thinks that, with the help of Israel and Turkey, it can establish a territorial connection between Azerbaijan and Nakhchivan by military force.

Iran has been forced to show its teeth and claws. Its forces have been stationed at the border ahead of potential Azeri military operations, but Tehran is not planning preemptive military action. Rather, it will conduct warning and preventative operations if Azerbaijan crosses geopolitical red lines.

Russia, the guarantor of the 2020 ceasefire agreement, has expressed hope that the tensions between Iran and Azerbaijan can be resolved. The US, meanwhile, considers Iran a threat to Azerbaijan and has provided Baku with security aid.

Because Azerbaijan refuses to allow a monitoring mission to be established on its territory, the European Union cannot monitor Azerbaijans aggressive behaviour on the ground.

Meanwhile, Israel, which has sent large amounts of military equipment to Azerbaijan in recent years, also reportedly has an airfield in the country, which is ready in case it opts to attack Iranian nuclear facilities.

In Irans view, Azerbaijans energy resources and transit capacities, as well as its geopolitical position and military power on the borders of Iran and the Caspian Sea, have prompted the US and Europe to adopt a non-confrontational, low-cost policy towards Baku.

In this view, Azerbaijan will be more likely to challenge Irans northwestern borders and its Azeri-populated provinces in the future if it can use militarism to conquer neighbouring lands with international impunity.

To this end, Azeri President Ilham Aliyev has publicly declared himself a supporter of the rights of Iranian Azeris, while Azerbaijani media have referred to these communities as south Azerbaijan.

If Tehran backs down in the face of Bakus territorial adventurism, Azerbaijan will likely become more influential and important to the West.

Iran also faces a geoeconomic threat from Azerbaijans agenda on its border. Although the 2020 ceasefire agreement stipulates that a connecting route would be established between Nakhchivan and Azerbaijan, Baku envisions a high-capacity corridor. The Zangezur corridor would basically comprise a strategic transit route from Central Asia to Europe via the Caspian Sea and South Caucasus, marginalising Russia and Iran, which have their own vision for a regional trade corridor.

Iran does not oppose the connection of the Azerbaijani heartland to Nakhchivan through Armenian territory, with Tehran having allowed Azerbaijan to use its airspace to reach the autonomous republic. For Iran, rather, the concern hinges on the potential for Baku to exploit the Zangezur corridor for political, economic, and security reasons.

Amid Azerbaijans non-compliance with the 2020 ceasefire agreement and its actions around the Lachin corridor, alongside Bakus close ties with Tel Aviv, Tehran has concluded that Azerbaijan is not a reliable partner. There is a risk that the Lachin scenario could be repeated at some point in future along Irans border.

Iran's military capabilities far outweigh those of Azerbaijan, whose security would be fragile in the event of a limited or large-scale conflict

Currently, Tehrans top security priority is to prevent Azerbaijan from invading southern Armenia and capturing its border with Iran. Among its political priorities are direct negotiations between Armenia and Azerbaijan over Nagorno-Karabakhs territorial status, and establishing communication lines and borders without the involvement of external European and Nato actors.

Iran is not interested in western-led peacekeeping missions in the South Caucasus. Rather, it would prefer to resolve the crisis via the 3+3 format, involving Iran, Russia, Turkey, Armenia, Azerbaijan, and Georgia.

As for Tehrans economic priorities, they include equal participation in transit corridors and equitably sharing regional economic interests.

Irans macro policy in the South Caucasus is to maintain a regional balance and prevent conflicts and wars. Iran does not intend to escalate tensions with Azerbaijan and launch a military conflict and it recently appointed a new ambassador to Azerbaijan as a sign of goodwill.

From Irans standpoint, Azerbaijans behaviour is a result of Israeli provocations, and Iran has deployed military forces along its border not to intimidate Baku, but to push Israel back. Irans military capabilities far outweigh those of Azerbaijan, whose security would be fragile in the event of a limited or large-scale conflict.

The views expressed in this article belong to the author and do not necessarily reflect the editorial policy of Middle East Eye.

See the article here:
Are Iran and Azerbaijan coming to the brink of war? - Middle East Eye

An Iranian academic group says more than 400 students have been suspended or expelled in the wake of recent nationwide protests sparked by the death of 22-year-old Mahsa Amini last September while being held for allegedly violating the strict Islamic dress code for women.

The Union Council of Iranian Students said on April 13 that 435 students had been hit with disciplinary measures, which were carried out through an illegal and security-driven process. In recent weeks, there have also been several reports of university professors being fired or suspended for accompanying protesting students.

The council said that, in response to the suspensions and expulsions, students from different universities launched a Twitter campaign on April 7 calling for the reinstatement of their colleagues.

Anger over Amini's death has prompted thousands of Iranians to take to the streets to demand more freedoms and women's rights.

Numerous protests have been held at universities, particularly in Tehran, where many students have refused to attend class. At the rallies, protesting students have chanted "Woman, life, freedom" and "Death to the dictator," a reference to the country's supreme leader, Ayatollah Ali Khamenei. Some female students have also removed and burned their head scarves at the demonstrations.

Universities and students have long been at the forefront of the struggle for greater social and political freedoms in Iran. In 1999, students protested the closure of a reformist daily, prompting a brutal raid on the dorms of Tehran University that left one student dead.

Over the years, the authorities have arrested student activists and leaders, sentencing them to prison and banning them from studying.

According to the Human Rights News Agency (HRANA), dating back to the start of the protests, 637 students have been detained among the 144 universities across the country that have participated in the unrest. Some sources within Iran have reported the number of detained students to be over 700.

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Iranian Group Says More Than 400 Students Sanctioned In Wake Of Protests - Radio Free Europe / Radio Liberty