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As the 18th anniversary of the U.S. invasion of Iraq draws close, so does a promising opportunity to promote peace and end endless war: a bill to repeal the 2002 Authorization for Use of Military Force in Iraq.

The 2002 Iraq Authorization for Use of Military Force was passed when some people in our government mistakenly thought that Saddam Hussein was developing nuclear weapons. It gave our nation permission to invade Iraq and remove the regime of Saddam Hussein.

Saddam was removed long ago, but the 2002 Iraq Authorization for Use of Military Force is still on the books. It has been misused against forces that had nothing to do with Saddam, and our continual warmongering has cost us countless dollars and lives. It could be used to involve us in a continuous cycle of retaliation.

HR 256 repeals the 2002 Iraq Authorization for Use of Military Force. To bring the bill to the House floor so it can be passed, we need as many co-sponsors as we can get. I see that Maine Rep. Chellie Pingree has co-sponsored HR 256, and I commend her decision. She is in good company, as many representatives on all sides of the political spectrum are pushing this cause.

We must continue to rally both the public and our leaders to work to use tools of peace and diplomacy rather than the weapons of destruction that continue the cycle of war.

I thank Rep. Pingree for her support as we work to have harmony replace war.

Beatrice BraeuerScarborough

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Letter to the editor: Time to pull open-ended Iraq war powers - pressherald.com

When a Libyan pessimist, sceptical of the ability of his countrys new government to fulfill its promises, meets an Iraqi who is all too familiar with his own countrys problems and is affected by the corruption of its failed, corrupt governments (the roots of which were laid in laws enacted by US Administrator Paul Bremer), many factors will cause the Iraqi citizen to envy his Libyan brother for blessings God has bestowed upon.

The first is that Libya is not a neighbour of Iran, Turkey, or Syria.

The second is that the Libyan people belong to one sect and are essentially of one ethnic group, despite the existence of small ethnic minorities who are unable to obstruct the reunification process, as is the case in Iraq today.

The third is that the Libyan people number slightly more than seven million in a vast land with resources and riches that are enough to rebuild the country from east to west and from north to south. These can also make Libyan citizens the richest on earth. That wealth would enable them to play an effective and far-reaching role in drawing up regional policies and contributing to international agendas to a far greater extent than, for instance, little Qatar has achieved.

The fourth and most important of all reasons is that the majority of Libyans is favourable to a civil state that separates religion from the state, even though it respects religion and is keen on the freedom to preach, provide religious counsel and practice rituals. The history of the Libyan people since the days of their emancipation from the Italian occupation shows that the role of clerics rarely extended beyond the mosque or the shrine.

Fifth, and despite all the turbulence the country has faced, the professional Libyan National Army has survived albeit with limited manpower, weapons and combat experience. Field Marshal Khalifa Haftar, despite conflicting views about him, only exhorted soldiers still loyal to military tradition to reject the domination by armed militias over the countrys wealth and people, calling upon them to unite under his leadership. He thus became the leader of an effective armed force that could not be ignored by the outside world and the United Nations when searching for a solution. And that is what has happened.

It was not possible, without his approval and participation, to reach the peaceful settlement with the Tripoli government, Islamist militias and groups of foreign mercenaries which produced the interim government tasked with laying the ground for fair elections by next December. Such a thing cannot happen in Iraq where the militias are in full control and dominate the government and the judiciary. The Iraqi army, since its re-establishment after the US invasion of Iraq in 2003, has been the weakest partner in the political process because the Iranians and their Iraqi Shia proxies and their Kurdish allies sought to ensure an army built on their own factions.

The sixth asset for Libya is that unlike Iraq it has no racist parties which since their inception decades ago have put their weapons and fighters under the command of every country hostile to their homeland. This was especially true after the Americans, in the aftermath of the 1990 occupation of Kuwait, gave these parties an independent platform to be a thorn in the side of the Iraqi people, allowing them to prevent full reunification even at the cost of bloodshed.

And the seventh and last reason is that Egypt, Tunisia and Algeria have not tainted the hands of their soldiers and officers with the blood of Libyans, as Iran and Turkey have done with Iraqis. They have not had recourse to the bribery, espionage and plots which is keeping Iraq as long as possible, torn, backward and bankrupt, making certain that a unified, strong, rich and respected Iraq never emerges.

Yes, there are external forces that created Libyas problem on February 17, 2011, and they have indeed fanned the flames of civil war over the past ten years. But these same actors are the ones who worked to encourage the Libyan protagonists, or maybe more accurately, to force them to end the fighting, chaos and devastation and to rebuild what the armies and militias have ravaged. This came about after these external forces realised their interests are better served by a Libyan at peace rather than in conflict.

As for Iraq, it has one neighbour who was able to infiltrate all the states joints and become the de facto and undisputed ruler.

Moreover, the most striking difference is that the US in Libya did not simply force a settlement, but raised its big stick against all parties involved in creating the problem. In Iraq, however, the US was not in the past part of the solution nor is it today nor will it be in the future.

In addition, the radical Islamists driven by the ideas of the Muslim Brotherhood, ISIS and others have not been able to transform their influence in Libya into a deep state that imposes its authority over the entire country like they did in Iraq.

Iraqi governments be they from the Dawa Party or those that have followed it, have had the support of the powerful Iranian state as well as official Turkish backing and tacit US approval. And this, even though the US always knew better than others about these governments corruption, extremism and bloodthirstiness. The full extent of the facts were hardly concealed from Americas intelligence services that were never more than an inch way from the public and private lives of the countrys pro-Iranian ministers, directors, and ambassadors, be they Shias or Sunnis, Arabs or Kurds.

Read more:
Seven reasons why a Libyan solution cannot work in Iraq | Ibrahim al-Zobeidi | AW - The Arab Weekly

For over a year, the University has been working to establish something never done before.

Posted: Mar 17, 2021 / 05:03 PM EDT / Updated: Mar 17, 2021 / 05:14 PM EDT

JEFFERSON COUNTY, OH (WTRF) Persecution is seeing healing as the Pope proclaimed, The church is alive in Iraq, and in the Ohio Valley, a university is becoming part of this monumental step.

An email in December would prompt one of the most exciting weekendsofFather Dave Pivonkas life.

The Pope, the Holy Father, is going to come to Iraq and would I be willing to come and be his guest. First off, honestly, I had to think about it. Ive not had to travel to Iraq before.

With two other professors, Fr. Dave embarked tothe Middle East,where they found themselves to besome of the few Americansattendingamong10,000 people.

The Popemade his firstventure to Iraq, signifyingtohis followersa turning point in history.

The world is talking about Christianity in Iraq, said Fr. Dave.

It comes at a dyer time. In the past 10 years, Fr. Dave says 60 percent of the Christian population in Iraq haseither left the country or been martyred.And now, the Pope called onthe remainingrefugees to forgive.

I remember talking with the bishop and I said, How many priests do you know that have been martyred during this time when ISIS took over this area? He began to go through a list of many, many priests who were killed. Its a church that suffered greatly. To be able to be there to celebrate with the Pope was just a great blessing.

Now back from his trip, Fr. Dave tells me Christians in America dont realize how good they have it.

When I was in Erbil, a young adult, she was maybe 22 or 23 years-old, goes Can I tell you something? I said, of course. She goes, Please tell your people to not take things for granted.

Rebuild my church:The mission at Franciscan can takemultiple directions with the most recent endeavor.

For about a year and a half,theUniversityhas been working with ArchbishopWardaof Erbil to establish a Catholic University in Iraq. Its an area that has neverseen the likes of one before.

The Archbishop has developed four different schools and they teach in English. So, it would be great to have people from this area go over to Iraq and be able to teach the children.

Read more here:
Franciscan University President says Christian education is on the way to Iraq - WTRF

Background

Following the high number of internally displaced persons (IDPs) in Iraq that returned to their area of origin (AoO) from 2016 to mid-2018, the rate of return slowed and remained comparatively low from mid-2018 onwards. In 2019, the Iraqi government initiated a plan to close IDP camps in order to facilitate returns.2 While the COVID-19 pandemic temporarily slowed this process down, the camp closures continued through 2020. As of September 2020, 1.3 million IDPs remained in protracted displacement throughout the country. This included almost 251,765 individuals who resided in 43 formal IDP camps, or 67 camps when including sub-camps in composite camp areas.

The Iraq Camp Coordination and Camp Management (CCCM) Cluster strategy has shifted to consider and support safe camp consolidations and closures in order to adapt to the shifting trend of IDP returns and to ensure minimum CCCM standards are being met across ageing camps. The primary aim of this situation overview is to examine trends in IDP camp conditions over a three year period (2018-2020). It compares the changes in key indicators in each camp to better assess how the situation in camps has evolved and where further improvements might be needed. The overview also seeks to monitor camp compliance with the minimum standards established by the CCCM Cluster during this period and reinforce the accountability of camp management.

The rounds included for the comparative overview are:- August-September 2020 (round XIV)- July-August 2019 (round XII)- July-August 2018 (round X)

Methodology

The selection of camps included in the assessment was based on the following criteria:- Open during the period of data collection;- Contained a minimum of 100 households; and- No security or accessibility constraints were present.

A mixed methodology approach to data collection was employed for this assessment, consisting of: a household survey with a representative sample of households from each camp; key informant interviews with the camp manager of each camp; and mapping of camp infrastructure using satellite imagery analysis and physical surveillance of infrastructure by enumerators on the ground.

For rounds X and XII, the household survey employed a random probability sampling technique. The sample drawn for each camp was calculated to achieve a 95% confidence level and a 10% margin of error at the camp level. When aggregated to the national level, findings are representative with the same confidence level and margin of error. Due to the COVID-19 pandemic and related restrictions, data was collected through phone-based interviews for round XIV and purposive sampling was used. The sample size was calculated to make it as consistent as possible with previous rounds. However, the purposive strategy used means that round XIVs sample may not be representative and the results should be considered as indicative only. For each round, population figures for each camp were drawn from the most recent Iraq CCCM Camp Master List and Population Flow database, maintained by the CCCM Cluster.

In partnership, the CCCM Cluster and REACH have conducted 12 rounds of the camp profiling and mapping assessment throughout formal camps in Iraq. These profiling exercises initially took place on a quarterly basis, but as the situation in many of the IDP camps stabilised over time, the assessment has been conducted twice a year since 2016.

See the rest here:
A trend analysis of key indicators in IDP camps - Iraq, 2018 - 2020 - Iraq - ReliefWeb

The author is a faculty member at Istanbul Sabahattin Zaim University. He specializes in hadith studies, the relationship between Jewish and Christian cultures, inter-religious and intercultural interactions, Orientalism-Occidentalism, theopolitics, anti-Islamism (cultural racism), and Islam and Muslims in Europe and the West.

ISTANBUL

Pope Francis, the new Jesuit-origin leader of the Papacy, an institution with two thousand years of theopolitical history, visited Iraq as his first visit outside of Italy since the start of the COVID-19 pandemic. The tour, which seems to have been planned with the Papacys experience and consciousness going back two millennia, came to the fore with the announcement that the Pope had accepted the invitation sent by the Catholic community in Iraq in 2019 and that the visit would take place in 2020. As a result, for the first time in history, a Pope paid a visit to Iraq, where an estimated 250 thousand Christians live. As will be remembered, in 1999, the then Pope John Paul II wanted to visit Iraq, but Saddam Hussein did not allow it. The previous Pope, Benedict XVI, also wanted to plan a visit there, but he could not go, either.

Although it may be considered unnecessary to overplay the Popes visit by reading too much into it, when it comes to a two-thousand-year-old theopolitical institution, it is important to examine every detail of it from different angles, since both the scope of the visit and several symbolic statements made by the Pope drew attention (for example, he said Assalamu Alaikum when he first arrived, and later in his speech in Baghdad he remarked, I come as a pilgrim of peace). Apart from his meetings with state officials, he visited Najaf, the holy city of Iraqi-Arab Shiism, and met with Grand Ayatollah Ali al-Husayni al-Sistani (which was the first time a senior Ayatollah met with the Pope), and in the ancient city of Ur, where Prophet Abraham was born, he listened to a Quranic recitation and prayed with the representatives of the Muslim and Jewish communities, held a mass in the Assyrian and Chaldean cathedral-churches and met with opinion leaders, with representatives of the Kurdish administration in the Four Churches Square in Mosul (Nineveh) and in Erbil, and held masses at the Franso Hariri Stadium, which can be stated as theopolitical symbolic messages. To the journalists on board the papal plane, Pope Francis stressed the significance of the tour and the symbols associated with it by saying, This is a symbolic visit, a mission; Iraq has long been a country of martyrs and victims.

On the occasion of the meeting of the Pope and Sistani, and members of different religions in Ur also coming together by this opportunity, Iraqi Prime Minister Mustafa al-Kadhimis announcement that March 6 would henceforth be celebrated as a National Day of Tolerance and Coexistence in Iraq, which came as a remarkable aspect of the visit.

Religious or political?

It was also discussed on account of this visit whether the Popes visit to Iraq, and all his international visits in general, were made with his religious identity, political identity, or both political and religious (i.e., theopolitical) identities. As it is known, the Pope, as the successor of Apostle Peter, is regarded as Gods deputy on earth. As a consequence, the Popes true identity is religious, or theopolitical, and the public opinion is in that direction. As the head of state of the Vatican, he also has a secular position. What kind of identity/identities popes assume for their foreign visits, such as Pope Francis visit to Iraq, is also up for discussion. Because he has, so to speak, a hybrid identity, it is reasonable to assume that he made these visits with both identities (which may seem paradoxical), and that this is how the world perceives him; his religious or theopolitical position is nevertheless more prominent.

Mosul-Nineveh and Ur visits and Iraqi Sunnis

The ancient township of Nineveh, whose history dates back to 700 BC, and the city of Ur, which is considered to be the birthplace of Prophet Abraham, were two of the most important stops on the Popes visit to Iraq. Nineveh is also known as the city of Prophet Jonah (in whose name there is a surah in the Quran, and one of the books of the Old Testament is also named after him). The tomb of Prophet Jonah in Nineveh, as well as the town itself, was destroyed by Daesh when it invaded Mosul.

Despite the fact that many mosques in the area were also destroyed, Pope Francis brought up only the churches destroyed by Daesh in Mosul-Nineveh and prayed for war and armed conflict victims in the Hosh al-Bieaa Square in Qaraqosh (Al-Hamdaniya) district, also known as the capital of Iraqi Christians. Nobody talks about the suffering of Iraqi Sunnis, either in Mosul, the Sunni heartland, or in other parts of the country; the Pope didnt even mention it. He could have made a symbolic gesture of goodwill by meeting with an Iraqi Sunni religious leader as well. Furthermore, the Popes remarks about living in fraternity and no one should be killed inevitably prompt us to ask a crucial question: who, in the first place, turned Syria, and especially Iraq, into the war-torn ruins that they are now, killing hundreds of thousands of Muslims?

Papacy, Iraqi Shiism and Iran

Although this is a debatable point, it can be said that, of all Muslim groups, Shiism, with its institutional and doctrinal structure, is most comparable to the Vatican-Papacy. One of the most striking pictures of the 84-year-old Popes visit to Iraq was his meeting with the 91-year-old Sistani --the leader of Arab Shiites, whose theological/theopolitical aspect is more prominent-- at the home of the latter -- and without even paying attention to wearing a mask or maintaining social distance. Although Sistani is of Iranian-Persian origin, he has differences of opinion with Grand Ayatollah Ali Khamenei and the city of Qom, the learning center of the Twelver Shia. The Popes meeting with Sistani has political/theopolitical significance with regard to Iran and Khamenei. We may also question whether the US was involved in the planning of this visit, since it seems only reasonable to assume that the US would be more than happy to foster ethno-sectarian rivalry among Shiites and would therefore not want Khamenei to establish authority over all Shiites. To that end, the schism among Shiites -- Sistani/Iraqi Shiites vs. Khamenei/Iranian Shiites -- may deepen, which would actually serve Israels interests. The rivalry between Qom and Najaf, as well as between Persian and Arab Shiism is well-known and has always existed in the background. In this context, it is also noteworthy that, during the Popes visit, a banner reading You are part of us, we are part of you was unfurled by a group of Christians, referring to Sistani, who has a well-known general attitude regarding the protection and security of Iraqi Christians.

On the other hand, while there is as yet no official response from Iran regarding these talks and messages, it seems that these messages did not sit well with the pro-Iranian Shiites in the country. Abu Ali al-Askari, a senior Iraqi Kataib Hezbollah commander, said on Twitter, We should not be optimistic about the Popes visit and him making our homes calm and peaceful. Iranian analyst Dr. Hossein Ruywaran also described the visit as political, not religious.

The patron of Middle Eastern Christians: Pope

One of the main messages of the symbolic rituals and church visits during Popes visit can be considered a reminder of the Christian past in these lands, as well as the Popes position as guardian of the Christian minorities in the region. As a matter of fact, the Pope brought up, at every opportunity, the difficulties faced by Christian minorities in the country and region, especially during his 50-minute meeting with Sistani. Sistani, on the other hand, emphasized the constitutional rights of the Christian minorities in the country and their right to live in peace and security like other Iraqi citizens. In fact, it is known that many Christians were settled in Shiite areas along the Najaf-Karbala road with Sistanis approval.

Although there were nearly one and a half million Christians in Iraq 20 years ago, the number is now estimated to be about 250 thousand. These Christians come from diverse racial and denominational backgrounds. In addition to the small number of Catholic communities, there are also Chaldeans who are close to the Papacy in terms of administration. There are Orthodox and Catholic Syriacs, Armenians, and a small number of Protestant-Evangelical groups as well. With this visit, the Pope also gave the message that he is the protector of all these Christians. Naturally, this can be interpreted as a Catholicization mission/call, the implicit message being, Come under the umbrella/patronage of the Vatican and the Papacy, because the Vaticans/Popes interfaith dialogue project actually aims at Christianizing non-Christians and Catholicizing non-Catholics. In this sense, the Popes visit to Najaf can actually be seen as a visit to al-Hirah, which is nearby. Al-Hirah, the capital of the Lakhmids, one of the ancient Christian peoples of the region, was instrumental in the revival of Christian cities and regions in the Middle East. Besides, in Christian theology, the Middle East, including Anatolia, is actually considered to be a sacred Christian land.

On the other hand, the Popes visit to Iraq could be interpreted as a message against the activities, based on an orientalist-humanist background, aimed at reviving Zoroastrianism, especially among Northern Iraqi Kurds. Numerous articles and analyses have been published about how the efforts to this end have ratcheted up in recent years. As a matter of fact, one of the messages delivered by Pope Francis during his Sunday service in a stadium in Erbil was addressed to this particular issue.

- Popes UAE visit of 2019 and 'new theopolitical line'

We should also establish a link between the Pope-Sistani meeting and the Popes talks with al-Azhar Sheikh Ahmed al-Tayeb --both during his 2017 visit to Egypt and the highly symbolic and theopolitical three-day visit to the United Arab Emirates (UAE) in 2019. In this context, the Pope met with Ahmet al-Tayeb, who he believes represents al-Azhar and Sunnis on the one hand, and Sistani, whom he highlighted as the leader of Shiites, on the other.

As will be remembered, the Popes visit to the UAE also drew attention as it was the first papal visit to the Gulf, the Arabian Peninsula, and it was emphasized in terms of the UAEs likely future theopolitical position in the Middle East. During the visit, al-Azhar Sheikh Ahmed al-Tayeb greeted the Pope by hugging him at the airport and stayed by his side almost the entire time. Together, they signed the UAE-based Muslim Government Council and Human Brotherhood memorandum, and attended the interfaith dialogue meeting at the Sheikh Zayed mosque, attended by nearly 700 religious leaders. Following that, over 120 thousand Christians attended the mass held by the Pope at the Zayed Stadium.

Last October, the Pope released a new declaration entitled Fratelli Tutti (All Brothers) -- a call to universal fraternity and social unity -- in which he addressed all humanity. Therefore, his two meetings with the al-Azhar Sheikh in Egypt and in the UAE, and the one with Sistani during his latest visit to Iraq should be interpreted in light of this document/call. As a result, the Pope strengthened his relationship with the Islamic world, including both the Sunni and the Arab-Shiite wings. This can also be interpreted as a new theopolitical line/alliance addressed to the Islamic world, but one that excludes the Qatar-based World Union of Muslim Scholars (Yusuf al-Qaradawi, Ahmad al-Raysuni) as well as Iranian Shiism and Khamenei. We can also include within this line the Saudi Arabia-based World Islamic Union (Rabita) and Muhammed bin Abdul Karim Issa, who has previously met with the Pope and Vatican officials several times.

Abraham Accords and alliance of Semitic nations

It's possible to draw a connection between the Abraham Accords process, which started under former US President Donald Trumps leadership, and the Popes visit to Iraq. Muslim countries such as the UAE, Bahrain, Morocco and Sudan have taken a so-called normalization step towards Israel. The Popes visit to Iraq may also be interpreted as a follow-up to the Abraham Accords. Indeed, the Abraham Accords can be viewed as a continuation of a merely dialogue project, which is nothing more than an orientalist take on Abrahamic religions. Thus, the Popes visit to the city of Ur, the birthplace of Prophet Abraham, and his emphasis on Prophet Abraham should be underlined in this respect. Pope Francis gave a message, saying Unity, togetherness and faith began from Ur. We are descendants of Abraham. The importance of Prophet Abraham was emphasized in the agreements between Israel and Arab countries, which were interspersed with references to an alliance of Semitic nations, referring to the shared Semitic heritage of Arabs and Jews. However, it is well-known that Arabs and Muslims, especially Prophet Muhammad, have been insulted in Jewish-Christian literature throughout history, and this is done in part by referring to them as Ishmaelites-Hagarenes (i.e., children of slaves/concubines).

All of this may point to a possible alliance between the Vatican and Israel aimed at a common approach to the greater Middle East; it is understood that they recently agreed to end their animosity.

The Catholic Biden influence

The role of Joe Biden, the new Catholic president of the United States, in this potential alliance and the Popes visit to Iraq amid the pandemic has not gone unquestioned, either. Biden, who is proud of being a member of the American model of the Roman Catholic Church, is the second Catholic president of the United States after John F. Kennedy. This brings to mind Bidens desire to create a theopolitical line in the Islamic world under the leadership of the Pope-Vatican/Catholicism. As a matter of fact, during his visit, the Pope did not say a word about the invaders in Iraq, first and foremost the US, which together have ruined the country and should leave it once and for all.

Essentially, this theopolitical line, which we believe was initiated by the Pope long before the visit, was merely continued with his visit to Iraq as leader of the Catholic world only a few months after Catholic President Biden took office in the White House. The region will soon see the repercussions of this.

A theopolitical bloc against the Russian Orthodox Church?

On the other hand, this visit of the Pope to Iraq as the patron of Christians can also be interpreted as the Papacys rivalry/bloc against the influence of the Russian Orthodox Church, which has been especially strong in Syria. This rivalry was closely followed in different regions, especially in Ukraine, and a rivalry formed between the Russian Orthodox Church and the pro-Western churches, particularly the Vatican. It is no secret that Russia wants to reinforce the ecumenical influence of the Russian Orthodox Church. There is even no shortage of statements in which Putin, the head of the Russian Church, is referred to as a Mahdi-Messiah or the Tsar and the Saint charged with preparing Russia for Doomsday, the apocalyptic reckoning, or the great end. There are also books published with such titles as The Apocalyptics of Vladimir Putin.

These theopolitical policies, whose most recent repercussions we have been witnessing in Syria, represent the Russian Orthodox Churchs desire to become the new leader and patron of all Eastern Christians. In this regard, Popes visit to Iraq could be interpreted as an attempt by the West, especially the United States, to curb the Russian Churchs theopolitical sphere of influence in Iraq-Syria and the Middle East.

What is the message of the visit for Turkey?

The Popes visit to Iraq can also be said to contain subtle messages for Turkey. In fact, the Popes highly symbolic statements and talks during his visit can be assessed as a message to Turkey, implying overall that they definitely do not desire to see the region being shaped by a powerful Sunni country like Turkey. Indeed, Sunnis and Sunnism in Iraq were besieged from all sides up until a few years ago; now it is even worse: they have been on the verge of being completely eliminated or neutralized for quite some time.

Another symbolic meeting the Pope had in this regard was with members of the terrorist Hashd al-Shaabi, which was established with Sistani's fatwa and has been collaborating with PKK terrorists in Sinjar, as it turned out. Moreover, it was reported in several news outlets covering the Popes visit that he gave his own rosary beads to Rayan Salim al-Kildani, the leader of the Babylon Brigade, a Christian militia founded in 2014 as part of Hashd al-Shaabi; the same Hashd al-Shaabi that has been hurling threats at Turkey for some time. During the meeting between the Pope and Sistani, the head of a Hashd al-Shaabi subunit even made a comment along the lines of purchasing an air defense system from the United States in order to defend themselves against Turkey.

It seems that there are both visible and subtle aspects and ramifications of the Popes visit to Iraq. Therefore, theopolitical ramifications of the visit in the area, especially in Iraq, will become clearer as the Biden administration takes concrete steps toward the region. Well have to wait and see.

Translated from Turkish by Baran Burgaz Ayaz

* Opinions expressed in this article are the authors own and do not necessarily reflect the editorial policy of Anadolu Agency.

Link:
ANALYSIS - Theo-politics of Pope's visit to Iraq - Anadolu Agency