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The author is a faculty member at Istanbul Sabahattin Zaim University. He specializes in hadith studies, the relationship between Jewish and Christian cultures, inter-religious and intercultural interactions, Orientalism-Occidentalism, theopolitics, anti-Islamism (cultural racism), and Islam and Muslims in Europe and the West.

ISTANBUL

Pope Francis, the new Jesuit-origin leader of the Papacy, an institution with two thousand years of theopolitical history, visited Iraq as his first visit outside of Italy since the start of the COVID-19 pandemic. The tour, which seems to have been planned with the Papacys experience and consciousness going back two millennia, came to the fore with the announcement that the Pope had accepted the invitation sent by the Catholic community in Iraq in 2019 and that the visit would take place in 2020. As a result, for the first time in history, a Pope paid a visit to Iraq, where an estimated 250 thousand Christians live. As will be remembered, in 1999, the then Pope John Paul II wanted to visit Iraq, but Saddam Hussein did not allow it. The previous Pope, Benedict XVI, also wanted to plan a visit there, but he could not go, either.

Although it may be considered unnecessary to overplay the Popes visit by reading too much into it, when it comes to a two-thousand-year-old theopolitical institution, it is important to examine every detail of it from different angles, since both the scope of the visit and several symbolic statements made by the Pope drew attention (for example, he said Assalamu Alaikum when he first arrived, and later in his speech in Baghdad he remarked, I come as a pilgrim of peace). Apart from his meetings with state officials, he visited Najaf, the holy city of Iraqi-Arab Shiism, and met with Grand Ayatollah Ali al-Husayni al-Sistani (which was the first time a senior Ayatollah met with the Pope), and in the ancient city of Ur, where Prophet Abraham was born, he listened to a Quranic recitation and prayed with the representatives of the Muslim and Jewish communities, held a mass in the Assyrian and Chaldean cathedral-churches and met with opinion leaders, with representatives of the Kurdish administration in the Four Churches Square in Mosul (Nineveh) and in Erbil, and held masses at the Franso Hariri Stadium, which can be stated as theopolitical symbolic messages. To the journalists on board the papal plane, Pope Francis stressed the significance of the tour and the symbols associated with it by saying, This is a symbolic visit, a mission; Iraq has long been a country of martyrs and victims.

On the occasion of the meeting of the Pope and Sistani, and members of different religions in Ur also coming together by this opportunity, Iraqi Prime Minister Mustafa al-Kadhimis announcement that March 6 would henceforth be celebrated as a National Day of Tolerance and Coexistence in Iraq, which came as a remarkable aspect of the visit.

Religious or political?

It was also discussed on account of this visit whether the Popes visit to Iraq, and all his international visits in general, were made with his religious identity, political identity, or both political and religious (i.e., theopolitical) identities. As it is known, the Pope, as the successor of Apostle Peter, is regarded as Gods deputy on earth. As a consequence, the Popes true identity is religious, or theopolitical, and the public opinion is in that direction. As the head of state of the Vatican, he also has a secular position. What kind of identity/identities popes assume for their foreign visits, such as Pope Francis visit to Iraq, is also up for discussion. Because he has, so to speak, a hybrid identity, it is reasonable to assume that he made these visits with both identities (which may seem paradoxical), and that this is how the world perceives him; his religious or theopolitical position is nevertheless more prominent.

Mosul-Nineveh and Ur visits and Iraqi Sunnis

The ancient township of Nineveh, whose history dates back to 700 BC, and the city of Ur, which is considered to be the birthplace of Prophet Abraham, were two of the most important stops on the Popes visit to Iraq. Nineveh is also known as the city of Prophet Jonah (in whose name there is a surah in the Quran, and one of the books of the Old Testament is also named after him). The tomb of Prophet Jonah in Nineveh, as well as the town itself, was destroyed by Daesh when it invaded Mosul.

Despite the fact that many mosques in the area were also destroyed, Pope Francis brought up only the churches destroyed by Daesh in Mosul-Nineveh and prayed for war and armed conflict victims in the Hosh al-Bieaa Square in Qaraqosh (Al-Hamdaniya) district, also known as the capital of Iraqi Christians. Nobody talks about the suffering of Iraqi Sunnis, either in Mosul, the Sunni heartland, or in other parts of the country; the Pope didnt even mention it. He could have made a symbolic gesture of goodwill by meeting with an Iraqi Sunni religious leader as well. Furthermore, the Popes remarks about living in fraternity and no one should be killed inevitably prompt us to ask a crucial question: who, in the first place, turned Syria, and especially Iraq, into the war-torn ruins that they are now, killing hundreds of thousands of Muslims?

Papacy, Iraqi Shiism and Iran

Although this is a debatable point, it can be said that, of all Muslim groups, Shiism, with its institutional and doctrinal structure, is most comparable to the Vatican-Papacy. One of the most striking pictures of the 84-year-old Popes visit to Iraq was his meeting with the 91-year-old Sistani --the leader of Arab Shiites, whose theological/theopolitical aspect is more prominent-- at the home of the latter -- and without even paying attention to wearing a mask or maintaining social distance. Although Sistani is of Iranian-Persian origin, he has differences of opinion with Grand Ayatollah Ali Khamenei and the city of Qom, the learning center of the Twelver Shia. The Popes meeting with Sistani has political/theopolitical significance with regard to Iran and Khamenei. We may also question whether the US was involved in the planning of this visit, since it seems only reasonable to assume that the US would be more than happy to foster ethno-sectarian rivalry among Shiites and would therefore not want Khamenei to establish authority over all Shiites. To that end, the schism among Shiites -- Sistani/Iraqi Shiites vs. Khamenei/Iranian Shiites -- may deepen, which would actually serve Israels interests. The rivalry between Qom and Najaf, as well as between Persian and Arab Shiism is well-known and has always existed in the background. In this context, it is also noteworthy that, during the Popes visit, a banner reading You are part of us, we are part of you was unfurled by a group of Christians, referring to Sistani, who has a well-known general attitude regarding the protection and security of Iraqi Christians.

On the other hand, while there is as yet no official response from Iran regarding these talks and messages, it seems that these messages did not sit well with the pro-Iranian Shiites in the country. Abu Ali al-Askari, a senior Iraqi Kataib Hezbollah commander, said on Twitter, We should not be optimistic about the Popes visit and him making our homes calm and peaceful. Iranian analyst Dr. Hossein Ruywaran also described the visit as political, not religious.

The patron of Middle Eastern Christians: Pope

One of the main messages of the symbolic rituals and church visits during Popes visit can be considered a reminder of the Christian past in these lands, as well as the Popes position as guardian of the Christian minorities in the region. As a matter of fact, the Pope brought up, at every opportunity, the difficulties faced by Christian minorities in the country and region, especially during his 50-minute meeting with Sistani. Sistani, on the other hand, emphasized the constitutional rights of the Christian minorities in the country and their right to live in peace and security like other Iraqi citizens. In fact, it is known that many Christians were settled in Shiite areas along the Najaf-Karbala road with Sistanis approval.

Although there were nearly one and a half million Christians in Iraq 20 years ago, the number is now estimated to be about 250 thousand. These Christians come from diverse racial and denominational backgrounds. In addition to the small number of Catholic communities, there are also Chaldeans who are close to the Papacy in terms of administration. There are Orthodox and Catholic Syriacs, Armenians, and a small number of Protestant-Evangelical groups as well. With this visit, the Pope also gave the message that he is the protector of all these Christians. Naturally, this can be interpreted as a Catholicization mission/call, the implicit message being, Come under the umbrella/patronage of the Vatican and the Papacy, because the Vaticans/Popes interfaith dialogue project actually aims at Christianizing non-Christians and Catholicizing non-Catholics. In this sense, the Popes visit to Najaf can actually be seen as a visit to al-Hirah, which is nearby. Al-Hirah, the capital of the Lakhmids, one of the ancient Christian peoples of the region, was instrumental in the revival of Christian cities and regions in the Middle East. Besides, in Christian theology, the Middle East, including Anatolia, is actually considered to be a sacred Christian land.

On the other hand, the Popes visit to Iraq could be interpreted as a message against the activities, based on an orientalist-humanist background, aimed at reviving Zoroastrianism, especially among Northern Iraqi Kurds. Numerous articles and analyses have been published about how the efforts to this end have ratcheted up in recent years. As a matter of fact, one of the messages delivered by Pope Francis during his Sunday service in a stadium in Erbil was addressed to this particular issue.

- Popes UAE visit of 2019 and 'new theopolitical line'

We should also establish a link between the Pope-Sistani meeting and the Popes talks with al-Azhar Sheikh Ahmed al-Tayeb --both during his 2017 visit to Egypt and the highly symbolic and theopolitical three-day visit to the United Arab Emirates (UAE) in 2019. In this context, the Pope met with Ahmet al-Tayeb, who he believes represents al-Azhar and Sunnis on the one hand, and Sistani, whom he highlighted as the leader of Shiites, on the other.

As will be remembered, the Popes visit to the UAE also drew attention as it was the first papal visit to the Gulf, the Arabian Peninsula, and it was emphasized in terms of the UAEs likely future theopolitical position in the Middle East. During the visit, al-Azhar Sheikh Ahmed al-Tayeb greeted the Pope by hugging him at the airport and stayed by his side almost the entire time. Together, they signed the UAE-based Muslim Government Council and Human Brotherhood memorandum, and attended the interfaith dialogue meeting at the Sheikh Zayed mosque, attended by nearly 700 religious leaders. Following that, over 120 thousand Christians attended the mass held by the Pope at the Zayed Stadium.

Last October, the Pope released a new declaration entitled Fratelli Tutti (All Brothers) -- a call to universal fraternity and social unity -- in which he addressed all humanity. Therefore, his two meetings with the al-Azhar Sheikh in Egypt and in the UAE, and the one with Sistani during his latest visit to Iraq should be interpreted in light of this document/call. As a result, the Pope strengthened his relationship with the Islamic world, including both the Sunni and the Arab-Shiite wings. This can also be interpreted as a new theopolitical line/alliance addressed to the Islamic world, but one that excludes the Qatar-based World Union of Muslim Scholars (Yusuf al-Qaradawi, Ahmad al-Raysuni) as well as Iranian Shiism and Khamenei. We can also include within this line the Saudi Arabia-based World Islamic Union (Rabita) and Muhammed bin Abdul Karim Issa, who has previously met with the Pope and Vatican officials several times.

Abraham Accords and alliance of Semitic nations

It's possible to draw a connection between the Abraham Accords process, which started under former US President Donald Trumps leadership, and the Popes visit to Iraq. Muslim countries such as the UAE, Bahrain, Morocco and Sudan have taken a so-called normalization step towards Israel. The Popes visit to Iraq may also be interpreted as a follow-up to the Abraham Accords. Indeed, the Abraham Accords can be viewed as a continuation of a merely dialogue project, which is nothing more than an orientalist take on Abrahamic religions. Thus, the Popes visit to the city of Ur, the birthplace of Prophet Abraham, and his emphasis on Prophet Abraham should be underlined in this respect. Pope Francis gave a message, saying Unity, togetherness and faith began from Ur. We are descendants of Abraham. The importance of Prophet Abraham was emphasized in the agreements between Israel and Arab countries, which were interspersed with references to an alliance of Semitic nations, referring to the shared Semitic heritage of Arabs and Jews. However, it is well-known that Arabs and Muslims, especially Prophet Muhammad, have been insulted in Jewish-Christian literature throughout history, and this is done in part by referring to them as Ishmaelites-Hagarenes (i.e., children of slaves/concubines).

All of this may point to a possible alliance between the Vatican and Israel aimed at a common approach to the greater Middle East; it is understood that they recently agreed to end their animosity.

The Catholic Biden influence

The role of Joe Biden, the new Catholic president of the United States, in this potential alliance and the Popes visit to Iraq amid the pandemic has not gone unquestioned, either. Biden, who is proud of being a member of the American model of the Roman Catholic Church, is the second Catholic president of the United States after John F. Kennedy. This brings to mind Bidens desire to create a theopolitical line in the Islamic world under the leadership of the Pope-Vatican/Catholicism. As a matter of fact, during his visit, the Pope did not say a word about the invaders in Iraq, first and foremost the US, which together have ruined the country and should leave it once and for all.

Essentially, this theopolitical line, which we believe was initiated by the Pope long before the visit, was merely continued with his visit to Iraq as leader of the Catholic world only a few months after Catholic President Biden took office in the White House. The region will soon see the repercussions of this.

A theopolitical bloc against the Russian Orthodox Church?

On the other hand, this visit of the Pope to Iraq as the patron of Christians can also be interpreted as the Papacys rivalry/bloc against the influence of the Russian Orthodox Church, which has been especially strong in Syria. This rivalry was closely followed in different regions, especially in Ukraine, and a rivalry formed between the Russian Orthodox Church and the pro-Western churches, particularly the Vatican. It is no secret that Russia wants to reinforce the ecumenical influence of the Russian Orthodox Church. There is even no shortage of statements in which Putin, the head of the Russian Church, is referred to as a Mahdi-Messiah or the Tsar and the Saint charged with preparing Russia for Doomsday, the apocalyptic reckoning, or the great end. There are also books published with such titles as The Apocalyptics of Vladimir Putin.

These theopolitical policies, whose most recent repercussions we have been witnessing in Syria, represent the Russian Orthodox Churchs desire to become the new leader and patron of all Eastern Christians. In this regard, Popes visit to Iraq could be interpreted as an attempt by the West, especially the United States, to curb the Russian Churchs theopolitical sphere of influence in Iraq-Syria and the Middle East.

What is the message of the visit for Turkey?

The Popes visit to Iraq can also be said to contain subtle messages for Turkey. In fact, the Popes highly symbolic statements and talks during his visit can be assessed as a message to Turkey, implying overall that they definitely do not desire to see the region being shaped by a powerful Sunni country like Turkey. Indeed, Sunnis and Sunnism in Iraq were besieged from all sides up until a few years ago; now it is even worse: they have been on the verge of being completely eliminated or neutralized for quite some time.

Another symbolic meeting the Pope had in this regard was with members of the terrorist Hashd al-Shaabi, which was established with Sistani's fatwa and has been collaborating with PKK terrorists in Sinjar, as it turned out. Moreover, it was reported in several news outlets covering the Popes visit that he gave his own rosary beads to Rayan Salim al-Kildani, the leader of the Babylon Brigade, a Christian militia founded in 2014 as part of Hashd al-Shaabi; the same Hashd al-Shaabi that has been hurling threats at Turkey for some time. During the meeting between the Pope and Sistani, the head of a Hashd al-Shaabi subunit even made a comment along the lines of purchasing an air defense system from the United States in order to defend themselves against Turkey.

It seems that there are both visible and subtle aspects and ramifications of the Popes visit to Iraq. Therefore, theopolitical ramifications of the visit in the area, especially in Iraq, will become clearer as the Biden administration takes concrete steps toward the region. Well have to wait and see.

Translated from Turkish by Baran Burgaz Ayaz

* Opinions expressed in this article are the authors own and do not necessarily reflect the editorial policy of Anadolu Agency.

Link:
ANALYSIS - Theo-politics of Pope's visit to Iraq - Anadolu Agency

Several rockets hit a military base in Erbil, northern Iraq last month, killing a foreign civilian contractor.

Tehran, Iran Iran has told the United Nations that claims of its role in attacks on United States interests in Iraq are completely baseless and lacking legal credibility.

In a letter to UN Secretary-General Antonio Guterres, the countrys UN envoy Majid Takht-Ravanchi decisively rejected claims that Iran-backed paramilitary forces were behind recent attacks against the US.

The Islamic Republic of Iran has not had any involvement, directly or indirectly, in any armed attacks by any entities or individuals against the United States in Iraq, he wrote, according to parts of the letters text published by state-run IRNA news on Monday.

Last month, several rockets hit a military base inside the airport in Erbil, northern Iraq, which killed one foreign civilian contractor and wounded at least nine others, including an American soldier.

Foreign troops deployed as part of the US-led coalition that helped Iraq fight the ISIL (ISIS) armed group since 2014 are stationed at the site.

A shadowy group calling itself Awliya al-Dam or the Guardians of the Blood claimed responsibility for the attack and said it would continue to target occupation American forces in Iraq.

Several other rocket attacks were launched against US interests in Iraq in the following weeks.

Most recently, several rockets landed in the Ain al-Asad base in early March.

In January 2020, shortly after the US assassinated Irans top general Qassem Soleimani in Baghdad, Irans Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps fired more than a dozen rockets at the base in an attack that bore no casualties.

In response to the recent attacks, US President Joe Biden launched the first military operation of his administration, ordering an air attack on facilities in eastern Syria near the border with Iraq, which the US said are used by Iran-backed militias.

The air attack, which Biden said was proportionate and aimed at creating deterrence, killed 22 people, according to war monitor Syrian Observatory for Human Rights.

In his letter, Irans envoy to the UN condemned the air attack, calling it illegal.

The US attacks amount to a violation of the sovereignty of the regions countries and a clear symbol of the gross violation of international rights and the UN Charter, Takht-Ravanchi said.

The representative also said the US moves only destabilise the region further and serve to advance the interests of terrorist groups.

He requested the letter be formally recognised as a UN Security Council document.

In late February, Irans Foreign Minister Mohammad Javad Zarif told his Iraqi counterpart, Fuad Hussein, in Tehran that the recent rocket attacks against US positions in Iraq are suspicious and the perpetrators must be identified.

The regional conflicts have escalated as Iran and the US continue to be at a standstill over restoring Irans 2015 nuclear deal with world powers.

Here is the original post:
Iran tells UN it was not behind attacks on US interests in Iraq - Al Jazeera English

The Pope's trip to Iraq has left a new light in a land devastated by a war that has been going on for ten years, showing to the world the thirst for peace and fraternity of a population that wants to start living again.

By Massimiliano Menichetti

"For us it was like waking up from a nightmare, we could not believe our eyes, the country really can get back on its feet." These simple words summarize the hope of an entire people, the Iraqi people, who embraced the Pope from March 5 to 8. The image of this trip is captured in a snapshot in Mosul, the former capital of the so-called Islamic State, where the rubble is riddled with thousands of bullet holes; where seeing churches, houses, mosques destroyed and disfigured, one touches the violence of the fighting and the fury of man who destroys, tramples and annihilates his brother.

In that context, where horror seemed to prevail, the Pope was greeted by the singing of children waving olive branches. Others, not far from that encounter, were playing on a dirt road; asphalt remained only in the central streets. A little girl of four or five, dressed in a pink floral onesie and a pair of slippers, broke away from her group of companions and walked backwards. Unconsciously she stopped at the feet of a soldier. She looks at him, running her eyes over his entire figure, from his head to his feet.

The soldier - with the explosives on his waist, the helmet, the glasses to protect himself from the sun - bends his neck and meets the gaze of the little girl, her face dirty with earth like the rest of her body. Behind them, only the rubble of what used to be houses. Their eyes met despite those dark lenses, the man stroked the little girl on the head and lifted her up. She bursts into a smile, which he instantly reciprocates. In that image we can see the whole present and future of Iraq.

It was a memorable trip for Pope Francis, the first Pope to set foot in the land of Abraham. He encouraged and confirmed in the faith the Christian community, which together with Muslims and minorities such as the Yazidis, had experienced unspeakable suffering. It was a historic journey, bridging the gap with the Shiites after the efforts made with regard to the Sunnis in Abu Dhabi. It was historic on account ofthe welcome he received. But above all, it was a historic journey on account of the light of goodness and redemption he brought to a place devastated by war, violence and persecution perpetrated by ISIS, and now experiencing the scourges of poverty and the covid-19 pandemic.

What is particularly striking for someone visiting Iraq is the militarization: everywhere there were men in war gear, with thick bulletproof vests, belts with hand grenades, helmets with precision visors, and heavy weapons; along the road, tanks, armored cars, dozens of pick-up trucks with machine guns. Along the streets, just meters from those greeting the Pope with small flags and banners, unauthorized persons were held with hands behind their backs. In Baghdad, Nassirya, Ur, Mosul, Qaraqosh, Erbil, yellow and white Vatican flags were flown along walls topped with barbed wire.

In 2020, Iraq suffered approximately 1400 terrorist attacks; jobs are hard to find, and economic difficulties are a dramatic reality. But this is not the only reality in the country, even if this is the prevailing narrative - and often the only one. That narrative has no time for those who help others, for those who are committed to a reality of sharing and reconstruction.

The Pope's journey has shed a different light on the country, and for the first time in decades, Iraq is being spoken of in positive terms: of welcome, of prospects, of the future. Christians and Muslims shared with Pope Francis not only their sufferings, but also their faith, their strength, their determination to remain, putting back on its feet a land that in the past was the cradle of ancient civilizations and an example of peaceful coexistence. Everyone listened to what they called "the great words" pronounced by a wise man.

Christians found themselves in prayer with the Successor of Peter, becoming a light for the whole world. A people grounded in reality, marked by stories of unspeakable suffering, who seek to overcome hatred and who will not accept becoming a repository of terror and fundamentalism. The Pope has brought a new ferment, in a reality accustomed to being depicted with dark and deadly colors. In Baghdad, where walls and armored perimeters protect the faithful in churches and mosques, semi-inhabited buildings alternate with festively lit squares and very poor neighborhoods, where architecture shows the discontinuity of styles and the signs of fighting.

Pope Francis remembered the martyrs, and, condemning all forms of fundamentalism, embraced the Christian community and all those who have suffered and continue to suffer. Despite the pandemic, entire families gathered behind the cordons and separations formed by armored vehicles, in order to see, if only for a moment, "the man of peace" who came from afar. In Ur of the Chaldeans, where the eagerly anticipated inter-religious meeting was held, the desert wind blew through protective nets placed along the route from the airport of Nassirya. Here, where tradition places the home of Abraham, with one of the largest Ziggurats in the world forming a backdrop, the stars of the sky were seen in broad daylight, the firmament that the Pope indicated as a compass, to walk on earth, to build paths of encounter, dialogue and peace.

Those present spoke of an "extraordinary, unimaginable encounter," giving thanks to God in different languages. The joy and emotion of the community of Qaraqosh, where the majority of the inhabitants are Christians, was unforgettable. The Pope listened to accounts of the wounds and the testimony of faith of those who have seen children, wives, brothers killed by ISIS. He heard pleas for forgiveness for the killers. Here, on the faces of young and old, tears flowed when the Pope uttered the words, "You are not alone."

Iraq's greeting of hope for the Pope became visible in the large stadium in Erbil, Iraqi Kurdistan, where so many Iraqis and Syrians found refuge. More than 10,000 people, coming from all parts of the country, prayed with Pope Francis, waiting in silence and recollection, with a new hope in their hearts: that a different Iraq is possible.

Read this article:
The hope of Iraq in the smile of a little girl - Vatican News

Following a drone attack in the Baghdad International Airport in early January 2020 that resulted in the death of Qassim Suleimani, the commander of Iranian forces, tensions between the United States and Iraq have grown more and more violent.

In the early weeks of February, a civilian contractor was killed and a U.S. service member and five others were injured in an airstrike that struck Erbil and the region surrounding it.

Little-known Shiite armed group transated as Guardian of the Blood claimed responsibility for this deadly attack, as well as two additional bombings against U.S. contractor convoys back in August of last year.

On Feb. 15, 107 mm rockets were launched near Erbil Airport in northern Iraq, which resulted in the fatality of a Filipino contractor and casualties of six others, including a Louisiana National Guard soldier and four American contractors.

Iraqi officials have taken two of the men who were responsible for this attack into custody.

While Heidar al-Bayatis name has been released as a suspect in custody, the name of the other has yet to be disclosed.

In late February, President Biden authorized the United States to carry out airstrikes in eastern Syria, following the airstrike on the Erbil International Airport in Kurdish and other regions of Erbil.

In order to avoid diplomatic blowback to the Iraqi government, these strikes took place just over the border in Syria in the town of Aub Kamal.

These overnight airstrikes hit three loaded trucks, resulting in 22 fatalities. Though Rami Abdulrahman, the head of the Syrian Observatory for Human Rights, suggested that this number was expected to rise as a result of the number of people who were critically injured.

This proportionate military response was conducted together with diplomatic measures, including consultation with coalition partners, Biden said.

Additional comments were made by John F. Kirby, the Pentagon press secretary.

We have acted in a deliberate manner that aims to de-escalate the overall situation in both eastern Syria and Iraq, stated Kirby

The Iran-backed militia Kataib Hezbollah revealed that one of its fighters, who was a member of the Popular Mobilization Forces a part of the Iraqi security forces that are helping to prevent infiltration by the Islamic State had been killed in the airstrike in Syria.

In retaliation to this airstrike, an Iraqi-backed militia fired ten rockets at a military base in Iraq that had been hosting approximately 2,000 U.S.-led coalition troops.

According to a tweet posted by Operation Inherent Resolve military spokesman Colonel Wayne Marotto, the rockets had been targeted at the Ain al-Asad air base on March 3.

Major General Tahseen al-Khafaji of the Iraqi security forces suggested that there was no damage reported at the base, and that the security forces are still investigating who is behind the attack.

While no one has claimed responsibility for this attack, Defense Secretary Lloyd Austin expressed concern that the same people who had launched the airstrike on the attack on the Erbil International Airport had also been the ones behind the attack on the U.S. military base.

Jessica McNulty, a Pentagon spokesperson, backed this statement.

We assess that C-RAM effectively engaged four of the 10 rockets that impact the base, McNulty said. None of the rockets made direct hits on any structures or vehicles. There was some minor shrapnel damage that will not have any impact on operations at Al Asad.

In spite of all of the positive feedback about the attack, members of different government agencies have expressed their displeasure.

One such person, Representative Rho Khana (D-CA),on the House Armed Services Committee, mentioned that there was no possible justification for these attacks during an interview with CNN.

Offensive military action without congressional approval is not constitutional absent (from) extraordinary circumstances. Congress must be fully briefed on this matter expeditiously, stated Khanna

The rocket attacks on the U.S. military base were carried out while Washington and Tehran are trying to find a way to return to the nuclear deal that had been abandoned by former U.S. President Donald Trump.

Not much is known about how these airstrikes will affect the efforts by the United States to coax Iran back into a negotiating position from both.

Even though were highly committed to reestablishing dialogue with the Iranians, we can undertake military strikes at the same time, said Michael Knights, an analyst at the Washington Institute for Near East Policy

See the original post here:
Rockets Fired on U.S. military base in Iraq - The Campus

The regional hegemonic powers clearly set out to attack Iraqs sovereignty and national dignity. The zero-sum game between Iran and Turkey over influence in Iraq is no longer so surprising. But it raises serious questions about the Arab position on what these two countries are plotting against an Arab state with a long history.What has happened between Iran and Turkey in recent times is not just a verbal squabble that spilled over into a diplomatic crisis, as it may seem. Indeed, there is a strong antagonism between these two countries that masquerades behind the common interest of pursuing their colonial projects while scorning Arab national sovereignty and interests.

Iranian Ambassador to Iraq Iraj Masjedi said that his country does not tolerate the presence of foreign troops in Iraq, nor a military intervention on its territory, alluding to the occupation of Iraqi territory by Turkish forces. Such a declaration would have been fair, if only it had not been made by an official of a state that is literally doing what it accuses others of doing.

Iran and Turkey are foreign powers that have been illegally intervening in Iraq for years. Each is embroiled in a barbarous occupation of parts of Iraq. How can one call the other out and describe it as an occupier? The mullahs themselves openly boasted years ago that they occupied the capital of Iraq among four Arab capitals.

No one can forget the March 2015 statement by Ali Younesi, Irans former minister of intelligence and adviser to the current Iranian president: Iran has become an empire, as it has been throughout history, and its capital is now Baghdad.

Funny how the Iranian ambassador called on Turkey to withdraw to the international border and leave the task of securing Iraq to the Iraqis, but did not tell his own side the same. His country has spread its sectarian militias all over Iraq. It is hampering the unity of the Iraqi people and sabotaging all efforts to restore security on its territory.

Of course, what applies to Iran is sure to apply to Turkey. Both have a strategic expansion project at the cost of Arab states: nibbling away at their territories, plundering their riches and exploiting them in a game of blackmail against the major powers.

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THIS MAY be the moment of the projects clash, and conflicts of interest may arise after years of pretend cooperation and coordination between them. In repeated joint meetings in recent years, Iran and Turkey have spoken of historic friendships and other rosy phrases that did not weather the first storm that rocked the walls of these frail ties.

He went on to speak inappropriately about what he described as non-ancient Arab countries. The meeting saw a splurge of histrionics from both sides on the Palestinian issue, which they are fighting each other to exploit to conquer the hearts of Arab people, so as to implement their colonial projects through sectarian and terrorist groups and elements, alas, of Arab nationalities.

The conflict between the Iranian and Turkish projects on Iraqi soil is neither new, nor fleeting, nor shocking.

Few have bought the words of phony friendship swapped by the two countries leaders, who have nothing but anti-Arab sentiment. In Syria as in Iraq, there is an intense or temporarily buried conflict between the two countries, marked by divergent sectarian tendencies and a desire to extend ones influence to others detriment.

Since 2003, the two sides have banded together to put a lid on the Kurdish project, consenting to violate Iraqs sovereignty from east to west and to launch strike after strike against the Kurds. Afterward, the mullahs kept silent about Turkeys presence in Syria, especially in Idlib. Turkey turned a blind eye to Irans presence in Syria.

But Turkeys strong incursion into northern Iraq in recent months did not sit well with the mullahs. They did not welcome Turkeys growing role in Lebanon either. The latest spat brings out a repressed anger that is looking for an exit to redefine the dynamics between the two players.

Iran and Turkey, aided by transnational terrorist organizations and groups, have done much to blur religion and politics, playing on sectarianism and seeking to erode national affiliations in favor of confessional affinities.

The mullahs view Iraq as part of the new Persian empire, as declared in 2017by former Iranian defense minister Gen. Hossein Dehghan in 2017, while Erdogans neo-Ottomanism looks at Arabs with the same supremacist gaze as the mullahs.

The Turkish-Iranian conflict in Iraq is the result, as noted above, of the intersection of Turkish nationalist and Iranian sectarian projects to control and dominate the Arab region and to take advantage of the power vacuum that has existed since the 2011 troubles. We may expect each side to get bolder as it solidifies its positions in Iraq and elsewhere.

THIS ADDS a new burden to Iraq and Iraqis, and weakens the current governments efforts to gradually restore the countrys role and status.

The Arab position on Irans and Turkeys assaults on Iraqi sovereignty is well known. However, Arab rejection of their interference is limited to words, and does not translate into coordinated efforts within a joint Arab diplomatic framework to respond resolutely to these violations.

In fact, the room for maneuver of Arab actors is thin. Perhaps this is due to the circumstances of the Arab regional system or the declining role of international organizations, the lack of effective international cooperation, and the changing interests and priorities due to the circumstances of the coronavirus pandemic.

Nevertheless, it is imperative to provide all possible Arab support to Iraq to free this great Arab country from the straitjacket of the regional power struggle between Iran and Turkey.

The writer is a UAE political analyst and former Federal National Council candidate.

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Iran and Turkey's power struggle in Iraq - opinion - The Jerusalem Post