Archive for the ‘Iraq’ Category

US Government Plans to Reduce Number of Troops in Iraq by Nearly Half This Month – Good News Network

The US Central Command has recently announced they will be withdrawing roughly half of their troops from their current deployment in Iraq.

According to a statement that was issued by Central Commands General Frank McKenzie last week, the US plans to reduce its military presence from 5,200 to 3,000 troops during the month of September.

Moving forward, we must continue our D-ISIS [defeat ISIS] work together with our partners in Iraq and Syria, said McKenzie, who commands the US military presence in the Middle East. We are continuing to expand on our partner capacity programs that enable Iraqi forces and allow us to reduce our footprint in Iraq.

This reduced footprint allows us to continue advising and assisting our Iraqi partners in rooting out the final remnants of ISIS in Iraq and ensuring its enduring defeat. This decision is due to our confidence in the Iraqi Security Forces increased ability to operate independently.

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It has been 13 years since the US military reached its peak number of active troops in Iraq with 170,000 deployed service members in 2007.

According to NPR, American military presence in Iraq has remained largely steady for the last four years, although the US reportedly began withdrawing troops from Iraqi bases in January.

The news outlet goes on to report that Central Command is also planning to reduce its military presence in Afghanistan from 6,500 troops to 4,000.

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US Government Plans to Reduce Number of Troops in Iraq by Nearly Half This Month - Good News Network

At least 6 Iraq-based journalists with Dijlah TV resign, go into hiding following threats – CPJ Press Freedom Online

New York, September 10, 2020 Iraqi authorities must investigate the threats against employees of Dijlah TV and do their utmost to ensure they can work freely and without fear of reprisal, the Committee to Protect Journalists said today.

Since August 28, at least six reporters and camera operators working in Iraq for the Jordan-based broadcaster have quit their jobs and gone into hiding amid a campaign of threats for allegedly offending Iraqi Shias, according to a statement issued by the journalists, copies and screenshots of the threats, which CPJ reviewed, and several of the journalists, who communicated with CPJ via messaging app and email.

The threats against the journalists began after Dijlah Tarab, a music broadcaster and an affiliate of Dijlah TV, broadcast a concert during Ashura, a day of mourning for Shia Muslims. In a statement issued on August 30, Dijlah TV blamed the affiliate for broadcasting the concert at an inappropriate time and apologized to those offended.

Iraqi authorities are utterly failing to protect journalists who are in danger and leaving them to fend for themselves against militias, said CPJs Middle East and North Africa representative Ignacio Miguel Delgado. Iraqi authorities must launch an investigation into the threats and incitement against the Dijlah TV staff and do their utmost to protect them and ensure that they do not have to live in fear.

On August 31, Baghdads Rusafa Investigative Court issued an arrest warrant for Dijlah TV owner Jamal Karbouli for allegedly insulting Shia Muslims in Iraq by broadcasting the concert, and protesters ransacked the broadcasters Baghdad office, as CPJ documented at the time. Karbouli has not been arrested and was posting freely on social media as of today, as seen on his social media accounts.

Several journalists who quit and went into hiding after they received threats asked CPJ not to publish their names, citing fear of reprisal. Those who agreed to share threats they received with CPJ and be identified by name include Al-Diwaniyah-based reporter Ziad al-Fatlawi and camera operator Mohammad al-Bolani, Al-Kut based reporter Ali Mohammad, Najaf-based reporter Karar al-Asaf, Dhi Qar-based reporter Rasem Kareem, and Baghdad reporter Saif Ali.

In their statement, the journalists said they had no connection to Dijlah Tarab or any influence over the broadcaster, and that their resignations have not stopped the threats.

In text messages, social media posts, and threatening photos and videos shared with CPJ, internet users and Facebook groups have disclosed the names of Dijlah TV employees, called for the journalists to be expelled from the governorates where they work, for the broadcasters offices in Iraq to be torched and closed, and called on Shia Muslims in Iraq to make an example of every Dijlah TV employee they find.

Al-Fatlawi showed CPJ a message he received from an unidentified person that included a photo of his car with the message, we will get you if youre in your room and an emoji depicting a stick of dynamite.

Al-Fatlawi told CPJ that three militiamen tried to attack him on August 31, and he shared CCTV footage with CPJ that depicted three men standing outside Dijlah TVs office in Al-Diwaniyah.

A Dijlah TV reporter who preferred to remain anonymous, citing fear of reprisal, said that the leader of an Iraqi militia, whose name he declined to disclose for fear of retaliation, told him that he and his colleagues could return from hiding if they apologized to religious authorities and publicly thanked the Popular Mobilization Forces, an Iraqi state-sponsored umbrella group consisting of mainly Shia militias, for their protection.

Al-Asaf told CPJ that he has been receiving death threats on social media and messaging apps from alleged members of militias and the Popular Mobilization Forces.

I have been forced underground because of the incitement to kill me and because there are people in Najaf who are searching for me in order to kill me, he said.

CPJ emailed the Iraqi Interior Ministry for comment, but did not receive a response.

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At least 6 Iraq-based journalists with Dijlah TV resign, go into hiding following threats - CPJ Press Freedom Online

Ukraine interested in political consultations with Foreign Ministry of Iraq Dzhaparova – Ukrinform. Ukraine and world news

Ukrainian diplomats are interested in holding political consultations between the Ministries of Foreign Affairs of Ukraine and Iraq.

This issue was discussed during a meeting of First Deputy Foreign Minister of Ukraine Emine Dzhaparova with Ambassador of the Republic of Iraq to Ukraine Bakir Ahmad Aziz Al-Jaf, the Ukrainian Foreign Ministrys press service reported.

The interlocutors expressed mutual interest in the further development of trade, economic and military-technical cooperation. In particular, they discussed the possibility of holding a meeting of the Ukrainian-Iraqi Joint Commission on Trade, Economic, Scientific and Technical Cooperation in Kyiv in the first half of 2021.

Also, Dzhaparova told the Iraqi ambassador about numerous human rights violations in the Russian-occupied Autonomous Republic of Crimea and stressed that militarization of the peninsula posed a threat to regional and global security. She also said that Ukraine is planning to launch Crimean Platform, which will help strengthen the issue of Crimea on the international agenda.

The issues of cooperation between Ukraine and Iraq within international organizations were also discussed at the meeting.

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Ukraine interested in political consultations with Foreign Ministry of Iraq Dzhaparova - Ukrinform. Ukraine and world news

Why did the US stupidly invade Iraq in 2003? A remarkable new book is the most exhaustive look yet. – Mondoweiss

TO START A WARHow the Bush Administration Took America Into IraqBy Robert DraperPenguin Press, 480 pp., $30

Robert Draper is a veteran journalist and a staff reporter at the New York Times magazine. He has just published a comprehensive look at how the U.S. decided to invade Iraq in 2003. His stunning, thorough account is based largely on interviews with some 300 people, including just about all the major figures except George W. Bush himself. So why did the New York Times Book Review assign only an 11-paragraph review, which it buried on page 15? Especially as Drapers study is not only historically indispensable, but is also an up-to-date warning that the U.S. could be tricked into a war with Iran, with some of the same culprits responsible?

Quite possibly, Times editors were embarrassed by Drapers Chapter 17, Truth and the Tellers, which is a brilliant dissection of how the mainstream U.S. media, including his own paper, joined in the drumbeat for war. Draper points out that Times reporter Judith Miller, who was eventually professionally disgraced for reporting false stories about Iraqs (non-existent) weapons of mass destruction leaked by pro-war Bush officials, was actually something of a scapegoat. The papers top brass, including executive editor Howell Raines, encouraged her and others, while sidelining skeptical reports by different reporters. Draper notes that Miller was certainly not responsible for the [articles] written by her colleagues that the Times editors decided not to publish.

He writes that the poor coverage was not universal. Knight-Ridder reporter Warren Strobel and his colleagues did write reports skeptical of the administrations dishonest claims about Iraqs weapons. But the Knight-Ridder papers were

. . . not situated in the Beltway and not driving Washingtons daily narrative. . . while the reporters at the Times were ever conscious of their status in the top echelon. . . Careers could be made by wars. It was equally true that wars could be made by careerists, including those in newsrooms.

How much of a role did Israel, or pro-Israel neoconservatives, play in the rush toward invasion? Draper points out that Douglas Feith, an undersecretary in Donald Rumsfelds Defense Department, was vigorous and influential. Right after the September 11, 2001 attacks, Feith immediately looked for (non-existent) links between the hijackers and Saddam Hussein. Draper explains:

Feith, whose father had been a committed Zionist and whose grandparents had been murdered in concentration camps, was an ardent supporter of Israel and believed Saddam to be that countrys greatest foe.

Draper reports that Israel surely did form part of George W. Bushs pro-invasion calculations. His fathers Secretary of State, Jim Baker, had warned: Those neocons are going to eat George W. alive. The only one who could protect him would be (Secretary of State Colin) Powell. But Powell doesnt know his own strength. Hes the good soldier. And Bush Junior himself had told British Foreign Secretary Jack Straw that my dad got burned by the Israeli lobby in 1992, and I dont want to fall into the same trap.

But Douglas Feith and other neoconservative zealots were not the ultimate deciders. Draper concludes that George W. Bush decided early on that he wanted to attack Iraq, for a complex mix of motivations that also included his compulsion to strike back somewhere after September 11, and because he blamed Saddam Hussein for (allegedly) planning to assassinate his father back in 1993. The officials around Bush recognized the presidents bellicose inclinations, and they chose cowardice, rigging the intelligence to tell Bush what he wanted to hear. Many of them later confessed to Draper that although they had doubts, they had stayed quiet. Draper put it diplomatically

Though the decision was finally his and only his to make, it will never be known what George W. Bushs course of action would have been if, during the spring, summer, and fall months of 2002, even one member of his administration had tested his professed receptiveness to an argument against war.

The high-level cowardly group-think prompted some astonishing incompetence. At least the idea that Iraq would turn out to have hidden weapons of mass destruction was plausible, if not backed by any proof. But the invaders made ridiculous mistakes that ended up being lethal. First, the majority of Bushs advisers decided that an exile named Ahmad Chalabi should lead the new Iraq after Saddam was overthrown, (and a surprising number of journalists joined the Chalabi fan club). It is a mystery how sentient adults could have believed that this man, accurately regarded by many others who met him as a charlatan, who had been charged with bank embezzlement in Jordan, and who had not been in Iraq for nearly half a century, could preside over reconstruction.

It got worse. Draper reports in detail how the Bush administrations invaders made no plans for administering post-war Iraq. Within weeks, they replaced their first pro-consul, Jay Garner with L. Paul (Jerry) Bremer, a bureaucrat who, Draper points out dryly, had no work experience in the Middle East. Bremer promptly made the fatal decision to disband the Iraqi army in one fell swoop putting 350,000 armed Iraqi men out of work. The Iraqi resistance naturally began almost immediately. So far, 4,583 American service men and women, and at least 288,000 Iraqi people, have paid with their lives for the Bush administrations incompetence.

The Iraq tragedy is relevant today. On September 14, Donald Trump made up a new threat from Iran, and tweeted: Any attack by Iran, in any form, against the United States will be met by an attack on Iran that will be 1,000 times greater in magnitude! Trump sounds unhinged until you recall that just this January, he provocatively ordered the assassination of Irans General Qasem Soleimani and got little resistance from either the mainstream U.S. press or the foreign policy establishment. Cowardly group-think didnt end with Iraq.

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Why did the US stupidly invade Iraq in 2003? A remarkable new book is the most exhaustive look yet. - Mondoweiss

Iraq’s New Government: What to Know – Council on Foreign Relations

After months of protests and a series of failed attempts to form a government, Iraq has a new prime minister: Mustafa al-Kadhimi. Kadhimis supporters hope he can unite Iraqs many factions, but he faces a host of challenges, including navigating thorny relationships with the United States and Iran, dealing with corruption and ongoing militia violence, and managing the ongoing coronavirus pandemic.

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A massive anti-government protest movement took off in October 2019, condemning an authoritarian government, corruption, poor public services, and perceived sectarian policies of the previous prime minister, Adel Abdul-Mahdi. Turmoil reigned after Madhi resigned in late 2019, as the first two replacements named by President Barham Salih both failed to form a coalition government. Salih then appointed Kadhimi, who took office in May 2020.

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Kadhimi spurred a burst of optimism by managing to form a coalition government that brought together groups from across the political spectrum: Kurdish, Sunni, and Shiite parties, including the large bloc led by popular cleric Muqtada al-Sadr.

Born in 1967, Kadhimi spent decades working as a journalist and activist documenting human rights abuses under the Saddam Hussein regime. Starting in 2016, he led the countrys intelligence service during the governments battle against the self-proclaimed Islamic State. In that role, he forged relationships with many of the foreign powers that have long vied for influence over Baghdad, including the United States, Iran, and Saudi Arabia.

His government won support in parliament, as well as relatively high public approval, based on his reputation as a pragmatist who can balance competing forces at home and abroad. However, Kadhimiunlike many of his predecessorsdoes not belong to a political party or control his own militia, which observers say leaves him vulnerable. He wants to bring all Iraqis together, but he doesnt have a political base of his own, says Robert Ford, the U.S. deputy ambassador to Iraq from 2008 to 2010. He will always be dependent on these other political parties.

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Severalcritical issues on the domestic front could undermine Kadhimis government.

Rampant corruption. Kadhimi promised protesters that he would disband the deeply unpopular muhasasa[PDF], the ethnoreligious quota system that defines Iraqi politics. Under this informal arrangement, the president comes from the Kurdish minority, the speaker of the parliament from the Sunni Arab minority, and the prime minister from the Shiite majority. Influential ministry posts are divided among the countrys religious groups. Experts say the system contributes to entrenched corruption in Iraq, which ranks as one of the most corrupt countries in the world. But after the Iran-backed Fatah bloc threatened to veto his candidacy, Kadhimi mostly backed down on this reform. As a result, corruption continues to siphon off government funds and delay infrastructure projects, limiting widespread access to essential services such as electricity and clean water.

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COVID-19 pandemic. In spite of lockdown measures, Iraq suffered a spike in cases of the new coronavirus disease, COVID-19, in late June, increasing stress on its precarious health-care system and exacerbating youth unemployment, which surpassed 25 percent in 2019. The pandemic has also caused a sharp decline in the price of oil, which accounts for more than 90 percent of Iraqs government revenue. This further undermines the fledgling governments legitimacy, as militias have stepped in to supply medical and humanitarian services.

Powerful militias. Even as the Islamic State threat has receded, Iraq remains home to an array of armed militias with different allegiances, including the Iran-backed Popular Mobilization Forces, the Kurdish Peshmerga, and various tribal groups. Kadhimi has taken steps to rein them in, including a June raid against the Shiite militia group Kataib Hezbollah, which the government accuses of several rocket attacks against U.S. forces. But the assassination of Kadhimi advisor Hisham al-Hashimi in July, also attributed to Kataib Hezbollah, suggests that the militias are unafraid to hit back at assertions of government authority.

Escalating U.S.-Iran tensions under President Donald J. Trump have caused concern in Baghdad that conflict could spill into Iraq. Both the January 2020 assassination of Irans top military commander, Qassem Soleimani, and retaliatory attacks by Iran against a U.S. military base took place on Iraqi soil.

Kadhimi is under pressure by both sides. The United States, which maintains several thousand troops in Iraq to support and train the countrys army, currently pursues two main interests there: containing the remnant of the Islamic State and reducing Irans influence. Trump has put pressure on Baghdad to decrease economic ties with Iran, such as by reducing its natural gas imports. However, Iraq relies on that energy for its electricity. At the same time, Tehran has pressured Kadhimi not to boosteconomic ties with Irans rivals among the Gulf states. Iranian influence runs through majority-Shiite Iraq, largely by way of Tehrans support for political parties and militias. It remains to be seen if Kadhimi can strike a balance between the competing demands of the two powers.

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Iraq's New Government: What to Know - Council on Foreign Relations