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When Kurdish refugee Bewar Esmat fled to Solihull after losing everything, little did he know his art would be showcased in the town's main venue for all to see. A gifted and trained artist, Iraqi Kurd Bewar was forced to flee the troubles of his homeland.

He arrived in Solihull in October 2021. Like many in his situation, he came to the UK with nothing, leaving behind a family and life that was once full of opportunity.

Holed up in a Solihull hotel with hundreds of refugees, Bewar lives in limbo while he waits for his Home Office interview. When most would crumble in the uncertainty, he has created a collection of stunning paintings.

READ MORE: Our stroll around BBC Back in Time neighbourhood found a community revelling in the limelight

His creations paint a vivid picture of the things he has seen. The white cliffs of Dover as he arrived on a boat, dark skies punctured by bright colours. His work is abstract, and created with the few resources he has.

Speaking to BirminghamLive through a translator, Bewar said: "I had this idea of what I wanted to do when I arrived. I had a certificate from an art academy in Iraq. I was an art teacher in Iraq, working for 13 years. I went to college."

And on where his ideas come from, he said: "I get ideas, [one picture] is from Dover, when I saw Dover, I was very happy."

Walk through Bewar's art exhibition in the video at the top of this article.

31-year-old Bewar is from Duhok, the capital city of the Kurdistan region in Iraq. Duhok itself is home to a huge refugee camp that first opened to host internally displaced Iraqis from the ISIS war in Iraq.

The UNHCR has reported that Iraq itself has a displacement crisis. Duhok camp has hosted displaced Iraqis, including Yazidis, Christians, Shabak, Kakai, Armenian and Turkmen minorities - some of whom have endured repeated displacement.

As a result of that, and other factors like religious and cultural persecution, people from that region have fled to claim asylum.

Bewar trained at a top art academy in Iraq, and was supported by his friends, who also live in temporary accommodation at the Solihull hotel, to display his impressive work. We have removed the identity of the hotel Bewar is staying at for security reasons.

More than 15 of Bewar's friends turned up to Solihull Council's refugee week event, at the Core Theatre on June 22, to support his first art show. Elliot Williams teaches Bewar and all of the refugees at the hotel English every week. He has got to know them well, and is clearly trusted by the group.

He said: "It's quite incredible, there's visible progression. From not knowing a word of English, they can now have basic conversations. I believe in them.

"English is fundamental" he added. The 26-year-old volunteers as a teacher but works with Entraide, a small charity dedicated to supporting refugees, asylum seekers and migrant workers living in Solihull.

Those who reside in the hotels are considered by law to be asylum seekers whilst their applications for refugee status are considered by the Home Office. People housed in Solihull hotels are not necessarily destined to stay here, and could later be housed anywhere in the country.

Earlier this year, the Government came under fire for how much they spend on housing asylum seekers in hotels, with Home Secretary Priti Patel saying at the time: "We do not want people in hotels. We should not be housing people in hotels.

Communities boss at Solihull Council Alison Mc Grory said they are making a change to how the borough supports refugees.

"We supported a major exercise at Birmingham Airport last year when [refugees] came from Afghanistan, that was our first major work with refugees," she told BirminghamLive.

"We didn't have a formal resettlement service, now we do." She added: "We've started this year's [refugee week event] little. It's not just about the week, it's about what we do."

On what life is like living in temporary accomodation, Bewar said: "We need help, for art materials, for painting." And asked how he felt about being in Solihull, he replied: "I am happy, very happy."

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Refugee who fled to Solihull from Iraq produces stunning art from his temporary accommodation - Birmingham Live

BAGHDAD - Iraq's Parliament swore in new lawmakers on Thursday, replacing 73 legislators who resigned collectively earlier this month amid a prolonged political impasse over the formation of the country's next government.

The walkout by followers of Iraq's most influential Shiite politician, Muqtada al-Sadr, threw Iraq into further uncertainty, reshuffling the deck following the Oct. 10 elections, which gave the cleric the biggest bloc in Parliament.

Although he emerged as a winner, al-Sadr was unable to cobble together a coalition that can form a majority government. He has been locked in a power struggle with internal Shiite rivals backed by Iran, preventing the formation of a new government.

Two weeks ago, he ordered lawmakers from his parliamentary bloc to resign in a bid to break the eight-month impasse. The unprecedented move threw Iraq's political landscape into disarray.

According to Iraqi laws, if any seat in parliament becomes vacant, the candidate who obtains the second highest number of votes in their electoral district would replace them. In this case, it made al-Sadr's opponents from the so-called Coordination Framework, a coalition led by Iran-backed Shiite parties and their allies, the majority with around 122 seats.

It puts al-Sadr out of parliament for the first time since 2005, and allows pro-Iranian factions to determine the makeup of the next government.

"Today, the first step has been completed, which is the replacement deputies taking the oath," said Lawmaker Muhammad Saadoun Sayhod, from the Rule of Law coalition represented in the Framework.

"We will now start the process of electing the president and naming the prime minister from the Coordination Framework," he said, adding he expected the formation of a new government to begin soon.

There was no immediate reaction from al-Sadr to the swearing in of new lawmakers. The political deadlock has led to concerns of renewed protests and street clashes between supporters of al-Sadr and their Shiite rivals.

Even though Parliament is in recess, lawmakers mostly from the Framework alliance called for an extraordinary session Thursday to vote on the new lawmakers.

Sixty-four lawmakers were sworn in Thursday, while nine other replacements did not attend.

On Wednesday, al-Sadr accused Iranian proxies of political meddling. He also accused them of applying pressure against newly elected political independents and allies of his Sadrist bloc.

He called on parliamentarians not to succumb to pressure.

"I call on blocs to stand bravely for the sake of reform and saving the nation, and not to give in to sectarian pressures, as they are bubbles which will disappear," he said in a statement.

Munaf Al-Musawi, a political analyst and director of the Baghdad Center for Strategic Studies, said that the statement by al-Sadr against Iran's proxies also sends a message to his former allies Massoud Barzani of the Kurdistan Democratic Party, and Speaker of Parliament Mohammed Al-Halbusi to avoid holding a parliament session.

He said if a session is held, the Coordination Framework and its allies would control parliament and Sadr's allies would pay the price.

Iraq's election was held several months earlier than expected, in response to mass protests that broke out in late 2019 and saw tens of thousands rally against endemic corruption, poor services and unemployment.

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Iraq Parliament Swears in New Members After Walkout of 73

BAGHDAD (AP) Iraqs Parliament swore in dozens of new lawmakers on Thursday, replacing 73 legislators loyal to powerful Shiite cleric Muqtada al-Sadr, strengthening the power of rival Iran-backed Shiite factions in the assembly.

The 73 had resigned collectively earlier this month amid a prolonged political impasse over the formation of the country's next government. The unprecedented walkout, based on a request from al-Sadr, threw Iraq into further uncertainty, reshuffling the deck following the Oct. 10 elections, which gave him the biggest bloc in Parliament.

Although he emerged as a winner, al-Sadr has been locked in a power struggle with internal Shiite rivals backed by Iran and was unable to cobble together a coalition that can form a majority government.

Two weeks ago, he ordered lawmakers from his parliamentary bloc to resign in a bid to break the eight-month impasse. The move threw Iraqs political landscape into disarray.

According to Iraqi laws, if any seat in parliament becomes vacant, the candidate who obtains the second highest number of votes in their electoral district would replace them. In this case, it made al-Sadrs opponents from the so-called Coordination Framework, a coalition led by Iran-backed Shiite parties and their allies, the majority with around 122 seats.

It puts al-Sadr out of parliament for the first time since 2005, and allows pro-Iranian factions to determine the makeup of the next government.

Today, the first step has been completed, which is the replacement deputies taking the oath," said Lawmaker Muhammad Saadoun Sayhod, from the Rule of Law coalition represented in the Framework.

We will now start the process of electing the president and naming the prime minister from the Coordination Framework, he said, adding he expected the formation of a new government to begin soon.

There was no immediate reaction from al-Sadr to the swearing in of new lawmakers. There remain concerns the political deadlock could lead to renewed protests and street clashes between supporters of al-Sadr and their Shiite rivals.

Even though Parliament is in recess, lawmakers mostly from the Framework alliance called for an extraordinary session Thursday to vote on the new lawmakers. Sixty-four lawmakers were sworn in, while nine other replacements did not attend.

On Wednesday, al-Sadr accused Iranian proxies of political meddling. He also accused them of applying pressure against newly elected political independents and allies of his Sadrist bloc.

He called on parliamentarians not to succumb to pressure.

I call on blocs to stand bravely for the sake of reform and saving the nation, and not to give in to sectarian pressures, as they are bubbles which will disappear, he said in a statement.

Munaf Al-Musawi, a political analyst and director of the Baghdad Center for Strategic Studies, said the fight for government posts will now begin. Once a government is formed, he said al-Sadr's supporters could take to the streets, leading to clashes with Shiite rivals.

What comes next is more difficult, he said. With Coordination Framework and its allies now in control of Parliament, al-Sadr and his allies will pay the price for their walkout, he added.

Iraqs election was held several months earlier than expected, in response to mass protests that broke out in late 2019 and saw tens of thousands rally against endemic corruption, poor services and unemployment.

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Tension in Iraq as cleric accuses Iran's allies of meddling

Iraq has in recent weeks stepped up counterterrorism operations in its western desert and other areas amid risks of an imminent flare-up of conflict in eastern Syria, with potential repercussions in the regional fight against the Islamic State (IS).

On June 19, the government-linked Iraqi Security Media Cell announced that an operation in coordination with the Joint Operations Command and intelligence services had killed the IS "wali," or governor, for the Anbar region and three of his companions.

The wali, who the statement said went by the name Abu Mansour, was killed in the Rutba desert after multiple operations in recent months by Iraqs Counterterrorism Services (CTS) in that part of Iraqs largest but sparsely populated province.

Al-Monitor accompanied the CTS last March on one of these operations into the Rutba desert. The forces stopped in shepherds encampments and requested information, searched caves identified via coordinates that had signs of the recent presence of alleged IS fighters, and destroyed motorcycles and other things that seemed to have been used by the fighters in the apparent hideouts found.

These operations typically start at dawn from the Ain al-Asad base near the town of Baghdadi and can last several days, with the forces spending the nights in the desert. They attempt to gather intelligence as well as make their presence known, serving as a deterrent for IS cells and increasing a sense of security for locals under potential threat from IS.

A surge in dust storms in recent months severely reducing the visibility and operational capacity of Iraqi forces for days at a time has been exploited by IS cells in the area. The Ain al-Asad base has been attacked multiple times in recent years, mainly by shadowy Iraqi militias believed to be close to Iran as well as Iran itself via ballistic missiles in early 2020.

Western Anbar is largely desert land with the exception of the fertile Euphrates River Valley, which enters Iraq from Syria at the border city of Qaim. Qaim has seen a marked improvement in the fight against IS in recent years but suffers from continuing dissatisfaction among the local population with the presence of Iran-linked armed groups operating in the area and growing drug smuggling, according to multiple local civilian and security sources.

High unemployment and land grabs by these "muqawama,"or Iran-led "resistance," factions have prevented scores of locals from making use of their farmland and forced some to leave the area again after returning following the defeat of IS in the area in late 2017.

Anbar has seen less IS activity in recent years than areas disputed between the central government and the Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG). However, its desert terrain coupled with a history of being a stronghold of multiple jihadist groups and social problems linked to joblessness and cross-border smuggling make it a potential breeding ground.

The Rutba desert south of Qaim where the IS wali was announced killed this month has long been a problem, however. In April 2021, for example, orders were given to arrest three Iraqi border guard commanders after positions were abandoned and equipment and weaponry were left to alleged IS fighters.

Clashes occurred between the police and IS near Rutba along a road used to arrive at the Trebil border crossing with Jordan in late January of that year. Local security forces at that time claimed such clashes happened almost daily and drug smuggling occurring in the area between Qaim and Rutba was behind the festering presence of IS cells and instability in that area.

Further north and across the border in northeastern Syria, US-backed, Kurdish-led Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF) have long threatened that any attack from Turkey on their territory would result in halting of operations against IS to focus on the fight against Turkey.

Turkey has said in recent weeks that it will conduct another operation soon against the SDF in northern Syria.

Amid an already chaotic situation as concerns IS cells in SDF territory, SDF leaders have in recent weeks also declared their willingness to work with the Syrian government under Bashar al-Assad against Turkey.

Despite receiving funding and various other forms of support from the US-led coalition, the SDF and its dominant component, the Peoples Protection Units (YPG), have long collaborated with the Syrian government when it seemed expedient to do so. The YPG is closely linked to the Kurdistan Workers Party (PKK), designated a terrorist group by Turkey, the United States, the EU and other states.

The Syrian government holds pockets of territory within SDF-controlled areas of eastern Syria.

Following a massive jailbreak from an SDF-guarded prison in northeastern Syria across the border from Iraqs Ninevah province north of Anbar in January, alocal source told Al-Monitor that some of the IS fighters who broke out had arrived in the nearby Raqqa region and taken control of areas that Syrian government forces have left, claiming that at least four areas are now controlled by IS in Raqqa without explaining how big these areas were.

The prison had housed thousands of former IS fighters. Hundreds escaped, though exact numbers are unknown.

Recent IS attacks in eastern Syria have attracted little media attention but continue, such as one that killed 13 Syrian soldiers along a road running from the Raqqa region to Deir ez-Zor. The Deir ez-Zor region is on the Syrian side of Iraqs western border.

A June 16 US-led international coalition operation captured Hani Ahmed al-Kurdi. Al-Kurdi was an experienced bomb maker and operational facilitator who became one of the top leaders in the Syrian branch of ISIS, according to a statement.

He was captured in a part of the Aleppo province of northern Syria under Turkish-backed Syrian opposition forces, west of the area of the country held by the SDF.

A coalition source contacted by Al-Monitor for further information about the capture of Kurdi said that the other occupants of the compound complied with directions and were not deemed a threat and that Kurdi remains in US Forces custody.

A question for further information about the detained mans background and whether as the name al-Kurdi would suggest he was of Kurdish origins went unanswered.

The coalition source added that the operation was deconflicted with Turkish military via existing deconfliction channels prior to launch.

In regards to whether Turkey coordinated with the coalition for the operation or provided intelligence key to locating the man, the source stated that coalition forces used several sources of intelligence collection to assess the role of Kurdi and enable positive identification before the operation. For the purpose of operational security, we can't talk about the specifics of intelligence collecting.

On the Russian targeting of outposts held by the US-supported Syrian Arab opposition group Maghawir al-Thawra near the Tanf garrison near Jordan earlier this month, a coalition source told Al-Monitor that the US seeks to avoid conflict with Russia in Syria. We seek to avoid miscalculation or a set of actions that could lead to unnecessary conflict. That remains our goal. However, Russia's recent behavior has been provocative and escalatory.

Russia is a close ally of the Syrian government, as is Iran. Both Russian and US forces are deployed to areas of eastern Syria under SDF control along Iraqs western border.

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Iraq targets desert 'wali' and braces for impact of possible conflict

Observers of Iraq were shocked this week by the most tectonic shift in the countrys politics since the defeat of the self-proclaimed Islamic State. Muqtada al-Sadr, the mercurial, firebrand cleric, in the wake of his electoral victory in Iraqs October elections, suddenly directed all the members of his political movement to resign from the Iraqi parliament.

To say this action was stunning would be an understatement. Iraq watchers immediately began to wonder if this was just a threat and was reversible (it appears not though few things are ever final in Iraqi politics), or whether Sadr genuinely intends to go to the street and watch as the Iraqi political system collapses (perhaps with a push from his cadres).

Analysts have been unsuccessfully trying to determine Sadrs motivations for almost two decades now, and getting into the rationale for this decision is difficult. But in general, there appear to be two theories, though mostly still whispered Sadr is either making a very clever play to increase his legitimacy as there is no way to redeem the current system, or he has made a huge political mistake, ceding the initiative to his rivals.

The immediate effect is to tear apart the Tripartite Alliance between the (more or less) unified Sunni block, the Barzanis Kurdish Democratic Party (KDP), and Sadrs Sairoon Party. Iraqs election law dictates that in the event of a resignation, the seat goes to the candidate who came closest to winning. Since the Sadrist strength is in the Shia regions, these seats should all go to various Shia-based parties the Hashd-aligned Fatah, former Prime Minister Nouri al-Malikis State of Law, and a unified list between former Prime Minister Haider al-Abadi and the Hikma party of Ammar al-Hakim. Smaller parties and independents will also take some of the seats. As the first three of these have unified into a block known as the Coordinating Framework (or just the Framework or even the Frame), they should now have a somewhat overwhelming 120-ish seats or about a full third of the total parliament. The government is clearly theirs to form.

Assuming that the new parliamentarians take their oaths without incident, the Iraqi parliament should then move quickly to form its long-delayed government. Muhammad Halboosi was already elected as the speaker months ago, but the deputy speaker (a position informally but forcefully reserved for a Shia politician) is one of the resigned Sadrists, so that position will need to be filled immediately, almost certainly by a member of Fatah.

The next task will then be to elect a president. This will remain the bottleneck in government formation, for two reasons. First, unlike all the other offices, which require mere majority votes, election of the president requires a two-thirds majority and a two-thirds quorum. The inability to put together a quorum for a presidential vote has been the stumbling block for the past months as Sadr attempted to form his government. Second, the two major Kurdish parties, the KDP and the Talabani-led Patriotic Union of Kurdistan, are at odds over the presidency. The office is currently held by a stalwart of the latter, Barham Salih, perhaps Iraqs most notable figure on the international stage. And the Framework is deeply indebted to Talabanis party, as it stood by them in helping to block the formation of the Sadrist government. However, the KDP remains particularly with the Sadrists having gone to the wilderness the most unified large party in Iraq. Forming a government without the approval, however grudging, of their patriarch Masoud Barzani, former president of Iraqi Kurdistan, will be very difficult. So all eyes will be on the Kurdish north as interlocutors attempt to broker a deal between the two parties to gain consensus as to whether Salih remains in the presidency, or the KDP nominee Rebar Ahmed Khalid Barzani takes the post. It is possible (though it would be legally tricky) that a third compromise candidate could emerge.

Once the presidency is resolved, the rest of the process should move quickly. The division of ministries between the three ethno-sectarian groups is well understood by precedent (13 to Shia, six to Sunni, three to Kurds, and one each to Turkmen and Christians) and no attempt to change the traditional distribution is expected. The Shia (meaning the Framework) will control the Ministries of Oil, Electricity, Health, and Interior. The Sunni will control the Ministries of Defense, Planning, and Industry. The only question will be whether the Kurds have as their major prize the Finance Ministry or the Foreign Affairs Ministry (the Kurdish share has flipped between the two ministries in the past two governments, with the Shia taking the other), but that decision has been relatively amicably made in past formations and should not be a major issue.

The first-order question asked is who will be the prime minister. It is too soon to name names, though plenty are circulating. But most sources agree that the Framework has decided on three primary qualifications that he (almost certainly a he) should be a politician, not a technocrat, a strong enough figure to effectively lead, and acceptable to the international community (meaning Washington, London, and Brussels as well as Tehran, Ankara, and the Gulf Cooperation Council). This test excludes figures such as Nouri al Maliki, Hadi al-Ameri, Falah Fayyad, and Adnan Zurfi, as well as the current prime minister, Mustafa Kadhimi, all of whom are otherwise serious aspirants.

Initial indicators are that the Framework realizes the challenge that Sadrs action presents to them, and that taking actions to shore up international legitimacy and integration will be high on the agenda. Of course, reform attempts have been often promised and seldom delivered by past governments, so a strong measure of skepticism even cynicism is certainly understandable. And the large amounts of money involved the Iraqi government is flush with unexpected billions of petrodollars, thanks to current high oil prices certainly raises the suspicion based on past experience that the winning parties will be unable to keep themselves from looting the treasury for private gain.

So expect to see a government in relatively short order, within about two months. But the West should watch carefully with really one question in mind. Is this a government that intends to turn in on itself, refuse to take necessary reforms, and isolate itself from the international system? Or will Iraqs elites finally realize that change is required, and implement the necessary reforms for integration into the world system, beginning with infrastructure physical and regulatory at home?

This is of course a big and complex question. But some indicators will be fairly simple. Will Iraq use its bounty to remedy the states inability to provide sufficient electricity and clean water to its citizens? Will the presence of the United States and NATO training missions be regularized and legitimized? Will capturing of flare gas be a priority? Will Iraq make serious attempts to court international business, beyond oil and electricity?

Finally, what of Sadr and the Sadrists? Though out of government, they remain serious actors. Sadr has at least two primary weapons: the ability to mass large groups of unarmed demonstrators, using nonviolent resistance, and his militia, the Peace Brigades of Saraya al-Salam. Either or both could metastasize Iraqs instability, and the impoverished underclasses from which Sadr draws his followers may believe they have little to lose. Countering Sadrs likely attempts to undermine the already weak system will further challenge the Framework-headed government.

Iraq remains fragile. Climate change has buffeted the country already this summer with record heat and sandstorms and the Tigris is flowing at near-record lows. Voter cynicism resulted in low turnout last fall. Demographics bring one million new Iraqi citizens who need jobs into the adult ranks each year. And now a major social current the Sadrist trend will be outside the government openly waiting for (and perhaps attempting to accelerate) the total collapse of the system. The challenges remain huge, but even small steps that acknowledge the scope of the problem would be encouraging. Whether this still unformed government can take them will be their test.

Douglas Ollivant is a former NSC Director for Iraq. He is a senior fellow at New America and managing partner at Mantid International, which has U.S. and Western clients in Federal Iraq. Follow on Twitter at @DouglasOllivant.

Image: Iraqi government

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A Post-Sadr Iraq? - War on the Rocks