Mediaboss Marketing

The United States and Iraq must work together to bring about better opportunities and economic prosperity for the Iraqi people to help secure a stable, democratic and growing Iraq. Given its resources, people, history, and resilient democratic governance, Iraq has the elements and the potential to deliver a bright future for its citizens and ultimately through sustained economic growth provide a higher standard of living that is felt throughout society.

The Biden Administration is being led by appointees at the highest levels who have deep experience with Iraq and its challenges. This includes President Joe Biden himself who was responsible for the Iraq portfolio as President Obamas Vice President. In February, President Joe Biden spoke with Iraqi Prime Minister Mustafa Al-Kadhimi affirming U.S. support for Iraqs sovereignty while also highlighting the importance of advancing the U.S.-Iraq Strategic Dialogue and expanding bilateral cooperation.

It is encouraging that the bilateral Strategic Dialogue was invoked in this first call between heads of state. The dialogue is a high-level government-to-government platform that has been utilized by prior Administrations to engage on a range of topics. While security and political issues are certain to remain at the forefront of this Administrations focus, it is our aspiration at the U.S. Chamber to work with the Biden Administration on reimagining the U.S.-Iraq relationship through the prism of economic and commercial opportunities and challenges. We know that the private sector is a stabilizing force and its strength should be harnessed, acting in cooperation with partners in government, to tackle real challenges that can have broad benefits and impact.

So where to begin? The U.S.-Iraq Business Council (USIBC) recommends 4 Big Ideas for the new Administration to consider as areas to strengthen and advance the U.S.-Iraq strategic partnership.

1. Institute a U.S.-Iraq Health Dialogue with Private Sector Participation

As we come through the pandemic, there is an opportunity to drive reforms and create new partnerships in the healthcare sector that have the potential to have a broad and positive impact on Iraqis. Iraq certainly has the human talent to excel in this field; however, there is a massive bureaucracy and antiquated policies and systems in place that stymie new collaborations and access to innovative health solutions. Under the umbrella of the Strategic Dialogue, the USIBC recommends establishing a U.S.-Iraq Health Dialogue focused on reform and cooperation in healthcare. And, it is imperative that the private sector be a part of this ongoing discussion.

2. Prioritize Capturing Flared Gas & Gas Infrastructure Development

Another absolutely vital issue to address is Iraqs gas flaring. Not only are billions of dollars that are badly needed for investments in infrastructure and healthcare being burned and depriving Iraq of needed economic benefits and electricity, the gas flaring is also imposing environmental and health challenges to local communities.

The USIBC encourages the Biden Administration to call for a special meeting of the recently reestablished U.S.-Iraq Energy Joint Coordinating Committee to prioritize assisting Iraq with its goal of ending gas flaring and becoming energy independent and developing an action plan, timeline and incremental benchmarks. By stepping up to work with Iraq on gas flaring, the Biden Administration has an opportunity to demonstrate leadership on one of its top global prioritiesclimate changeand, in doing so, help Iraq tackle an issue that has implications for its economy, independence, and environment. The USIBC and our member companies are ready to go.

3. Support Reforms to Iraqs Financial Sector

Similar to healthcare, developing a modernized financial services sector in Iraq can bolster U.S. investment and private sector participation that will have a positive ripple affect across the entire economy. Private sector commercial banks in Iraq should be empowered to play a material role in financing private sector projects that generate employment and economic growth with co-financing from U.S. and other international partners. While state banks are crucial for Iraqs development, private banks should also play a role in creating credit and taking deposits particularly for small businesses and individuals. Well-capitalized private banks should be allowed to compete for government contracts and to accept government deposits.

The USIBC recommends the U.S. Treasury Department and Iraqi Ministry of Finance and Central Bank of Iraq, under the umbrella of the U.S.-Iraq Strategic Dialogue, launch a Banking Reform Working Group. The USIBC will serve as a resource for private sector input and recommendations to the working group and encourages both governments to put this on the agenda for their discussions during the upcoming World Bank and IMF Spring Meeting in April.

4. Encourage Development of Special Economic Zones to Mobilize Investment and Stimulate Job Creation

Another idea to animate and diversify U.S. private sector participation in Iraq is to establish Special Economic Zones (SEZs), perhaps through pilot projects in Basra and Kirkuk. Since SEZs operate under their own legal frameworks, U.S. companies could avoid some of the pitfalls they have faced doing business in Iraq. With a few early successes, it is possible the Government of Iraq would be spurred to implement broader and substantive economic reforms to compete. SEZs would make a great topic for the upcoming bilateral discussions that will occur during the IMF/World Bank Spring Meetings.

Enacting Change and Strengthening the Relationship

While were recommending 4 Ideas, there are dozens of additional areas that deserve our attention and support. But if we were going to focus on one more, it would be to recommend that the U.S. government leverage its influence to facilitate, between the Government of Iraq and the Kurdistan Regional Government, the development of a sustainable federal budget that can meet the needs of all Iraqis. Having more predictability in the budget process would instill greater confidence with investors and the business community and bring greater continuity to the pipeline of projects needing investment.

There is a real opportunity to get beyond the traditional issues with Iraq and dig deep into challenges that, if addressed, can have a real impact. U.S. businesses are willing and have the expertise, capacity and desire to be a part of the solution. We look forward to partnering with the Biden Administration to engage Iraqi leaders as we come through the pandemic to endeavor for a shared future of inclusive economic growth and development.

Read the full report here.

Read the original post:
Reimagining the U.S.-Iraq Economic Relationship: 4 Ideas for the Biden Administration - uschamber.com

The United States and Iraq are set to resume strategic dialogue in April, the White House said on Tuesday.

The talks, which began in June 2020 under the Trump administration, will be the first under US President Joe Biden, who assumed office in January.

Officials from both countries will discuss the withdrawal of the remaining 2,500 US combat forces in the country.

"The meetings will further clarify that coalition forces are in Iraq solely for the purpose of training and advising Iraqi forces to ensure that ISIS [the so-called Islamic State]cannot reconstitute," White House press secretary Jen Psaki said in a statement.

The officials also plan on broaching other topics, including security,trade, climate, and culture, she added. The two sides are expectedto discuss "mutual interests" and their impact onthe relationship between Washington and Baghdad.

Relations between the two countries have been fraught with tension, particularly after the US killing oftop Iranian General Qassem Soleimaniand Iraqi militia leader Abu Mahdi al-Muhandis just outside the Baghdad airport in January 2020.

The attack spurred Iraqi lawmakers to pass a non-binding resolution to oust US-led coalition forces from the country.

Relations have improved since Prime Minister Mustafa al-Kadhimi took over the helm of Iraq's government in May last year. But some parties, notably parliament's Iran-backed Fatah bloc, continue to call for the withdrawal of US forces.

Both Iraqi and US officials saythey support a scheduled withdrawal of forces from Iraq, but questions remain over time-frames and the scope of the threat posed by the "Islamic State" group.

Former president Donald Trump pursued a policyof bringing US troops homefrom what he termed "endless wars," in a bid to fulfill a 2016 presidential campaign promise.

kmm/dj (AP, Reuters)

Read the original:
US and Iraq to restart talks on pulling out US troops - Deutsche Welle

BAGHDAD--Iraqi Shia cleric Moqtada Sadr is increasingly wanting to appear as a statesman while his political ambitions to hold the reins of the executive authority in the country are growing.

Earlier in February, the populist Shia cleric said he backed early elections overseen by the UN, in a rare news conference outside his home in the Iraqi shrine city of Najaf.

Iraq is meant to hold earlier parliamentary elections this year, a central demand of an anti-government protest movement which erupted in 2019 and involved Sadrs supporters.

The elections will be taking place under a new electoral law that has reduced the size of constituencies and eliminated list-based voting in favour of votes for individual candidates.

Sadrs supporters are expected to make major gains under the new system.

In November, Sadr said he would push for the next prime minister to be a member of his movement for the first time.

With eyes on the executive authority, the Shia cleric has been calling recently for control of the weapons chaos in the country so as to curb attacks by armed factions on foreign forces, their supply convoys and the headquarters of the US embassy in Baghdad.

Sadrs calls come even though the Shia cleric himself is at the head of the most powerful militias in Iraq, the Peace Brigades, which are seen as a heir to the Mahdi Army militia that had previously led an offensive against government forces under the rule of former Prime Minister Nuri al-Maliki.

Sadr had also been involved in a crackdown on a massive uprising that took place in the cities of central and southern Iraq starting from October 2019. In that period, he employed a militia called Blue Hats to confront demonstrators in the streets and sit-in squares, as part of his efforts to crush the protest movement and protect the regime.

In recent statements, the leader of the Sadrist movement offered to help the government of Prime Minister Mustafa al-Kadhimi end the spread of illegal weapons in the country.

The Iraqi government must work diligently and firmly against all armed actions that target the security of Iraq and its citizens, regardless of the affiliation of the perpetrators, Sadr said, adding, I am aware that they (the militants who launch attacks) are recruited to destabilise security, threaten stability and weaken the state with the aim of discrediting the honourable reputation of the government for the benefit of those who carry foreign agendas.

The majority of these militias have links with Iran and have been helping pursue Teherans agenda, which is to expand the Islamic Republics influence in Iraq and the region.

Most of the Iraqi Shia militias that were trained to fight ISIS in 2014 are with the Popular Mobilisation Forces (PMF), formally affiliated with the Iraqi armed forces. Some PMF factions, however, respond only to the orders of leaders who are close to Iran.

In his recent statements, Sadr stressed that the security chaos and the spread of weapons should not last, calling on the government to double its efforts and offering his services when saying, We are ready for cooperation.

Sadr is known for his extreme self-confidence, at times acting as a holder of absolute power by issuing orders, warnings and setting deadlines for his demands to be fulfilled. This is fundamentally contrary to the logic of thegovernments control that he has been preaching with his call for ending chaos in the country and halting the spread of weapons.

Since 2003, Sadr has been part of the political process in Iraq. He didnt, however, hold any official positions like his major opponents and rivals from within the Shia political family.

In recent years, the Shia cleric, who hails from a prominent religious family in Iraq, has sought to distance himself from the bad governance that led to massive popular protests against the ruling class.

He portrayed himself as being different from other leaders of Shia parties and militias, and sought to act as a spokesman for the people, a defender of their cause, a reformer and an enemy of corruption.

Sadr, in fact, sees the failure of his political rivals as an opportunity to control the executive , especially in the light of new international and regional dynamics that may redraw the political map in Iraq.

After 18 years of mostly Shia rule in Iraq, the security situation in the country is still a serious problem affecting all aspects of life.

The Shia militias, who had obtained weapons and financial resources to help fight the Islamic State (ISIS) group, constitute todays the biggest challenge to peace and security in the country, according to experts.

Washington accuses armed Iraqi factions linked to Iran, including KataibHezbollah, of being behind a number of attacks targeting its embassy and military bases, from which American soldiers are sometimes deployed in the country.

Kataib Hezbollah, whose leader Abu Mahdi al-Muhandis was assassinated in January by the US military while he was with Iranian Major General Qassem Soleimani near Baghdad airport, is considered one of the factions with the closest ties toTehran.

Iraqi politicians and activists from the protest movement accuse militias loyal to Iran of kidnapping and torturing protesters, placing them in secret prisons and shooting demonstrators.

Kadhimi promised to hold the killers of demonstrators accountable and made surprise visits to numerous prisons to find out whether they included detainees from the protest movement.

Last July, the Iraqi judiciary announced the formation of an investigative body to look into assassination crimes, hours after an expert on armed groups, Hisham Hashemi, was assassinated.

View post:
Sadr offers his own militias' help to disarm other militias in Iraq | | AW - The Arab Weekly

Arab political order has been on the decline for at least 10 years Image Credit: Jose L. Barros/Gulf News

The Arab political order is a term that has been used for decades to describe an unofficial political system by which the regions big picture affairs are managed. Such affairs include the long-term strategic alliances with western powers, for example, but also includes the Middle East peace process and the pan-Arab security order.

For decades, this political order is centred around the regions big players such as the Gulf, historically represented by Saudi Arabia, Egypt, Syria, Iraq and Algeria. For some time in the 1908s, Morocco and Kuwait were part of that group.

To understand the importance of the order, one could look back at the efforts to end the Lebanese civil war (1975-1990). The Arab mediation was spearheaded by Saudi Arabia, Algeria, Syria and Kuwait. Eventually, Saudi Arabia hosted the Tayef Conference which brought together Lebanons warring factions and ended in the 1990 agreement on a new power-sharing deal to end the war in that country.

Also, the Arab political order, historically, moved in sync over the Palestinian issue. All Arab initiatives to reach peace in the Middle East were usually agreed upon by all the key Arab states, including the landmark 2002 initiative put forward by Saudi Arabias King Abdullah at the Arab summit in Beirut.

Liberation of Kuwait

Another example is the Iraq invasion of Kuwait in 1990. It was the decision of the kingdom, Egypt and Syria to rally an international coalition, led by the United States, that made the liberation of Kuwait possible and swift.

The trouble with the Arab political order is that it is somewhat cyclical. Its impact depends on the strength of its main pillars. For instance, the order has been at its lowest point due to the so-called Arab Spring, which saw the spread of popular protests in several Arab countries including Egypt, Syria and Algeria.

Thus, the burden of the Arab national security fell on other players, mostly Gulf states, particularly Saudi Arabia and the UAE. The UAE became a crucial player that worked in partnership with the kingdom to preserve the regions stability and protect its interests in the face of unprecedented onslaught from outside powers, especially Iran and Turkey.

Those two countries seemingly smelt blood; they saw a crack in the Arab wall because of the Arab Spring (and the ensuing civil war in Syria, an important part of the Arab order) and the US invasion of Iraq earlier (another important part of the order) and tried to expand their influence in the Arab world through their proxy groups and militias.

Saudi-Iraq equation

Saudi Arabia, not only the centre of the Arab world, but also of the Islamic world due to its religious and geopolitical importance, has had to shoulder that burden, with the help of other Gulf states, mainly the UAE, for the past 10 years. The war in Yemen was part of that effort, so is its continuing engagement with Lebanons main parties, aimed at fending off the Iranian influence in that country via Hezbollah.

Few days ago, another Saudi move captured the attention of those interested in the regions affairs a video call between King Salman Bin Abdul Aziz of Saudi Arabia and Iraqs Prime Minister Mustafa Al Kadhimi. The call stressed the importance of expanding and strengthening cooperation in political, security, trade, investment and tourism, to complement efforts from recent visits by officials between the two countries, a joint statement said.

Most importantly, the King invited Al Kadhimi to visit the Kingdom in the near future to meet with Crown Prince Mohammad Bin Salman to discuss ways to strengthen relations. The Iraqi premier accepted the invitation, said the statement.

Iraq has, since the US invasion 18 years ago, been under a firm grip of Iran, which enjoys the support and loyalty of many leading parties in the Arab country. Terrorism also has had its share in prolonging the Iraqi crisis.

Al Kadhimis game plan

For many, todays Iraq is merely a ghost of the once regional power that was a crucial player in the Arab political order. And for the past few years, Saudi Arabia, the UAE and other Gulf states have been trying to change that. Their efforts, however, were frustrated by the subsequent Iraqi governments that continued to circle in Irans orbit. Al Kadhimi, who came to power in May last year seems to think, and more recently act, differently.

Born in Baghdad in 1967, Al Kadhimi, who holds a law degree, came to the premier office following the resignation of Haidar Al Abadi amid widespread protests in 2019. He was for years responsible for Iraqs national security and intelligence departments. He also holds a UK citizenship where he lived for long years after leaving Iraq in 1985 because of his opposition to Saddam Hussains rule.

In 2017, while accompanying Al Abdai on a visit to Saudi Arabia, he was seen embracing Crown Prince Mohammad Bin Salman. The photo made headlines in Iraq at the time. Iran and its allied parties in Iraq opposed his appointment.

One of Irans proxy armed militias, Kataib Hezbollah, issued a statement in April 2020 in which it accused Al Kadhimi of collaborating with the US in the killing of its leader Abu Mahdi Al Muhandis and Iranian General Qasem Soleimani in the drone attack in January last year. In June 2020, militiamen belonging to the group in pickup trucks surrounded Al Kadhimis residence after he moved to arrest some of its members suspected of killing protesters, during the 2019 anticorruption demonstrations.

While Iran attempts to bolster its influence in Iraq, Al Kadhimi is not playing ball, said the weekly magazine the Economist last week. Unlike most of his predecessors, he has taken bold steps to end Tehrans control he has enforced American sanctions, preventing Iran from repatriating the billions of dollars it earns from exports to Iraq.

He has also annoyed the militias by restoring state control at some border crossings and removing their men from security posts. He asked Nato to send thousands of troops to strengthen the countrys security.

It is clear that the man seeks to bring Iraq back into the Arab fold. And he realises that Saudi Arabia is the natural gate to the Arab world. Saudi Arabia, which has been shouldering the burden of reorganising and reviving the Arab political order to ensure regional stability, has taken it upon itself to bring Iraq back to its natural place.

These efforts may seem in reality as another bilateral relation move between two Arab countries, but it means a lot more for the region. It is the beginning of a rehabilitation of the Arab political order that has been on the decline for at least 10 years.

Read more here:
Saudi Arabia, Iraq and the rehabilitation of an Arab political order - Gulf News

Starting Date : 15th April 2021

Location : Iraq, Dohuk and Baghdad

Duration of Mission : 6 months

Premire Urgence Internationale (PUI) is a non-governmental, non-profit, non-political and non-religious international aid organization. PUI teams are committed to support civilian victims of marginalization and exclusion, or hit by natural disasters, wars or economic collapse, by answering their fundamental needs. Our aim is to provide emergency relief to uprooted people in order to help them recover their dignity and regain self-sufficiency. The Association leads in average 200 projects by year in the following sectors of intervention: food security, health, nutrition, construction and rehabilitation of infrastructures; water, sanitation and hygiene, and economic recovery. PUI provides assistance to around 6 million people in 23 countries in the Caribbean, Africa, Asia, Middle East, Eastern Europe and France.

Find out about our history and values.

Wide-scale violence and armed conflict erupted in Iraq in January 2014. In Anbar governorate, the cities of Ramadi and Falluja were particularly affected, the violence and its impact quickly grew. Also in June 2014, ISg, together with other armed groups, attacked and seized control of Mosul and large portions of northern Iraq, including areas of Diyala, Kirkuk, Ninewa, and Salah al-Din governorates. The Government of Iraq (GoI) has conducted multiple military operations since 2016 to regain control of territories held by ISg and announced in November 2017 that military operations had successfully concluded in their retaking of all Iraqi territory. Military operations in Mosul, Anbar and Salah Al-Din have led to ongoing massive internal displacements, serious and systematic violations of civilian protection and basic human rights, interrupted access to basic services, and put a severe strain on host communities. The country is now gradually moving from an emergency situation which required lifesaving operations to a post-conflict transition towards durable solutions. As per the HNO published by OCHA on November 2019, 5.67 million people are in need of humanitarian assistance, with 1.77 million in acute need. Half of them are concentrated in Ninewa and Anbar governorates. Furthermore, an estimated 2.8 million returnees continue to form a complex caseload for humanitarians, development actors, relevant government agencies and donors, with 1.2 million in acute resilience and recovery needs. Covid-19 epidemic with movement restrictions and other consequences has further complicated the humanitarian situation in Iraq.

Present in Iraq since 1983 through Aide Mdicale Internationale (AMI), and since 1997 through Premire Urgence (PU), PUI (Premire Urgence Internationale) brings help to vulnerable refugees, displaced persons as well as host communities (to avoid marginalization when the pressure on available resources becomes unbearable), in order to improve their living conditions and reinforce their resilience to enable them to regain dignity and autonomy. PUIs objective in Iraq is to provide a humanitarian response to needs arising from movements of population through actions aimed at reinforcing the existing Health system, and providing Mental Health Psychosocial Support to the people in need, but also at providing access to Shelter, to drinking Water, Hygiene and Sanitation. Given the scale of the crisis and the needs observed, PUI emphasizes multiple sectoral interventions and develops as much as possible an integrated approach, keeping health the core sector of its intervention.

As part of our actions in Iraq, we are looking for a A MHPSS Project Manager in Dohuk and Baghdad.

To ensure the implementation of the activities (training and facility rehabilitation components) of the MADAD funded consortium project, as per PUI commitment.

Focus on 3 priority activities related to the context of the mission :

Look at the full job description on our website for all the details you need.

Training: Masters Degree or equivalent in clinical psychology, psychiatric nursing or medicine

Experience:

Knowledge and skills:

Languages: English mendatory / Arabic and Kurdish desirable

Visit link:
Iraq - MHPSS Project Manager in Dohuk and Baghdad - ReliefWeb