Archive for the ‘Iraq’ Category

How Iran Won the Iraq War | Time – TIME

As we observe the twentieth anniversary of the Iraq War, which claimed more than 4,600 American lives and countless Iraqis, we must make an honest assessment of the war. The war cost the U.S. trillions, upended Middle East stability, and ultimately benefited Irans aggressive and expansionist agenda by capturing much of the political and military institutions in Baghdad and Damascus. Despite its tremendous cost, the war weakened Americas geostrategic position and damaged our national credibility.

What can be learned from this calamity? As authors of the U.S. governments definitive study on the Iraq War, two somewhat conflicting central points stand out. First, the war should never have occurred. Second, once the war began, it should not have been abandoned without leaving behind a stable Iraq, even if that meant staying for years.

Invading Iraq in 2003 was strategic folly and one of the worst foreign policy decisions in the history of the Republic. Tainted and inaccurate intelligence provided justification for disarming Saddam Hussein of weapons of mass destruction that didnt exist. Pretending that Iraq could be the hearth for democracy in the Middle East or that it was abetting Al Qaeda terrorists were similar delusions. But the decision to invade defied an even larger truth, one that was clear even before the war. Iraq provided a physical and practical buffer to Iran, a country that few disputed had an active weapons of mass destruction program in 2003 and which has consistently demonstrated the intent to use such a capability alongside its terrorist objectives.

Iran, which regularly calls for the destruction of the U.S. and actively supports our enemies, was the larger and clearer threat to our interests both then and now. Regime change in Iraq destroyed a status quo that, by extension, benefitted the U.S. In essence, Iraqs geostrategic position in 2003 helped regional security by focusing Irans attention and resources next door. In addition to this geopolitical damage, the preemptive invasion, conducted without U.N. Security Council authorization and on the basis of dubious intelligence, squandered our international standing and goodwill, which was abundant in the wake of 9/11.

Read More: There Were Many Ways to Die in Baghdad

Once the invasion occurred and Iraqs security forces evaporated those same considerations should have driven U.S. policy to restore the countrys stability, vis--vis Iran. The region represents a vital strategic interest for the U.S., as does blocking the expansion of Iranian influence. Unfortunately, the U.S. chose to ignore this reality and when politically expedient, withdrew from Iraq and hoped for the best. Beyond the error of the initial invasion, withdrawing was nearly as significant a strategic error, placing Iraqs future into the hands of a corrupt and sectarian Prime Minister who was intent to establish Shia domination and Iranian alignment. While Iraqs condition had improved significantly since 2003, sufficient signs existed in 2011 that progress was fragile. Prime Minister Nouri al Malikis sectarianism and authoritarianism, toxic components that would lead to further destruction of Iraq, had been on full display and reported to Washington. Iraq, shattered by decades of war, sanctions, and corruption, needed longer to heal and needed American help to prevent an Iranian takeover.

Although we had decided that we were done with Iraq and all its associated challenges, Iraq wasnt done with us. American strategic myopia enabled Malikis government to kill or disenfranchise Sunnis and financially isolate the Kurds, paving the way for the rise of ISIS and a return of U.S. forces. We are still in Iraq today, and still without a status of forces agreement that was used for political cover to end our military presence in 2011. But todays Iraq looks very different. Iranian-backed militias, on the Iraqi payroll, now outnumber the Iraqi Army. The Ministry of Defense now includes officers and generals who are designated terrorists. Iranian aligned militias have captured state resources through political representation in Parliament and by controlling key posts in lucrative ministries. Irans influence now waxes in an uninterrupted arc from Tehran to the Mediterranean, traipsing across Iraq, Syria, and Lebanon.

Retaining U.S. forces in Iraq would have been a difficult decision for a war weary America. But a residual force that was closely tied to key political objectives and aimed at reducing Iranian influence could have prevented the treacherous strategic situation we face today: Iraq as a broken and devastated nation, serving as a base and transit point for Iranian forces. Luckily, the U.S. retains some tools to steer Iraq to a more constructive and stable future. The U.S. can impose high economic costs on the Iraqi military and government to remove Iran-backed terrorists from its payroll, withhold U.S. banknote transfers that inexplicably continue despite their laundering by Iran, and remove sanctions waivers so Iraq can free itself from an artificial energy dependence on Iran. And perhaps most importantly, the U.S. must militarily deter Iran so that it retracts rather than expands its regional aggression. Only these measures are likely to reverse the tailspin of Iraqs perilous future, a future that we set in motion twenty years ago.

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How Iran Won the Iraq War | Time - TIME

Waiting for the US to Invade My Iraq – Inkstick

The banana smells so good, can you please buy me one, I want to taste it, I asked my father at the market when I was in the third grade in the 1990s, and when Iraq was under economic sanctions. Oh, my dear, those are fake, look, it even has stickers on them, my Baba responded. His response brought on my dilemma. I know my Baba doesnt lie, but those bananas smelled too real to be fake. I only wonder how hard it must have been for my father not to be able to buy me that banana.

My family had to be creative to survive in Iraq in the 1990s as the sanctions crippled the economy. I remember my family sewing our school bags out of rice bags or old jeans and buying one pencil for me and my two siblings to use at school. This wasnt really a choice, but a necessity as sanctions (hesar) made buying ordinary things difficult. But who should I blame? Saddam Hussein, who dragged Iraq into many wars, or US administrations that sanctioned Iraq heavily in the 1990s in an attempt to topple Saddam by starving his own people?

Everything was blamed on hesar. Children dying, lack of food and medicines, unemployment, absence of quality education, and the lines on peoples faces growing deeper and deeper day by day. This was all the hesars fault. Yet, this suffering apparently wasnt enough.

On Mar. 16, 2003, President George W. Bush gave Saddam and his two sons, Uday and Qusay, 48 hours to leave Iraq or face war.

WAITING FOR THE WAR

My parents could read the writing on the wall, as Americans say. After Bushs announcement, they decided to go to my grandparents house since it was safer. Even though their house was also in Baghdad, it was away from the places that could be targeted by the US-led coalition of the willing.

The weather was hot and dry as we drove through Baghdad, the world outside sparse and quiet. People seemed to be going through the paces of their normal life. A donkey pulled a cart carrying recyclable goods. A woman walked on the side of the road wearing her long black abaya, carrying a plastic grocery bag in her hand. A couple of kids played soccer in the street. Heading toward the highway, I saw the plumed flame from the Daura oil refinery like a candle. I gazed at the beautiful mosques standing tall under the shafts of the sun while birds flew in groups around the minarets where the imams recited the call for prayers; Allahu Akbar, Allahu Akbar. Listening to the athan five times a day from the speakers minarets at any place in Iraq was comforting.

Our arrival at my grandparents house was not filled with the usual excitement but instead was focused on one thing: survival. There we were on the verge of yet another war with the United States.

Has your country ever been invaded? Do you know the sounds? The way you can feel them in your body when it happens in your city?

The adults were all very stressed. As we settled down, the men started talking about the current situation and shared their thoughts. My grandfather stated, The Iraqi streets are in a state of denial. Many people dont believe that the war is coming. My uncle protested, This time its going to happen, but Saddam is now threatening that he is going to use weapons of mass destruction, WMD, which could have a big impact on millions of people. My grandfather explained that he had heard that Saddam was actually going to use weapons of mass destruction if he felt that he was going to lose the fight. My grandfather recalled a rumor about Saddam saying, Alaia w ala aadaie which means he would use it against his enemy and himself rather than losing the war. Essentially, the scorched earth strategy.

We all sat in the garden during Asr time (the time after noon and sunset) for what seemed like one last time before Iraq changed forever. My grandfather held the radio close to his ear, listening to Radio Monte Carlo. My grandmother brought out the cardamom tea with her freshly baked bread that she used to make regularly while my aunt laid down the plastic mat, the hasira, which every Iraqi house possessed, to sit on. My uncle brought out a couple of mahfas, handmade fans made of palm fronds, which are now becoming increasingly hard to find.

I volunteered to spray the trees with water from the long hose that ran from the main faucet. As I started to spray, the fresh smell of jasmine filled the garden. I then joined everyone and sat on the hasira to have bread and tea, which was something that we usually ate as kids during sanctions. We could hear kids playing soccer outside, a man calling out for his son, and the birds flying in the clear sky. I remember being filled with a strange feeling. Is this what they mean when they say the calm before the storm?

Since this wasnt our first war, we were very experienced in things like what types of food to stock up on. So, each family member did their job. My grandmother made sure that she bought extra potatoes, dry beans, flour, rice, and oil. My aunt and my mother boxed up the plates from the china cabinet. Meanwhile, my uncles helped each other tape the windows with X-shapes to mitigate the shattering of glass in case of an explosion. They also hung blankets on the windows, especially in the bedrooms and living rooms, since thats where we spent most of our time. They bought candles and extra kerosene lamps to use during power outages. My grandfather had been filling up the big blue plastic tanks with water and placing them in the bathroom and under the stairs, in case the water was cut and the war went long. But filling up the water tanks and having kerosene lamps was part of our daily life since we regularly experienced power and water shortages.

According to Bushs deadline, the invasion was hours away. Thinking of it now, what a strange word deadline is to use to start an actual invasion that would upend millions of lives. My sister, brother, and I went to pick up the thin mattresses, blankets, and pillows from the baytoona upstairs, a room where our house stuff was stored, to put them on the ground in the bedroom and sleep. We were told to sleep in the room with the fewest windows to be safe from the shelling.

As I prepared to go to sleep that first night, waiting for Bushs deadline, I observed how tired the adults faces were. I realized how each and every war in Iraq had stolen years of our lives. How they had always lived under the strain of the unknown. I remember my grandfather smoking furiously while pacing the kitchen in his white dishdasha (traditional Iraqi menswear that is a long white shirt). He often flipped his shmagh (the red and white mens scarf) that he wore around his neck as he paced with the radio plastered to one ear to hear any news. My uncles were sitting in the living room discussing possibilities and sharing updates. Their voices peppered the night like birds.

What did the United States bring to Iraq? Certainly not accountability or justice or stability or democracy. Instead, millions of Iraqis were and remain displaced.

We lay on our mattresses while my mother and aunt lay beside us, sharing worries. The power was on, but the lights were off, and the door almost shut except for a faint glow penetrating the rooms darkness. That night wasnt like any Id ever experienced before. Every minute passed slowly, like molasses. Lizards darted furtively around the room, as if they, too, were standing guard. One in particular had set up shop near our clock and constantly poked his head out from behind the numbers to check on us. It was so strange, and the world was so quiet except for a stray dog barking outside and the clock ticking. It seemed like even the clock showing the time to be 1:05 am was afraid of the future, moving heavily in hopes of delaying the war. I thought of my friends and wondered if they were safe. Then I thought of possibly being hit by a missile.

Would I still be able to attend school after the war? Would I see my friends again? Would Baghdad be very different after this war? It seemed like there were no clear answers to any of my questions. In fact, no one in Iraq knew exactly what would happen next. I looked back at the golden shiny clock. It was only 1:10 am. No one wanted this war, but how long can we delay it? I stayed up all night, thinking and unable to fall asleep.

In the very early hours of the morning, my grandfather pushed the bedroom door wide open and announced with a stressful and loud voice, Get up, the war has started.

THE SOUNDS OF WAR

Has your country ever been invaded? Do you know the sounds? The way you can feel them in your body when it happens in your city?

We heard explosions that werent yet close. We watched our windows, but they remained intact. Iraqis had expected the war to never start, but it did. Not much happened the first day, though, and later, my mother blamed my grandfather for waking us all up. Like it was nothing, after all.

But the tension in the house grew day by day. We heard sirens all the time. The news reported that the provinces in the south were fighting the Americans and that they hadnt fallen yet. On the other hand, the news my grandfather heard on the radio was different. His station said the provinces in the south were indeed surrendering, and the US-led coalition was approaching Baghdad. We heard that Saddams palaces were bombed. The explosions seemed to be coming closer to us, and the house began to shake.

The Iraqi TV channels were broadcasting the news stating that the war was going just fine and Saddams officials held numerous news conferences telling us that Iraq would not yield to the Americans. And artists played their parts as well. The famous singer, Qasim Al Sultan, stood wearing his grey dishdasha, white and black scarves wrapping his head. He held his weapon in his hand while standing in the middle of an army of men who were also holding guns, carrying Saddams pictures and the Iraqi flags, praising Saddam and the Iraqi army. Just go forward to the war and leave it to your men to fight, sang Al Sultan.

Also, just as Iraqis thought that Saddam was dead during one of the air raids, he appeared in the Adhamiya area, a Sunni-dominated area in Baghdad in the middle of the crowd waving his hands and smiling. Baba Saddam, or father Saddam as he liked Iraqi kids to call him, looked different. There was a rumor circulating that his surgeon had performed plastic surgery on many other men to create his double look-a-likes that would enable him to be in several places at once. This man looked like he could be Saddams double, but no one was sure of anything anymore.

This was the nature of war: the terror and uncertainty, the daily mystery of sounds and faces.

BAGHDADS FALL

The Americans were dropping bombs everywhere. In the third week of the war, we heard that many members of the Iraqi army who lived nearby had returned. They said that everything had been destroyed, and there was nothing left to fight for. For us, everything indicated that Iraq had lost the war, and we had two options: die by Saddams weapons of mass destruction (which many Iraqis believed that Iraq had even though evidence eventually indicated that this was not true) or look toward a sanctions-free future. Opposite ends of an odd spectrum indeed, but one that every Iraqi would be familiar with.

During the last days before the fall of Baghdad, we heard a rumor that Udays palace in Radhwaniya area was hit in an air raid. A couple of hours later, my grandfather came running to check the front doors. When he discovered that the kitchen door, which led to the main big house gate, was unlocked, he was furious at everyone for not noticing. He stated, Dont you know that Udays big lions that he trained to eat humans are now set free? Human-eating lions set loose in Baghdad may seem like a fantasy but the war was making anything possible.

US forces arrived in Baghdad in the beginning of April 2003. We heard the coalition tried to control the airport and that it wasnt an easy fight. The news told us the Americans had used weapons that made a whole tank and human dissolve and disappear. On the other hand, the Iraqi military used flour to make it look like they used weapons of mass destruction. According to the returning soldiers, the airport did fall. Yet, the Minister of Information Muhammed Said Al Sahaf reported, Today we slaughtered them in the airport. They are out of Saddam International Airport and The force that was in the airport, this force was destroyed.

On Apr. 9, 2003, Baghdad fell. In his last appearance, Al Sahaf stood on a bridge in Baghdad and stated, The Americans are going to surrender or be burned in their tanks. They will surrender, it is they who will surrender. But in the broadcast, we could see an American tank parked a couple of meters away from him. His claims were so outlandish that he was nicknamed Baghdad Bob.

Al Sahaf constantly used the word uluj, which is a worm that attaches itself to a body and sucks blood, to describe the US forces that overtook Baghdad and the whole country. For some, those forces were heroes and marked the beginning of Iraqs post-Saddam era and democracy, while for others, they were merely invaders.

IRAQ NOW

On May 1, 2003, Bush announced that major combat operations in Iraq had ended. People were happy that Saddam was overthrown after 30 years of dictatorship, while others didnt express any feelings. I just wondered about my friends and whether they had survived the war or not.

With Saddam gone, I thought this meant no more sanctions. I couldnt wait to see my father buying us bananas, the real ones. The Americans and their allies promised us Iraqis a better country. I imagined a better school system and buildings where one didnt suffer from the cold in the winter or the heat in the summer. I wanted to go to school in a building that looked like the ones in America, the ones we saw on television. But, of course, those were false promises.

What did the United States bring to Iraq? Certainly not accountability or justice or stability or democracy. Instead, millions of Iraqis were and remain displaced. My family was forced to leave Iraq in 2006 when sectarian violence was at its peak. Shia and Sunni, two terms that we rarely used, were now part of our daily conversations. Radical groups targeted my Sunni father and Shia mother. After my dads cousin was kidnapped, drilled to death, and found in the trash in Baghdad, my parents decided it was not safe to stay there anymore, so we fled.

Our displacement journey is just one story out of thousands, even millions, as 9.2 million Iraqis are refugees worldwide or internally displaced. We left for Syria, where we lived for two years. I finished high school, and my family was granted refugee status in the United States in 2008.

In 2018, I visited Iraq for the first time since I fled to work on a documentary project on life under ISIS in Mosul in northern Iraq. The city has been liberated a few months before I arrived. As I tried to film the reality of Iraq while walking through Mosul, it seemed as if everything had been reduced to rubble. And the smell of death filled the air. My Iraq was not any better than when I had left it 12 years ago at that time.

I returned once again in January 2023. Baghdad is full of life, and every part speaks to a certain time in history. I remembered the Baghdad of the 1990s and reflected on those days in 2003, when the war started. I alsovisited the National Museum, took a boat ride on the Tigris river, and walked on Al Mutanabi street, a famous street where Iraqis gather to talk, socialize, sing, and, most importantly, buy books.

I didnt have the courage to enter my school. I stood at the gate, staring at the hallway that leads to the schools backyard. I knew if I crossed this hallway, it would distort the beautiful memories I had of my friends, our laughter and carefree times. The promise of returning to school still haunt me. I stood right where Raghdad, my best friend, was shot and killed by coalition forces in 2003. And a few feet away from where I stood, our school guard Haris was shot in 2004 by an unidentified radical group.

I also returned to my grandparents house. The garden was neglected; there were no more jasmine plants to water, and the swing was rusty. Everything had changed except the stain of those X marks on the windows made by the tape my uncles had put up all those years ago as we had waited for Bushs deadline back in 2003. My grandfather still follows the news closely.

At my grandparents house in Baghdad in January 2023 with my little one. Photo by Noor Ghazi.

These memories stay with me wherever I go. They are a part of me. And I know my fellow Iraqis hold similar memories, a mix of nostalgia and longing.

Twenty years after the invasion, it seems the world has forgotten and even abandoned Iraq. Conversations about the US-led coalition on Iraq are always centered on the lessons learned from the Iraq war, but it seems to me that the main lesson not to wage a wholly unjustified and brutal invasion remains unlearned.

Noor Ghazi is an international peace activist born in Baghdad, Iraq. She was featured in Women and the Iraq War, 20 Years Later report, where she shared her recommendations for improving womens rights in Iraq.

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Waiting for the US to Invade My Iraq - Inkstick

The Many Lives and Deaths of Iraq, as Witnessed by Ghaith Abdul … – The Intercept

Amidst massive protests around the United States and the world, on March 19, 2003, the U.S. began its invasion of Iraq. This week on Intercepted, Jeremy Scahill, Murtaza Hussain, and Iraqi journalist Ghaith Abdul-Ahad discuss the long-lasting impact of the war on Iraq and its people. Throughout the 20 years since the invasion, Iraq was torn to shreds by a gratuitous American occupation and a U.S.-fueled sectarian civil war. Hundreds of thousands of Iraqi civilians died as U.S. policy gave rise to Al Qaeda and ultimatelythe Islamic State in Iraq.

While many commemorations of this bloody anniversary focus on the 2003 invasion, the plans to destroy Iraq were launched much earlier and were supported by Democrats and Republicans alike. Scahill, Hussain, and Abdul-Ahad discuss life under Saddam Hussein, the lead-up to the U.S. invasion, the brutality of the occupation, and the systematic refusal to bring any accountability for those responsible.

Of course, the Iraqis could not believe that their new colonial masters had no clue, had done no planning and made no preparations for what was going to happen after they invaded the country, Abdul-Ahad writes in his new book, A Stranger in Your Own City: Travels in the Middle Easts Long War. When the myth of an American-generated prosperity clashed with the realities of occupation, chaos and destruction followed. Resentment and anger swept the country and all the suppressed rage of the previous decades exploded.

Abdul-Ahad shares stories from his deeply human reporting on his personal journey from an architect living in Baghdad to a celebrated international journalist documenting the rise and fall of ISIS.

Transcript coming soon.

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The Many Lives and Deaths of Iraq, as Witnessed by Ghaith Abdul ... - The Intercept

Letters to the Editor: The Iraq war’s other major casualty: U.S. … – Los Angeles Times

To the editor: Robin Abcarian plainly describes the ways in which the American public was taken in by the George W. Bush administration and abetted by the mainstream media in the need to start a war with Iraq.

What she doesnt point out is that subterfuge led by Vice President Dick Cheney and his cohorts in the military industrial complex led to the indefensible squandering of the significant budget surplus (the peace dividend) that had arisen during the 1990s.

This led to the tremendous increase in the national debt and the continuing unnecessary wrangling over the need to raise the debt ceiling. A great opportunity was lost.

Noel Johnson, Glendale

..

To the editor: Abcarian is certainly right that most of the media messed up big time by carrying water for the Bush administrations fabricated reasons for going to war in Iraq. But saying newspaper chain Knight-Ridders Washington bureau was the only significant exception sells short other journalism.

In January 2004, Jason Vest and Robert Dreyfus of Mother Jones magazine published The Lie Factory, which detailed the systematic twisting and fabrication of bogus evidence in the Bush administration about Iraq trying to obtain weapons of mass destruction.

That article is still worth a read.

Alex Murray, Altadena

..

To the editor: I am shocked by columnist Lorraine Alis description of seasoned senior editors at Newsweek, where she worked when the Iraq war started in 2003, treating the bombing of Baghdad as a legitimate target instead of the heinous and hysterical act it was.

Was the public behind it? I certainly wasnt behind it, nor was anyone I knew. It seemed obvious that the claim of weapons of mass destruction and therefore a need to destroy Baghdad was a frenzied response by a loose cannon (President Bush). No one had threatened or attacked us.

I didnt think Baghdad was deserted; I thought evil was raining down on mothers and babies in my name as an American citizen. It was a very, very shameful start to an unjust war.

I hope our government will have more rational leaders who do not give in to violent impulses that rock the globe.

Beth Ruben, Santa Barbara

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Letters to the Editor: The Iraq war's other major casualty: U.S. ... - Los Angeles Times

My plagiarised work was used to justify the war on Iraq – Al Jazeera English

Imagine it is February 5, 2003. The US secretary of state is speaking in front of the United Nations, holding your work in his hands, as he calls for a war on another sovereign nation. How would you feel?

Well, it happened to me, and I felt shocked.

That night I was visiting my parents home in Monterey, California, watching Colin Powell present the UN with a montage of satellite photographs supposedly showing weapons of mass destruction, the intercepted calls of an Iraqi officer who was allegedly hiding them and claims that Iraq could weaponise anthrax to carry out a terrorist attack.

Finally, Powell said, I would call my colleagues attention to the fine paper that the United Kingdom distributed yesterday, which describes in exquisite detail Iraqi deception activities. I almost jumped off the velour sectional in my parents living room.

Mom, thats my work he is holding in his hands! I shouted.

Uh huh, she said, fixated on the TV, perhaps not hearing what I had just said.

A day earlier, I had been informed by a Cambridge University scholar that an article based on a chapter of my PhD dissertation I had published online had been plagiarised in an intelligence dossier. The British government was brandishing this document in an effort to rally public support at home for an attack on Iraq. It was also apparently passed on to the Americans.

I went to sleep that evening wondering how, if my mom was not even convinced, would the world ever know about my plagiarised research.

I was woken up at dawn the following day by a phone call from a CNN journalist in London asking, How does it feel to know that the British government plagiarised your research?

To a young, struggling Iraqi-American PhD student at Oxford University, it felt surreal.

The news had broken in London while I was asleep in California in my childhood bed, lying at a diagonal so that my legs wouldnt dangle off the edge. I stared at the model airplanes I built as a teenager, hanging from the ceiling. The real-life versions of those planes would in a few weeks bomb Iraq, and I was unwillingly made part of it.

The article the British government had plagiarised focused on Iraqs security sector the complicated, confusing and convoluted network of secret police, spy agencies and military units that propped up Saddam Husseins rule and his republic of fear.

My research, which focused on Iraqs occupation of Kuwait leading up to the 1990 Gulf War, illustrated the brutality of Saddams regime. Perhaps thats why it was plagiarised by the Brits. But it in no way argued for the invasion of the country by foreign powers.

The authors of the intelligence dossier had changed key words from my article to suggest that Iraq had supported al-Qaeda and then padded the plagiarised material with their own pages that argued for military action.

This act of plagiarism by the British government would propel me on a trajectory of fame and infamy. British media would use my work to point to the flawed intelligence the US and the UK had presented ahead of the invasion. And months later, I would testify before a parliamentary inquiry into the actions of Prime Minister Tony Blairs government.

I would be interchangeably presented by the media as a champion of truth, helping expose US and UK government lies, and as a person who supposedly encouraged the invasion. Some went as far as branding me the man who started the war, as a result of which I experienced a fair share of hostility in my personal and public life.

Indeed, I opposed Saddams regime and its brutality but did not wish for war.

Today, reflecting back on what happened 20 years ago, I feel bitter and traumatised. Studying Saddams Iraq was not easy, but neither was researching the outcome of his removal. It has been deeply distressing documenting what happened to Iraqis over the past 20 years.

In that regard, I also regret that I did not use the media attention I enjoyed in 2003 to offer a stark warning about the chaos the invasion was bound to unleash.

The security services I studied projected fear into the lives of most Iraqis. They were also a huge job provider for those loyal to Saddam. It was clear to me after the 2003 invasion that if the hundreds of thousands of men employed by those security services were not rehabilitated and reintegrated into Iraqi society, they would employ violence to undermine the new state.

Of course, the Coalition Provisional Authority did not have that foresight. It dissolved the security services as well as the entire Iraqi army, which was already estranged from the security sector guarding Saddam.

That decision freed up thousands of Iraqi men, proficient in the use of arms, to join the various insurgencies and armed groups, which wreaked havoc in the country over the following two decades.

Today, the Iraqi state remains weak and does not have a monopoly on the use of force. Despite extensive training and financial support from the US, security forces in Iraq are not as effective as their predecessors in maintaining order, preventing criminal violence against civilians or stopping terrorist attacks. Worse still, they have joined myriad other actors gangs, armed groups, militias, tribes, etc in inflicting brutal violence on Iraqis.

In October 2019, mass protests broke out in Baghdad and other major Iraqi cities. They reflected the society-wide drive and desire for a change of the status quo established by the US after 2003. They demanded not just security, proper services, a dignified life and an end to corruption, but also an Iraqi state that serves Iraqis, not foreign powers.

The protests were brutally suppressed by paramilitary forces, which for months on end continued to threaten, kidnap and kill people associated with this movement for change.

Indeed, Iraq remains a republic of anarchy.

In research articles I published after the invasion, I argued that security sector reform and a truth and reconciliation process would have been a more sustainable way of achieving disarmament and reintegration of the members of the Saddam-era agencies, but neither was ever pursued in Iraq. I would have been happy if those papers were plagiarised, given a wide audience at the UN and ultimately implemented. Alas, they werent.

The views expressed in this article are the authors own and do not necessarily reflect Al Jazeeras editorial stance.

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My plagiarised work was used to justify the war on Iraq - Al Jazeera English