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Iranian pro-government media said in the early hours of April 14 that it had attacked Israel on four fronts. This included attacks by Iran itself using drones and missiles, as well as threats from Iranian-backed groups in Iraq, Syria, Lebanon, and Yemen. Iran has spread its proxies throughout the region. These groups pose an increasing threat to Israel and Israels partners and allies. Its important to understand who these groups are and what their capabilities may be.

Hezbollah is the largest and oldest of the Iranian partner and proxy groups in the region. Founded in the 1980s, it has played an increasingly influential role in Lebanon, essentially controlling who is elected president and controlling parts of the economy. Hezbollah has stockpiled more than 150,000 rockets over the last 30 years. Some of these are short-range rockets that threaten the northern Galilee. Other Hezbollah rockets are long-range and can threaten all of Israel, almost to Eilat. In addition, Hezbollah increasingly has precision-guided munitions, meaning it can target strategic infrastructure with precision. Additionally, Hezbollah is believed to have 2,000 drones, which it has increasingly used against Israel. Hezbollah also has anti-tank missiles and thousands of fighters. Some fighters are part of its moreelite Radwan force. Hezbollah has suffered casualties in its attacks on Israel since October 8. Around 250 of its members have been killed. This is a setback for the group. It has also carried out around 3,100 attacks on Israel.

The Iranian-backed Houthis in Yemen have been increasingly a threat since 2015. Originally a small rebel movement, they burst on the scene in 2015 when they took over a swath of Yemen. They are based in the mountains around Sanaa, but they also threatened the coastal cities of Aden and Hodeidah. This caused Saudi Arabia and other Arab countries to intervene in Yemen in 2015. The Houthis received ballistic missile and drone technology from Iran and built an impressive local industry to create long-range missiles and drones. They also developed cruise missiles. Iran used these weapons to target Saudi Arabia, including Riyadh. After October 7 the Houthis began to target Eilat using drones and cruise missiles and then ballistic missiles. Later, the Houthis began targeting ships. It has carried out dozens of attacks on commercial ships, and it has hijacked one ship. It claims to be targeting Israeli-linked and Western ships. The Houthi capabilities have expanded greatly in the last several years. Beginning in 2020, Iran also based its Shahed 136 drones in Yemen. The Houthis now can strike at southern Israel with their weapons.

Iran has been backing militias in Iraq since the 1980s. Key militia leaders such as Hadi al-Amiri, the head of the Badr organization, and the late Abu Mahdi al-Muhandis were close to Irans Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps. Abu Mahdi was active in supporting Irans terrorist causes in the 1980s, such as targeting Kuwait and other countries and groups. After the US invasion of 2003, the Iranian-backed militias began to increase their power in Iraq, feeding off the power vacuum. Abu Mahdis Kataib Hezbollah became the vanguard of these militias. It was joined not only by Badr but also by Asaib Ahl al-Haq, whose leader, Qias Khazali, had once been detained by the Americans in Iraq. Other groups popped up as well, such as Harakat Hezbollah al-Nujaba. In 2014, after ISIS invaded Iraq, the Iranian-backed militias formed the backbone of a paramilitary army called the Popular Mobilization Forces, which numbered more than 100,000 fighters. After the defeat of ISIS in 2017 in Iraq, the militias became an official government-paid force linked to the Iraqi Interior Ministry. In essence, they became the Iranian IRGC of Iraq. The groups then stockpiled missiles and drones. They began to operate more freely in Syria and to threaten US forces and Israel. They also carried out kidnappings, such as the kidnapping of researcher Elizabeth Tsurkov in 2023. They murdered key Iraqi intellectuals and targeted Kurds. They have targeted Israel since October 7, using long-range drones to target Iraq and other areas.

Irans IRGC operates in Syria. During the Syrian civil war, Iran recruited many groups to support the Assad regime. These included Hezbollah, Iraqi militias, and also Shiites from Afghanistan and Pakistan. In 2018, Iran began to build up more bases for these groups, such as the Imam Ali base near Albukamal and also encouraged Hezbollah to open its Golan file to threaten Israel from the Golan. Iran also moved drones to Syria and tried to move air defenses to its T-4 base in 2018. The Iranian-backed militias in Syria are disparate and have varying capabilities, but most of them are relatively weak. They have targeted US forces and also Israel. They usually require close IRGC supervision and guidance.

Palestinian Islamic Jihad is an Iranian proxy group that is also a Palestinian group. Unlike Hezbollah or the militias in Iraq, it is not a Shiite group. PIJ has terrorists in Gaza and participated in the October 7 attack. It had thousands of rockets and thousands of fighters in Gaza, but it has taken losses over six months of war. In the West Bank, PIJ is active mostly in Jenin, where it also has hundreds of members. It has benefited from the illegal trafficking of rifles in the West Bank and has tried to increase its stockpile of weapons and explosives and move into IED (explosive) production. The group is relatively small but has destabilized the northern West Bank and poses an increasing threat.

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Who are Iran's proxies threatening Israel? - The Jerusalem Post

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Wreckage of Iranian missiles and drones have been found in different parts of Iraq after the attack against Israel, security officials and sources close to the government said on Monday.

US-led coalition forces in Iraq shot down dozens of Iranian drones and missiles launched towards Israel, a source close to the Iraqi government told The National.

Dozens of the weapons were intercepted above Baghdad, Najaf, western Iraq and the the semi-autonomous Kurdish region in northern Iraq, the source said.

US anti-missile systems at the Ain Al Asad airbase in western Anbar province played a key role in shooting down the projectiles, the source added.

At least one ballistic missile launched in the attack at the weekend was shot down by a US Patriot battery in the Kurdish region, a security official told The National. It landed in Soran district outside the regional capital of Erbil.

Wreckage of a drone was also found in an open area outside the province of Najaf, another official said. No casualties were reported.

Other pieces of the Iranian weapons were reported to have fallen in the area by residents.

On Saturday, Iran fired more than 300 drones and missiles at sites inside Israel, marking a major escalation in the war in Gaza that threatens to heighten tensions in the region.

The attack came after Iran vowed to retaliate for an Israeli strike on its Damascus embassy compound on April 1 that killed two senior Iranian commanders and other members of its elite force.

Iran has warned Israel of a larger attack on its territory if it retaliates against Tehran's retaliatory strike.

Many Iraqis told The National that they saw and heard several Iranian drones and missiles during the attack.

Israel, the US and Britain shot down the majority of drones and missiles, including in Iraq.

Iranian Foreign Minister Hossein Amirabdollahian said Tehran gave fair warning to countries of the region and the US by serving notice 72 hours before the attack.

The Iraqi government has refrained from denouncing Iran's use of its airspace.

Iraqi President Abdul Latif Rashid said it was necessary to reduce tension and not to expand the conflict in the region.

Wars will not solve people's problems but aggravate the conflicts between nations, he said, as he called for an immediate ceasefire in Gaza.

A spokesman for the Iran-backed Al Nujaba militia in Iraq criticised Baghdad after the attack, saying the intervention of US forces "undoubtedly embarrasses the Iraqi government, which seeks to take a clear position on the American military presence" in the country.

"The American occupation does not abide by international norms and laws and has no respect for the sovereignty of states and their territories," Hussein Al Musawi told The National. "It is not surprising that it supports and defends Israel regardless of its violation of international norms."

Iran-backed militias in Iraq have long called for the US military presence to end in the country, where about 2,500 American troops are stationed as part of the coalition to fight against ISIS.

Since the terrorist group was defeated in 2017, US forces have come under attack from Iran-backed militias. The US has launched air strikes against the groups.

The US Central Command said on Monday that it successfully engaged and destroyed more than 80 one-way attack drones and at least six ballistic missiles intended to strike Israel from Iran and Yemen. The operation was supported by US European Command destroyers.

The destroyed sites include a ballistic missile on its launcher vehicle and seven drones destroyed on the ground in Houthi-controlled areas of Yemen before their launch, it added.

Iran's continued unprecedented, malign, and reckless behaviour endangers regional stability and the safety of US and coalition forces, it said.

It vowed to support Israels defence against these dangerous actions by Iran. We will continue to work with all our regional partners to increase regional security.

Updated: April 15, 2024, 10:39 PM

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Wreckage of Iranian missiles and drones bound for Israel found in Iraq - The National

Washington (IraqiNews.com) The Iraqi Prime Minister, Mohammed Shia Al-Sudani, met on Monday with the US President, Joe Biden, in the White House in the US capital, Washington DC.

Al-Sudani stated that Iraq is attempting to transition from a military alliance to a comprehensive partnership with the United States, emphasizing the significance of his visit to Washington at this delicate juncture.

The Iraqi Prime Minister noted that the battle against ISIS served as the cornerstone of collaboration between Iraq and the United States, confirming that Iraq is recovering and seeing advancements in service projects.

We will discuss the sustainable partnership in accordance with the strategic framework agreement, Al-Sudani said.

The Iraqi Prime Minister indicated his governments commitment to the outcomes of the Higher Coordination Committee (HCC) between Iraq and the United States.

We reject attacks on civilians, especially women and children, Al-Sudani stated.

The Iraqi Premier highlighted the importance of stopping the devastating war in Gaza and the need to prevent the conflict in the region from expanding.

Al-Sudani also reiterated the Iraqi governments commitment to protecting diplomatic missions.

Biden explained that the partnership between Iraq and the United States is extremely important.

The US President thanked Al-Sudani for promoting the Iraqi economy and achieving energy independence.

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Iraqi PM tells US President that Iraq is shifting from a military alliance to economic ties with the US - Iraqi News

Cairo: Jordan, Iraq and Lebanon have reopened their airspace on Sunday after closing it late on Saturday as Iran launched drone and missile attacks against Israel, the three countries said on Sunday.

Jordan's state TV said that the country had resumed air traffic operations, citing aviation authorities. The opening of its airspace came more than three hours earlier than scheduled.

Iraq's aviation authority said security risks had now been overcome.

Lebanon said its airport will resume its activities after the overnight closure, state TV reported.

Iran launched explosive drones and fired missiles at Israel late on Saturday - its first direct attack on Israeli territory in a retaliatory strike that raises the threat of wider regional conflict.

Jordan, which lies between Iran and Israel, had readied air defences to intercept any drones or missiles that violated its territory, two regional security sources said.

US and British warplanes were involved in shooting down some Israel-bound drones over the Iraq-Syria border area, Israel's Channel 12 reported.

(Published 14 April 2024, 08:13 IST)

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Jordan, Iraq and Lebanon reopen airspace after Iran attacks - Deccan Herald

Iraqi Prime Minister Mohamed Shia Sudani will lead a prominent delegation to Washington, DC in mid-April, marking his first visit to the White House since assuming office in October 2022. The delegation includes key ministers of oil, finance, trade, and electricity, as well as the president of the central bank, accompanied by five Iraqi businessmen. Sudanis seven-day trip to the United States will include a meeting with President Joe Biden on April 15 at the Oval Office. He plans to talk with American businesses, the Iraqi community, and think tanks in Washington before heading to Houston to engage with US energy companies.

The delegation will focus on the US military presence in Iraq and the US Treasury sanctions and discuss bilateral security, trade, economic, energy, and cultural ties. These talks are anticipated to be primarily centered on military and sanctions issues.

TheShia Coordination Framework, which includes Shia political and militia groups withstrong animosity toward the US and its allies, haspressured Prime Minister Sudanito prioritize these issues. They perceive the US military as a threat, and the Treasurys sanctions haveseverely impacted the financial networksof these anti-American factions.

The US sanctions were triggered by the misappropriation of US dollars by Iraqi banks and individuals linked to the Coordination Framework.

The US sanctions were triggered by the misappropriation of US dollars by Iraqi banks and individuals linked to the Coordination Framework. These entities have significantly aided Washingtons opponents, such as Iran, Syria, and Russia, by channeling vast sums of money from Iraq to the aforementioned countries, thereby circumventing sanctions.

If negotiations are successful, Baghdad and Washington are expected to establish a timetable for the withdrawal of US combat forces from Iraq or agree on a new framework for the US militarys mission in the country, addressing the demands of the pro-Iranian groups. However, such agreements may come at a cost, potentially involving easing sanctions on blacklisted banks in exchange for flexibility regarding a controlled US military presence. However, this will mean granting more financial power to these groups, which will translate into growing political and military influence, posing long-term threats to US strategic interests and its allies.

However, the failure of the Biden administration to address the persistent onslaught by the Coordination Framework on the post-2003 Iraqi political framework to re-centralize political and economic power in Baghdad could re-drag the US into the country.

The Kurdistan Region, once a prominent political, diplomatic, economic, and energy force, is now in a state of paralysis. It has faced multiple crises, stemming partly from Baghdads detrimental policies and the Iraqi Supreme Courts rulings, sometimes compounded by the international communitys indifference, greatly affecting the welfare of ordinary Kurds.

The Coordination Framework has consistently pursued power re-centralization at the expense of Washingtons partners under the watchful eye of Prime Minister Sudanis government. Baghdads highest court rulings against the Kurdistan Regional Governments (KRG) oil exports have already resulted in over $11 billion in financial losses for Erbil and international oil companies, plunging Kurdistan into unprecedented economic turmoil. Additionally, the Iraqi court dissolved the Kurdish parliament and the provincial councils, revoked parliamentary seats held by minorities in Kurdistan since 1992, invalidated the Kurdistan Regions high election commissions authority to oversee parliamentary elections, and most recently, interfered in the administrative and budgetary affairs of the Kurdish region by instructing the Iraqi finance ministry to cover KRG employee salaries, again another measure to undermine the KRGs legitimacy in the eye of the Kurds.

The Sunni community has also become another victim of the Iraqi judiciary. Last November, the Federal Supreme Court ousted Speaker Mohammed al-Halbousi, a Sunni, from Parliament on fraud allegations. Despite Halbousi deeming the ruling unconstitutional, he resigned. Many attribute the action to pro-Iranian factions in the Iraqi government who perceived Halbousi as a threat. Sunni attempts to replace Halbousi have been hindered by internal divisions worsened by Shia interference. The Coordination Framework's systematic approach shows no intent to cede legislative control to Sunnis. With Shias now dominating all branches of government, Sunnis and Kurds are increasingly marginalized.

Meanwhile, in Iraq, the judiciary seems to show significant leniency towards Shia individuals linked with the Coordination Framework.

Meanwhile, in Iraq, the judiciary seems to show significant leniency towards Shia individuals linked with the Coordination Framework. Specifically, the Court of Cassation in Baghdad, seemingly under political influence, acquitted and reinstated Ahmed Hamdawi al-Kinani, a former police officer within the Iraqi Interior Ministry. Al-Kinani had previously been convicted and sentenced to death in 2023 for the murder of the prominent academic and security expert Hisham al-Hishami in 2020, known for his outspoken criticism of Shia militia groups.

While Sudani has aimed to portray himself as a leader capable of making decisions independently for the good of Iraq, he finds his political and popular support not as strong as needed to confidently navigate the challenges posed by influential leaders within the Coordination Framework. Thus, he is more vulnerable to political pressures.

The dynamics of intra-Shia competition, alongside the need for a somewhat independent and internationally appealing technocratic figure who can uphold Iraq's relations with the West and promote its interests, often pave the way for lesser-known Shia politicians to step into this role. Sudani, following in the footsteps of his predecessors, was chosen as a consensus candidate and supported by the Coordination Framework to reflect their interests. This support is rooted in the less favorable perception of the coalition's true power players, who are seen as less appealing, particularly by Western standards.

Some positive qualities make Prime Minister Sudani a standout leader in post-2003 Iraq. Unlike his predecessors, he has spent his entire life in Iraq. His journey to power began as the mayor of Amara, providing him with an organic and close understanding of Iraqs political and social landscape. His governments agenda has prioritized service delivery to ordinary citizens and has shown commitment to addressing critical issues, including finance and oil, with the KRG.

On the foreign policy front, Sudani has maintained balanced relations with neighboring countries, including the Arab Gulf states, with increased diplomatic and trade relations. Probably most notable has been his firm stance on Iran, condemning Tehrans missile attack on Erbil. Thus, its no surprise that a recent Gallup poll rates him as the most favorable prime minister in a decade.

Sudanis positive traits have ignited a wave of euphoria in Washington and among his advisors, reinforcing the optimism surrounding his political trajectory. Privately, confidence in his prospects is steadily rising. They seek to transform the upcoming White House trip into a state-of-the-art publicity campaign, portraying Sudani as a respected Iraqi statesman on the global stage. The goal is to make this trip a pivotal moment, laying the groundwork for his campaign in the 2025 legislative elections.

While Washington might view this as a strategic move to reduce the influence of pro-Tehran actors in Iraq, freeing Sudani from pressure, the blueprint is not merely ill-advised; it poses a direct threat to US strategic interests. While this approach may offer an illusion of relief and success in the short term, it ultimately sets the stage for instability.

By investing heavily in a single figure, Sudani, the US inadvertently alienates its allies and emboldens its adversaries.

By investing heavily in a single figure, Sudani, the US inadvertently alienates its allies and emboldens its adversaries. The once-celebrated strategy, championed for former Prime Minister Haider al-Abadi in 2018, portrayed him as a heroa beacon of hope for Iraq and a staunch ally of the West. However, despite these grandiose projections, the harsh reality emerged when Abadis electoral defeat shattered these illusions, leaving Washington disappointed. Even worse, it had unintended consequences by empowering anti-American forces, fueling their determination to gain control of Iraqi institutions. Subsequent elections have only reinforced anti-American sentiment, consolidating power among traditional, Western-hostile factions in Baghdad.

For Iraq to achieve stability, it necessitates the support of a foreign patron. Washington is in a favorable position to fulfill this role with a pragmatic strategy requiring a minimal footprint. This entails prioritizing investment in actors aligned with US values and objectives. Such an approach involves strengthening alliances with Kurds, Sunnis, and certain Shia moderates who prioritize Iraqs interests. Doing so can help restore a much-needed balance of power in Baghdad, safeguarding against the emergence of a tyrannical centralized authority.

While no political system is flawless, the post-2003 consensus governance model and a balanced political climate in Baghdad deserve credit for preventing Iraq from becoming a disruptive force in the region and a source of menace for its people. However, the recent trend toward centralization in Iraq carries significant risks and has far-reaching implications. It could exacerbate Iraqs authoritarian tendencies, posing substantial threats to its citizens and regional stability. Moreover, this development may divert crucial Western strategic resources from areas like Ukraine and East Asia, potentially benefiting US rivals. Washington should take these developments seriously.

The views expressed in these articles are those of the author and do not reflect an official position of the Wilson Center.

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Prime Minister Sudani's Pivotal US Visit and Its Implications for Iraq's Future - Wilson Center