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Situation Overview

In 2021, the number of internally displaced persons (IDPs) returning to their area of origin (AoO) or being re-displaced increased, coupled with persisting challenges in relation to social cohesion, lack of services, infrastructure and - in some cases - security in AoOs. Increased returns were driven in part by the ongoing closure and consolidation of IDP camps. As of July 2021, 16 formal camps and informal sites have been closed or reclassified as informal sites since camp closures started in mid-October 2020. For the camps that remain open across Iraq there is an ongoing planning procedure to determine their future. The International Organization for Migration (IOM) Displacement Tracking Matrix (DTM)s Returnee Master List recorded that over 5,460 households returned to non-camp locations across the country between January and July 2021.

There were no additional camp closures between January and July 2021, however IDPs continued returning or secondarily displacing. In light of these dynamics, the need to better understand the sustainability of returns, conditions for the (re)integration of IDPs and returnees, and the impact of their presence on access to services and social cohesion has been identified in the context of humanitarian and development planning.

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Rapid Assessment on Returns and Durable Solutions, Al-Qahtaniya Sub-district - Al-Baaj District - Ninewa Governorate, Iraq, August 2021 - Iraq -...

Iraq's water resources minister, Mahdi Rashid Al-Hamdani, was overflowing with optimism when he returned from a visit to Turkey in October. The Turks promised to increase the water quota that will flow into the Euphrates River to Iraq was his good news.

For a long time Iraq has been suffering a water deficit estimated at around 11 billion cubic meters a year, something only expected to worsen as the countrys population grows. Farmers are reporting that large swaths of farmland are drying up because of the severe drought and climate change. Temperatures have topped 50 degrees Celsius (122 Fahrenheit) in the summer, fruit has shriveled, seeds aren't sprouting and even water for drinking and bathing is lacking.

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Research by the Iraqi government shows that the country is now about 40 percent desert, and the salinity of much of the land is too high for agriculture. Iraq receives most of its water from two rivers, the Euphrates and Tigris, whose sources are in Turkey. The rest it buys from Iran.

Iraq and Turkey have signed a number of agreements on supplying water; the last was in 2009 but it was never implemented in full. Turkey says it's meeting the terms of the agreement and blames Iraq for mismanaging its water system.

At least the second half of this claim has something to stand on. For decades, irrigation and household plumbing were neglected in Iraq, and people stole water from the public pipes or dug wells in their yards. The occupation of parts of Iraq by the Islamic State also added to the water woes, and even after the group was defeated, most of the state budget went for other projects and especially into the hands of contractors who exploited the aid to rebuild Iraq to line their pockets.

Moving to the cities

Al-Hamdani may have been received warmly in Turkey, and the two sides even agreed to establish a joint research institute to study water issues. But one number was missing from the meeting: How much water would Iraq receive from Turkey?

This question still doesnt have an answer because Turkey continues to develop its Great Anatolia Project, the construction of 22 dams and 19 hydroelectric power plants that will greatly reduce the amount of water flowing into the Tigris and Euphrates to Iraq and Syria.

Iraq's water shortage has already had a concrete effect on the countrys demographics. Thousands of Iraqis have abandoned their villages and land to move to the outskirts of the big cities, Baghdad, Mosul and Basra. But no employment opportunities await in these places, which are having a hard time providing the new residents with public services.

The result is that many people are trying to move to the Kurdish autonomous region or even leave the country and join the millions of climate migrants around the world.

While friendly negotiations are underway with Turkey, which provides Iraq with about 25 billion cubic meters of water a year via the Euphrates, the supply from Iran is a completely different story. In theory, the rivers and streams with sources in Iran could provide some 11 billion cubic meters a year. But a long series of dams have diverted the flow, and in July a planned halt to the opening of the dams in Iraq's favor meant that Iraq no longer received water from Iran.

This wasn't an evil decision designed to take revenge on Iraqis. Iran is simply suffering a heavy drought; this year Iran has received about half its usual rainfall. Over 8,000 Iranian villages and towns receive their water from tankers, and the distress has led to protests and violent clashes, especially in the Khuzestan Province in the southwest.

Iraq has also claimed that Iran isn't following international law on the division of water between countries fed by the same sources; it has even announced that it plans to sue Iran in international court. But dont hold your breath; Iraq still doesn't have a new government and its dependence on its eastern neighbor will prevent it from dragging Iran into a lawsuit.

The electricity factor

Still, Tehran realizes that Iraqis, especially in the south, are nurturing anti-Iranian sentiments stemming from the water shortage.

The water crisis doesn't recognize international borders, and Syria too another Turkish water customer is drying up. But unlike Iraq, Syria's water shortage also has political causes. In the Kurdish regions in the north, the people receive water from a pumping station run by electricity generated by plants controlled by Syrian Kurdish forces.

Turkey says the Kurds are cutting off power to the pumping station, while the Kurds accuse Turkey of halting the pumping to make life harder for the locals.

Either way, the result is the same, tens of thousands of people in northern Syria the country's bread basket don't have tap water, and as in Iraq, their fields and orchards have dried up. For example, some 400,000 people live in the city of Raqqa, where the flow has fallen from 600 cubic meters a second in rainy years to under 200.

The lakes behind the dams now look completely dried up, and according to the group Save the Children, water has been supplied on only 142 days since January, and even then supply has been about half the normal amount.

Water experts also say the drought isn't the only reason for Syria's water shortage. Faulty maintenance, increased use of water by power plants, water theft and a lack of strategic planning for the lakes have all stoked the water crisis.

Iraq and Syria are now striving for an agreement with Turkey to guarantee a fair division of the water. Understandings were reached in 1992 between Syria and Iraq and between the two countries and Turkey under which Turkey would send 500 cubic meters a second; Syria would receive 42 percent of it, Iraq 58 percent.

But no formal agreement was signed because of disagreements over ownership of the Euphrates River; there's also the question of whether to view the Tigris and Euphrates as a single water system or two.

Turkey argues that the Euphrates is a Turkish river, that it's not bound by international law, and that its channeling of water into Syria and Iraq is a goodwill gesture. It says that over the years it has let a lot more water flow than the agreed-on amounts.

It's unlikely that Turkey will change tack despite the water crisis. At most, it will agree to temporarily increase the flow without tying its hands in the future. All Syrian and Lebanese farmers can do for now is pray for rain.

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Iraq's water crisis is getting dire and its neighbors aren't helping - Haaretz

Jeanine Plasschaert, Special Representative and Head of theUN Assistance Mission for Iraq(UNAMI) said clashes erupted in the weeks following the vote, with demonstrations and sit-ins escalating into violence and casualties reported.

On 7 November, anassassination attemptwas made on Prime Minister Mustafa al-Kadhimi when an exploding drone entered his residence in Baghdads Green Zone.

Describing Iraqs current outlook as precarious, the Special Representative recalled that the October elections themselves emerged from an unprecedented wave ofcountry-wide demonstrationsin 2019.

Marked by violence, excessive use of force, abductions and targeted killings, the protests left hundreds dead and thousands injuried.

The countrys current fragile peace also comes on the heels of decades of conflict, which prevented ordinary civilians from making their voices heard.

A lack of political, economic and social prospects made many, many Iraqis take to the streets, said Ms. Plasschaert. Their demands and grievances remain as relevant as ever.

While turnout for the recently concluded election was just 41 per cent, the vote was generally peaceful and well-run.

There is much for Iraqis to be proud of in this election, said the Special Representative.

On 22 October, the Security Council issued astatementcongratulating the people and Government of Iraq on the smooth conduct of a technically sound election and deploring related threats of violence.

UNAMI had provided technical assistance to the electoral process and warned against the threats of violence andmisinformation.

There is much for Iraqis to be proud of in this election Special RepresentativePlasschaert

Moreover, many experts have noted that the recent election provides fresh hope that Iraqs challenges can be addressed democratically going forward.

The UN official acknowledged that elections and their outcomes can provoke strong feelings, in Iraq or in any democracy across the globe.

While the results may be disappointing to some, she strongly cautioned against allowing civil debate the bedrock of pluralism and political engagement to give way to misinformation, baseless accusations, intimidation or threats of violence.

Under no circumstances must terrorism, violence or any other unlawful acts be allowed to derail Iraqs democratic process, she stressed.

Calling for patience, Ms. Plasschaert said any unlawful attempts to prolong or discredit the electoral results process or worse, to alter the electoral results through intimidation and pressure can only backfire.

I call on all stakeholders not to go down that path, underscored the UNAMI chief.

The importance of a sound and inclusive government formation process cannot be overstated, she concluded.

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Importance of sound, inclusive elections in Iraq 'cannot be overstated' - UN News

In 2014, the US established an international coalition in Iraq to combat Islamic State forces

The Iraqi armys spokesman announced Thursday that United States combat troops stationed in Iraq are scheduled to leave in 15 days.

In July 2021, Baghdad and Washington said that the full withdrawal of American combat troops from Iraq would be finished by 2022, although training and advising missions would continue, The National News (The National) reported.

Currently, there are 2,500 US troops in Iraq assisting local units to counter Islamic State (IS) forces, with the majority of US troops training the Iraqis.

Foreign forces are expected to leave Iraq within 15 days, except for those whose mission has turned to advise and support the Iraqi security forces, Maj. Gen. Tahsin Al Khafaji, spokesman for the Joint Operations Command, told Iraqs state news agency.

Most of the combat forces have left Iraq, and only advisers and those working in the field of intelligence, training, and advice remain.

He added that the two countries are abiding by the agreed-upon deal, The National reported.

Al Khafaji explained that the relationship between the US and Iraq will continue to be based on "advisory in the fields of training, armament, intelligence, and security information against the terrorist organization ISIS.

In 2014, the US established an international coalition in Iraq to combat IS.

But in an interview with The National, Iraqs Foreign Affairs Minister Fuad Hussein claimed that his countrys security forces were ready to withstand IS alone.

The American presence in Iraq is very small, in fact, the existence of American combat forces will not affect the whole security situation, he said.

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Iraqi Army: US Forces To Leave Iraq Soon - I24NEWS - i24NEWS

"It takes courage to talk about what happened, because it hurts so much," says Sheikh Ahmed al-Muhairi. And yet, the 27-year-old leader believes it is important tohave forgiveness and not rage influence his life.

Four years after his father and four uncles were killed by the terror group "Islamic State,"he now welcomes tribal members in his refurnished reception room in the Iraqi town of Hawija.

His house, like many others in his neighborhood in Hawija, 290 kilometers(180 miles) north of Baghdad, was destroyed in an IS attack.

And yet, the young sheikh has set a landmark by welcoming families of IS members back into the community.

This is rare in Iraq, where houses of IS members are rather destroyed to prevent their families from returning.

Sheikh Ahmed, however, considers these women and children his responsibility. "I forgave the families who were connected with Daesh,"he says, using the local term for the extremist group.

"The women and children pose no danger," he says. "Also, they are part of the tribe, and we cannot let those links be broken. The perpetrators, of course, are the responsibility of the police."

In his view, the alternative would be dreadful.

If a community were not able to include these families, he sees a risk of radicalization among the relatives, includingchildren.

Sheikh Ahmed admits that reconciliation has stagnated although other tribal leaders have started following his lead. For most people, it is still far too painful.

A suicide bombing in Baghdad leaves destruction in its wake

The return of IS widows to their hometowns and villages means that they move in next door to people who were victims of the very group their husbands or sons were affiliated with.

On the one hand, it is a step towardnormalizationin the country.

On the other, it is a broad issue, as up to 30,000 people could return one day from the camps in Syria that now house IS families. This comes in addition to more than 17,000 people who were involved with IS, and are still in Iraq.

Only recently, Intissar Ali Hamad and her five children have left an Iraqi camp for internally displaced persons to settle in a poor neighborhood in Mosul.

Her husband, as well as her eldest son andfather-in-law, had joined IS. She is fully aware that it is only thanks to her neighbors that she has been allowed to return.

However, her house was partly burned down, and the 45-year-old had to set up a tent for the family to sleep in. A nongovernmental organizationhelped her build a wall around the property to protect her from more vengeful neighbors.

But even the protective wall has led to jealousy among neighbors. "Those Daeshi get everything," one neighbor told DW."We get nothing."

"My son was only 13 when he joined," Hamad told DW, sighing. Today, she believes that IS "are no good."

"This is not the life I wanted. It was us, the families, who suffered the most."

Intissar Ali Hamad is among IS widows

With this, she doesn't only refer to the two years she spent in a prison camp. Her main worry is the poverty the family has ended up in, and the way they are treated now.

"People are scared," she says, "and if they report me, I will be picked up immediately."

Without the protection of her well-meaningneighbors, she wouldn't be able to stay in her house.

Life is also tough for her kids. They are called names when they play outside their walled home.

IS widows like Hamadare barred from government benefits, like widow's pensions. The stigma they carry is likely to be carried over to the next generation.

Since Ali Hamad's now 5-year-old son was born in an IS hospital, she cannot get him a valid Iraqi birth certificate without his father's approval.

However, since her husband has never officially been declared dead, she still needs his signature for everything, including signing her son up for school.

Without governmental support, the families barely makeends meet. They live off the income of her daughter, who works at a potato factory.

The walled structure on the right is Intissar Ali Hamad's home in Mosul

Despite such unsolved situations, which are common among returning IS families, the Iraqi government hasn't yet set up a framework for integration.

So far, IDP camps are being closed, and reconciliation has been delegated to regional levels.

In Mosul, once the capital of the IS caliphate, Vice-Governor Ali Omar Gabou has made it his job to help families return home, or relocate them.

So far, more than a thousand IS families have been resettled in Mosul's Al-Mahalabia district.

"This is far away from where they came from originally, so there is no direct conflict between the families and their neighbors," he explains.

It isalsoimportant that the returnees' husbands and sons didn't harm anyone in those neighborhoods, he adds.

Other IS supporters have openly distanced themselves from IS and were backed by a guarantor before they were able to return.

Moreover, security forces checked their backgrounds and continue to keep an eye on them.

Seif is a teenager who was able to return home to his family in Mosul's Al-Mahalabia district. He was 17 years old when he joined the IS in 2014.

However, his father says he was in the training camp for only one night before he got his sonout.

This story is often used for youths who joined the group in order to excape the severe punishment meeted out to former IS fighters.

After the fall of IS, Seif did jail time in Iraqi Kurdistan, as someone told the Kurdish authorities that he had been with IS.

"He is sorry for the choice he made," his father says stiffly, adding that "now he wants to get on with his life." The family preferred to not share their family name, and Seif's father identified himself to DW asAbu Seif, or "the father of Seif."

The boy's family is considered an IS family for two reasons: Seif's decision, as well as the fact that they stayed in Al-Mahalabia during the occupation.

Abu Seif is angry about that, as he considers himself a victim. "It was a hard time and I lost everything. Two of our houses were destroyed during the battle, and my farm with 32 cows was bombed because of a Daesh gathering next door."

Abu Seif is considered head of an IS family, but sees himself as a victim

For now, the younger Seif has left again, back to Iraqi Kurdistan for work. The family's next-door neighbor, 42-year-old Hussein Ahmed, implies that this is better for the community.

However, it was he who picked Seif up after he was released from a local prison where he servedsome time after his return from the Kurdish jail.

"Our children played together, and the family doesn't have a car," Ahmed explains.

Does he trusthis neighbor again? "The chance that he will rejoin the group is small, they saw that what Daesh did had nothing to do with humanity or justice."

In addition to Seif, two other young men who were recruited by IShave also returned to the town.

"They were born here and they have their properties here. If we refuse them, they might turn against us," Ahmed says.

He also highlights that in terms of daily life, "everything is back to normal, as it was before Daesh."

Similar to the community in Hawija, in Mosulnobody talks about what happened. There are no apologies, norexchange of experiences. "I avoid the subject with him, and he doesn't talk about it either," says Ahmed's son Osama, who grew up with Seif.

In Mosul, Vice-Governor Ali Omar Gabou complains about Baghdad's lack of vision about how to reintegrate IS members and their families.

"If the government does not rehabilitate them, they will join other radical groups and we will never break the cycle of violence," Gabou says. He alsobelieves that "women and children are not to blame."

For him, the alternative is worse. "If we do not solve their problem, it will only grow and with it, the risk of new conflict."

Edited by:Stephanie Burnett and Sonya Diehn

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Iraq: IS returnees met with tolerance and distrust - Deutsche Welle