Archive for the ‘Iraq’ Category

Iraq unveils restoration work at ancient city ravaged by IS – FRANCE 24

Issued on: 24/02/2022 - 16:52Modified: 24/02/2022 - 16:50

Hatra (Irak) (AFP) Iraq unveiled three monumental sculptures in the ancient city of Hatra Thursday, newly restored after being vandalised by militants of the Islamic State group during their brief but brutal rule.

The jihadists released video footage in 2015 of their orgy of destruction at Hatra in which they took guns and pickaxes to the once extensive remains of what was one of the leading trade entrepots between the Roman and Parthian empires in the first and second centuries AD.

A Roman-style sculpture of a life-size figure and a series of reliefs of faces on the side of the great temple were among the restored pieces shown off to journalists.

"IS destroyed everything that was important in this city," senior antiquities official Ali Obeid Sholgham told AFP.

Provincial antiquities chief Khair al-Din Ahmed Nasser said works of art were "ripped out and shattered -- we found fragments all over the site".

"We recovered some pieces, Others which were missing we replaced with the same type of stone."

The restoration work at Hatra is being carried out by Iraqi experts in collaboration with Italy's International Association for Mediterranean and Oriental Studies with funding from the International Alliance for the Protection of Heritage in Conflict Areas.

IS filmed similar acts of destruction by its militants in Mosul Museum, 100 kilometres (65 miles) northeast of Hatra, and in Palmyra in neighbouring Syria.

Iraqi government forces retook Hatra in 2017, several months before claiming victory over the jihadists who swept through much of the north and west of the country three years earlier.

Iraq's ancient heritage had already been hit by a wave of looting of museums and ancient sites in the aftermath of the US-led invasion of 2003.

2022 AFP

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Iraq unveils restoration work at ancient city ravaged by IS - FRANCE 24

David Petraeus on What Iraq Tells Us About Ukraine – The Atlantic

Few Americans know more about occupying a country and then facing a determined armed resistance than David Petraeus. The former four-star general and ex-director of the CIA wrote his Ph.D. thesis about the Vietnam War; helped oversee the writing of the U.S. Armys counterinsurgency field manual; was its commanding officer in Iraq during the surge of troops there; and then ran U.S. Central Command, which was responsible for both the Iraq and Afghan Wars, before ending his military career as Americas top officer in Afghanistan.

In Petraeuss estimation, however determined Vladimir Putin may be to invade Ukraine, he lacks the troops and the popular support needed to succeed in taking over the country for any significant period of time. In essence, however difficult the Iraq War was for the United States, the Ukraine crisis will be far harder for Russia.

Read our ongoing coverage of the Russian invasion in Ukraine

I reached out to Petraeus to ask him about what the Ukrainian armed forces can do, and what his experience in Iraq can tell us about what comes next in Ukraine. Our conversation has been edited for length and clarity.

Prashant Rao: A Russian invasion of Ukraine looks imminent. What would you be doing if you were a leader in the Ukrainian military right now?

David Petraeus: At any level of leadership, I would be working with my intelligence personnel to understand where the elements of the Russian forces are that are relevant to my unit and its mission, to determine what the Russian options are based on our understanding of the positioning of those Russian forces, and to identify what are the most likely and most dangerous Russian courses of action. (And Im quite confident that that is what Ukrainian leaders at all levels are doing, as all of this is central to the doctrine for military commanders and their staffs.) Based on that, I would be doing all that I couldwithin the restrictions imposed by the president and senior policy makersto prepare my forces and the area of operations for which I am responsible to perform the missions assigned to me by my higher headquarters.

The challenge, of course, is that Ukraines most senior policy makers are trying to achieve two objectives that are somewhat mutually exclusive: first, trying to avoid being both overly alarmist to their own population and needlessly provocative to the Russians; and second, trying to allow their forces to prepare to defend the country. Achievement of the former objective precludes many of the actions that military leaders would take to achieve the latter objectivefor example, placing significant obstacles on major high-speed avenues of approach, such as major highways, in order to force Russian attackers into fields where ambushes and defenses can be more effective, some of which will be reinforced by anti-tank mines, tank ditches, wire obstacles, etc., and also preparing built-up areas such as towns and cities to be defended by fortifying them, creating sniper positions, and, again, establishing various obstacles. Of course, the Ukrainian presidents declaration in the past 24 hours of a state of emergency and call-up of the reserve military forces has presumably reduced some of the constraints on the establishment of defensive obstacles, fortifications, and so on. However, there still likely will be some restrictions.

Rao: Russias massed military forces near Ukraine apparently number around 190,000. This is not that much more than the coalition forces during the surge in Iraq. But Ukraine is a bigger and more populous country. Can Russia actually control the entire landmass of Ukraine?

Petraeus: Thats correct. Ukraine is not only bigger but some 50 percent more populous than Iraq, and the Iraqi population included many millionsKurds, Christians, Yezidis, Shabak, and many of the Shiawho broadly supported the coalition forces throughout our time there. Only a minority of the Iraqi population comprised or supported the Sunni extremists and insurgents and Iranian-supported Shia militia. Though they did, to be sure, prove to be very formidable enemies.

Can Russia actually control the entire landmass of Ukraine? That question has to be one of those that is most unsettling in the back of President Putins mind and in the minds of his senior leaders. I was privileged to serve as the commander of the 101st Airborne Division during the invasion of Iraq and the first year there. Frankly, the fight to Baghdad, while tougher than many likely assessed it to be from afar, was pretty straightforward. But once the regime collapsed, we had nowhere near enough forces to prevent the terrible looting early on, and later we did not have enough to deal with the insurgent and extremist elements when they increased the violence dramatically in 2006 until we received the additional forces during the 18-month surge, together with the accompanying change in strategy and development of increasing numbers of reasonably competent Iraqi forces.

Lets not forget that most Iraqis did initially welcome our liberation of the country from the brutal, kleptocratic Saddam Hussein regime. Russians cannot expect to be applauded as they invade Ukraine.

Rao: Youve studied and practiced counterinsurgency for much of your professional life. Would you expect an insurgency of some kind to emerge in response to any major Russian attempt to control all of Ukraine?

Petraeus: Yes, I would, though it is hard to determine just how large and committed it would be. There are numerous factors that will be important in such a case, the most important of which is whether the Ukrainian government and forces can retain a large part of their country in the event of a large invasion. The Ukrainian parliamentary-delegation member with whom I met on Saturday at the Munich Security Conference assured us that the Ukrainians will fight on, even if, as expected, a full-on Russian invasion might overwhelm the Ukrainian regular forces. The members of Parliament reminded us that, in addition to the several dozen combat brigades, there are also special-forces units and several dozen partisan brigades (made up of civilians, with modest training on weekends) in Ukraine. And they were certain that those elements, in aggregate, would make life very difficult for Russian occupation forces. In fact, they said that Ukrainians would endeavor to make their country a porcupine that would be extremely difficult for Russia to digest.

Should the Russian military fear this? Yes, very much so, especially if, as is likely, the Ukrainians do fight on as insurgents and are provided support from the outside. Vladimir Putin and his most senior leaders are old enough to remember how painful the Soviet decade in Afghanistan was, and they have to be worried that Ukraine could be very difficult to occupy as well. One hundred and ninety thousand forces sounds like a lot, but counterinsurgency operations are very soldier-intensive. And when one gets down to the actual boots on the ground available for serious counterinsurgency operations conducted 24 hours a day and seven days a week, the resulting number is much less formidable, and [troops are] inevitably spread very thin. Beyond that, can the Russians, over time, replace the 190,000 currently poised to invade and then occupy Ukraine, after they have been on the ground for a number of months? Finally, assuming the Ukrainians do fight hard in significant numbers, given the usual rule-of-thumb ratios for counterinsurgency forces to local inhabitants, 190,000 is unlikely to be enough.

Rao: If you were mounting that insurgency, what would you be doing right now?

Petraeus: Im sure there is some modest planning going on; however, those who likely would comprise the insurgent ranks are most likely focused at present on determining how to defend their country against a possible invasion, not on how to conduct an insurgency in the event all or part of their country is occupied by Russian invaders.

Rao: How would you expect countries in the West to react to a Ukrainian insurgency? Would they support itwhether overtly or covertly, with arms or fundsor would they seek to disavow any such efforts? Should they support any such effort?

Petraeus: This is hard to say, as there are many factors that would come into play, including, again, whether the insurgency is conducted from a sizable portion of Ukraine still under government control or from outside the country, which would be much more problematic. I do think that, in addition to the imposition by the U.S. and allied countries of severe diplomatic, economic, and legal sanctions in the event of a further invasion, at least some Western countries would support a Ukrainian insurgency, although I am not sure whether that support would be provided covertly (under so-called Title 50 covert-action authorities, in the case of the U.S.) or would also be carried out overtly. Again, so much depends on whether the Ukrainians can successfully control a large part of their country or not.

We are very familiar, in general, with what insurgents need, as we explicitly identified what they required in Iraq and Afghanistan and sought to prevent them from satisfying those requirements, whether they were fighters, money, leaders, communications, weapons systems and ammunition, other munitions and explosives, sanctuaries and safe houses/locations, explosives experts, viable ideologies/causes, or other capabilities.

In essence, Ukrainian insurgents would require just about all that the Iraqi and Afghan insurgents and extremists needed, except for suicide bombers, which I assume would not be employed. And the question will again be whether to provide that assistance overtly or just covertly, or at all, I suspect.

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David Petraeus on What Iraq Tells Us About Ukraine - The Atlantic

Iraq: IDP Camp Profiling – Round XV, Situation Overview (June – August 2021) – Iraq – ReliefWeb

Background

After Iraqi forces defeated the so-called Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant (ISIL) in 2017 and took back control of the regions that had been under them, the rate of internally displaced persons (IDPs) returning to their area of origin (AoO) has remained relatively low. To facilitate returns, the Iraqi government initiated a plan to close IDP camps in 2019. In 2020, with the worldwide COVID-19 pandemic, camp closures were put on hold. In October 2020, the government resumed camp closures. By the end of 2020, 11 camps were closed and four were reclassified as informal sites. Across federal Iraq, 27 camps remained open at the time of data collection, until in November 2021, when Amriyat al Fallujah was re-classified as an informal site. As of November 2021, nearly 1.2 million IDPs remained in protracted displacement throughout the country. This included almost 180,000 individuals who resided in 26 formal IDP camps after the re-classification of Almriyat al-Fallujah.

As camps close and the context in Iraq transitions from emergency response to stabilisation and development, the Iraq Camp Coordination and Camp Management (CCCM) Cluster strategy aims to support safe camp consolidations and closures, and to ensure minimum CCCM standards are being met across camps. The REACH Movement Intentions assessment conducted in June-August 2021 showed that only two per cent of in-camp IDPs intended to return to their AoO within the 12 months following data collection. The low rates of intentions to return make in-camp IDPs vulnerable to shocks in case of IDP camps closure.

The Iraq CCCM Cluster and REACH conduct bi-annual IDP Camp Profiling assessments in order to inform more effective humanitarian assistance for IDPs living in camps. The information obtained will be used to monitor camp conditions and highlight priority needs and service gaps faced by households (HHs) in formal IDP camps across Iraq, as well as multi-sectoral differences across camps. This information will be used to address IDPs needs, as well as to inform prioritisation of camps for consolidation or closure, if necessary.

This report reflects the XV round of household surveys, conducted between 16 June and 9 August 2021, 12 months after the previous round of camp profiling conducted between 16 August and 10 September 2020. Data collection took place in 27 formal IDP camps (Table 1). Of the 27 camps that were covered, 26 camps remained open by the end of 2021.

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Iraq: IDP Camp Profiling - Round XV, Situation Overview (June - August 2021) - Iraq - ReliefWeb

Iraqi judges in crosshairs of drug dealers with powerful connections – Al-Monitor

Iraq's judges are facing death threats and some have been assassinated. On Feb. 5, a judge looking into drug cases was shot dead by gunmen in the city of al-Amarah in southern Iraq.

This prompted the head of the Supreme Judicial Council, Judge Faiq Zaidan, to pay a visit on Feb. 7 to the governorate to meet with other judges, calling for urgent measures to be taken to strengthen the security situation.

According to statistics published on Feb. 11, 74 judges have been killed in Iraq since 2003. All of them were assigned to corruption, terrorism and drug cases.

The seriousness of threats facing judges prompted Iraqi Prime Minister Mustafa al-Kadhimi on Feb. 15 to give instructions on the need to provide the necessary protection for magistrates.

Rahim al-Okaili, a judge and former head of parliaments Integrity Committee, told Al-Monitor, The assassinations targeting judges since 2003 are nothing like Iraq had witnessed before, adding that in a few cases only the perpetrators were exposed and held accountable for their crimes.

Terrorism and sectarian assassinations were mostly behind the killing of judges before 2010. Today, however, it seems that organized crime groups, influential parties and armed groups are joining hands to get it done, he said.

Jamal al-Asadi, a security expert and former inspector general in the Iraqi Interior Ministry, told Al-Monitor, Providing sufficient guarantees for judges to protect their security and keep their decisions at bay from political and criminal interference or any other forms of pressure is necessary to protect communities.

The number of judges in Iraq is not commensurate with the responsibilities placed on them or with the international standard that measures the number of judges inrelation to the populationat a rate of seven judges per 100,000 people. This means that Iraq needs to have 2,800 judges, excluding public prosecutors, while the country has 1,600 magistrates and one prosecutor, Asadi explained.

He said that losing a judge is a great loss. Judges put a lot of effort in education and training to get where they are today.

Riad al-Masoudi, a leader of the Sadrist movement, told Al-Monitor, Article 87 in the third chapter stipulates that the judiciary is an independent authority.

Some political forces are aware that the judiciary is a strong and independent body, so they try to undermine it by stirring mistrust, suspicion and pressure. The judiciary handles serious cases, which is why courts and judges are not at the forefront. The executive branch represented by the government, namely the Interior Ministry and its security apparatus, should be the first line of defense to protect the attack on judges, he added.

The political forces seek to have representatives in the judicial body, which is, so far, relatively at bay from political interference. This is why some politicians have threatened the judiciary and judges," Masoudi said.

Fadel Abu Ragheef, a security expert in the Development Research Center, told Al-Monitor, Judges played a major role in issuing arrest warrants against terrorist leaders, which turned them into targets.

The judiciary supported Kadhimis efforts to combat corruption and issued arrest warrants against defendants in major corruption cases, which made them the target for the corrupt and powerful forces behind these crimes.

Jawad al-Hindawi, the head of the Arab Center for Policies and Capacity Enhancement, told Al-Monitor, Iraq is currently witnessing a proper booster of the judiciary role, especially the Federal Supreme Court. But this is where things collide. While the judiciary is seeking to impose justice, the rule of law, the respect of the constitution, the fight against corruption and sabotage, some external and internal forces are keen on maintaining a state of instability, crimes and the undermining of the states foundations.

Ali al-Tamimi, a legal expert and former judge, told Al-Monitor, The solution lies in security forces providing protection for judges until the judiciary is fully independent. Failing this, judges wont be able to carry out their missions.

Ihsan al-Shammari, a professor of political science and head of the Center for Political Thinking, told Al-Monitor, The repeated targeting of judges is the result of the lack of the states deterrent action against armed groups.

He spoke of the rise of major mafias in the Iraqi state, which have grown even more powerful due to the lack of prosecution. The alliance between these mafias and tribes will only mean more targeting of judges and the security establishments.

Shammari added that there is a struggle for influence over weapons and drugs, with every group being supported by a powerful party which would perpetuate the conflict. Any decision to prosecute the criminals would push the mafias into retaliatory actions, with assassinations of the concerned judges and investigation officers.

According to information Shammari claims is from official sources, The mafias and groups targeting the judges are linked to foreign parties.

Judge Iyad Mohsen Damad said in a Facebook post, The security and intelligence services bear the full responsibility in providing the necessary protection for judges and preventing any attack on them.

While there are reports that the Supreme Judicial Council and senior judges in Iraq are relatively well protected from attacks, they still face political peril when it comes to their stances or temptations to issue politicized rulings.

It is necessary for the judiciary to remain distanced from political motivations and not allow political forces to control it while working on providing full protection to judges so they can achieve justice.

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Iraqi judges in crosshairs of drug dealers with powerful connections - Al-Monitor

Iran Calls For Increasing Financial Transactions With Iraq – Iran Front Page – Iran Front Page – IFP News

Mohammad Mokhber made the comment during a meeting with visiting President of the Central Bank of Iraq Mustafa Ghaleb Makhif, adding that interaction with neighboring countries is a priority of Iran.

Among the countries neighboring the Islamic Republic of Iran, the government and the people of the Iraqi Republic, due to deep religious, cultural and historical bonds, have a special standing for the Islamic Republic, Mokhber said.

Both sides should pave the way for deeper cooperation and activities of the Iraqi and Iranian private sector and companies, and to that end, it is necessary that the central banks of the two countries play a stronger role in facilitating financial affairs.

Mokhber also touched on the security situation in the region, stressing that Iraqs stability, security and international standing is of great significance for Iran.

He said Tehran believes regional problems can only be resolved by regional countries using their domestic potentials and getting assistance from neighbors, and any intervention by foreign countries, and especially the US, will only keep governments and nations back.

Ghaleb, in turn, called for cooperation between the central banks to help the implementation of previous agreements between the two countries.

He added that Iraq considers it a priority to remove existing obstacles to investment of Iranian companies in the country and participation in Iraqi projects.

Ghaleb also hailed Irans role in helping restore stability and security to Iraq, stressing that the religious ties between the two neighbors are unbreakable.

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Iran Calls For Increasing Financial Transactions With Iraq - Iran Front Page - Iran Front Page - IFP News