Archive for the ‘Iraq’ Category

Water, conservation and human rights are inseparable in the Iraq’s marshlands: A call for action on World Wetlands Day [EN/AR/KU] – Iraq – ReliefWeb

Baghdad, 02 February 2021 Today marks the 50th anniversary of the Ramsar Convention on Wetlands, which aims to protect water, livelihoods and wetlands. In 2008, Iraq ratified the Convention designating four wetlands of international importance in southern Iraq: Central Marshes (Dhi Qar and Basra governorates), Hammar Marsh (Dhi Qar and Basra governorates), Hawizeh Marsh (Basra, Missan governorates and Iran) and Sawa Lake (Muthanna Governorate). Wetlands are land areas that are saturated or flooded with water either permanently or seasonally. The Iraqi Marshlands used to be one of the largest wetland ecosystems. A rare aquatic landscape in the desert, the Iraqi marshlands were listed in 2016 by UNESCO as a World Heritage Site.

In Iraqs wetlands, the lives of the marsh dwellers, including a small Sabbean Mandean community, are intertwined with the natural environment: harvesting reeds; weaving mats; building reed houses; fishing; herding water buffalo; making cheese; and running small fish restaurants and boat tours for tourists. During her recent visit to the Hammar Marshes in Thi-Qar governorate in Southern Iraq, Danielle Bell, Representative of the Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights in Iraq noted that: Conservation and protection of Iraqs magnificent marshlands not only promotes biodiversity and sustainability but is intricately linked to the realization of many human rights concerning environment, health and livelihoods. Thus, the marshes are a critical resource of great economic, cultural, scientific, and recreational value, the loss of which would be irreparable.

This years theme, Wetlands and Water, sheds light on the contribution of wetlands to the quantity and quality of freshwater on our planet.

Dr. Salah ElHajj Hassan, FAO Representative in Iraq highlighted the significance of the wetlands in Iraq by saying The wetlands in Iraq has been inhabited by rural families for centuries, diverse communities have been living and practicing traditional methods of agriculture, and it is critical to address challenges faced in these areas.

FAO is committed to achieve a more resilient food system and support the efforts of the Iraqi Government to improve food security and nutrition and increase the resilient livelihoods for Iraqs rural population in South of Iraq including the marshlands. This is achieved through improving sustainable local agricultural productivity and income generation in strategic priority value chains for the rural poor while enhancing land and water resources and biodiversity.

The Marshlands of Mesopotamia are a rare aquatic landscape; a biodiversity hotspot for key migratory birds and once the largest wetland in the Middle East. UNEP has been supporting the Government of Iraq since 2004 in its efforts to manage key biodiversity areas in Iraq from the inscription of the Iraqi Marshlands as a World Heritage Site and the development of an Environmental Management Plan for the area. Today, UNEP is working closely with the Ministry of Health and Environment and other key stakeholders on the establishment of a network of Protected Areas in the country with the declaration of two key biodiversity areas as protected sites Dalmaj, a natural wetland rich in biodiversity, and Teeb. The establishment of a network of Protected Areas in Iraq is a key step towards meeting obligations and targets of biodiversity conservation notwithstanding the positive impact of such a network on livelihoods and human well-being, said Sami Dimassi, Regional Director for UNEP Regional Office for West Asia.

Resident Representative of the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) in Iraq, Zena Ali Ahmad, said: Historically, these diverse wetlands have played a key role in urban development and the emergence of societies. Preserving this rich part of Iraq's natural biodiversity and cultural history is essential to building forward better. At UNDP, we stand committed to working with local communities in the wetlands to build resilience and adapt to climate change challenges, while also creating sustainable livelihood opportunities for communities.

With appropriate support the marshes can become a source of development of a tertiary sector based on site management, tourism and hospitality, which in the longer term will contribute to protection and sustainability of ecosystems and the landscape of the marshlands. UN-Habitat will soon be launching a two-pronged initiative: on the one hand it will closely collaborate with UNDP to build community infrastructure and facilities that will improve the accessibility of tourists to the Hawizeh and Eastern Hammar Marshes and provide basic facilities for the marketing of local goods. On the other hand, it will work with local authorities to develop a Strategic Spatial Plan for the socio-economic revitalization of communities living in the marshlands in Maysan Governorate, aimed at increasing the number of visitors to religious and nature sites located south of the city of Amarah and enhance livelihood opportunities in tourism and service sectors.

Climate change in Iraq is expected to reduce annual rainfall and increase water salination by rising sea levels, which will lead to a surge in dust storms, a reduction in agricultural productivity, and increased water scarcity. All of these challenges will have severe implications for the preservation of the marshlands. The Iraqi marshes are of fundamental importance and their unique environmental space combined with their biodiversity, an international treasure. Without increasing efforts to preserve this UNESCO World Heritage Site, we would be at risk of losing the marshes during our lifetime. says Resident Coordinator for Iraq, Ms. Irena Vojackova-Sollorano. She urged for more protective measures to ensure the sustainability of the marshes and increased efforts to fight the climate crisis overall.

Media contacts:

OHCHR: Ali Omran Saidi, Human Rights Officer | saidi1@un.org| +964-(0)790-1947425

UNESCO: Husamaldeen El-Zubi, Public Information Officer | h.el-zubi@unesco.org

UNDP: Mohammed Al-Bahbahanee, Communications Specialist | mohammed.al-bahbahanee@undp.org |+964 770 439 9222

UNHABITAT: Aryan Star Muheddin, Communication Specialist | aryan.al-jammoor@un.org |+964 (0)751 103 9494

FAO: Lubna AlTarabishi, Program Support Specialist | lubna.altarabishi@fao.org | +964 (0) 774 080 4002

Office of the DSRSG/RC/HC for Iraq, Zainab Salih, Communications Officer, zainab.salih@un.org

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Water, conservation and human rights are inseparable in the Iraq's marshlands: A call for action on World Wetlands Day [EN/AR/KU] - Iraq - ReliefWeb

WHO refutes claims of unveiling information on COVID-19 vaccination plan in Iraq [EN/AR/KU] – Iraq – ReliefWeb

Baghdad, Iraq on 31 January 2021-- The World Health Organization (WHO) in Iraq on Sunday denied claims from a local media source that it disclosed information on the COVID-19 vaccination plan in the Kurdistan Region of Iraq.

In a post for Al Shafaq News, the media misquoted a WHO technical employee and posted a misleading statement describing details on the type and plan for the COVID-19 vaccination in Iraq, the fact that contradicts the role of the organization in all member state countries.

The Organization would like to emphasize that WHO is a technical agency concerned with providing Iraqs Ministry of Health on both Central and Regional levels with the technical advice required and do respect the sovereign decision of the Central as well as Kurdistan Regional Ministries of Health on all health issues including the COVID-19 vaccine and national inoculation plans.

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WHO refutes claims of unveiling information on COVID-19 vaccination plan in Iraq [EN/AR/KU] - Iraq - ReliefWeb

Rapid Assessment on Returns and Durable Solutions, Markaz Sinjar Sub-district – Sinjar District – Ninewa Governorate, Iraq, November 2020 – Iraq -…

Situation Overview

In 2019 and 2020, the numbers of internally displaced persons (IDPs) returning to their area of origin (AoO) or being re-displaced for a second time increased, coupled with persisting challenges in relation to lack of services, infrastructure and - in some cases - security in areas of origin. The need to better understand the sustainability of returns, conditions for the (re)integration of IDPs and returnees, and the impact of their presence on access to services and social cohesion has been an identified need for humanitarian and development planning. Decisions related to the closure of all IDP camps by the end of 2020 have also impacted these dynamics.

The International Organization for Migration (IOM) Displacement Tracking Matrix (DTM)s Emergency Displacement Tracking recorded around 6,394 households returned to non-camp locations between 31 August and 31 October 2020, 60% of which were recorded in Ninewa Governorate. Sinjar District witnessed 57% of the returns in the governorate, representing 34% of the total returns during the mentioned period.

Markaz Sinjar Sub-district

Markaz Sinjar is a sub-district of Sinjar District, located in the western area of Ninewa Governorate close the Iraq-Syria border. Key informants (KIs) reported that Markaz Sinjar Sub-district was housing an average of 16,781 households (HH) before 2014.

In August 2014, the the so-called Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant (ISIL) undertook military activities in the district of Sinjar, threatening minority groups and resulting in the displacement of over 200,000 people.5 While ISIL was dislodged from Sinjar in 2017, the return of those who fled has been hindered by the districts disputed status between the Federal Government of Iraq (GoI) and the Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG).5 In October 2020, the GoI and KRG signed an agreement on the status of Sinjar District in preparation for the return of the displaced populations originally from the district.

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Rapid Assessment on Returns and Durable Solutions, Markaz Sinjar Sub-district - Sinjar District - Ninewa Governorate, Iraq, November 2020 - Iraq -...

2021 International Day of Education: Our shared commitment to build back better learning opportunities in Iraq – Iraq – ReliefWeb

Education is a human right, a public good and a public responsibility.

Recognizing the collective responsibilities of governments, civil society and the international community in realizing this right, the United Nations General Assembly proclaimed 24 January as the International Day of Education, to continuously remind us of the role of education in realizing peace and sustainable development.

This years global theme is Recover and Revitalize Education for the COVID-19 Generation. World over including in Iraq, the COVID-19 pandemic and resulting school closures have shown how central learning is: for social cohesion, wellbeing, and building of a prosperous future. On this day, the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR), United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO), United Nations Childrens Fund (UNICEF) and the United Nations World Food Programme (WFP) call on the government as well as the international community in Iraq for continued investments towards a more flexible, sustainable education system, that is suitable to the needs of learning in Iraq. The UN in Iraq affirms its commitment to support and work with the government and all partners, on efforts to ensure that every learner has access to quality educational opportunities.

In Iraq, the closure of schools, universities and learning institutions, and the interruption of many literacy and lifelong educational programs have affected more than11 million learners in Iraq. For children, this impacted not only upon their ability to learn, but also their access to nutritious food and additional health support schemes. Since the start of the outbreak, the UN has worked closely to support the Federal Government of Iraq and Kurdistan Regional Government to minimize the impact of the disruption in schooling, and develop a framework for safe school reopening as part of efforts to ensure that all learning is taking place in a safe manner.

UNESCO and UNICEF have collaborated with the government on establishing an education television channel (ETV), online education portals, production and broadcast of television lessons and self-learning materials. At least 4 million children and adolescents, including some in the most vulnerable communities, have been able to continue access to learning. Together UNESCO and UNICEF have also supported the government and NGO partners to ensure that 192,312 children in camps for internally displaced people, returnee areas, as well as out-of-school children in the governorates of Anbar, Erbil, Duhok and Salah Al din continue their education through a blended approach, that combines face-to-face learning, remote studying, and home-based learning.

The COVID-19 pandemic has been a wake-up call to make education systems more resilient to crisis, and more inclusive, flexible and sustainable. It has forced the systems to innovate to ensure continuation of education, challenged teachers to adapt to distance pedagogical approaches and forced parents to provide learning support at home. In Iraq, besides the provision of sanitizers, gloves and masks for teachers and students for immediate response, UNESCO is supporting training of the trainers and teachers in blended distance learning and strengthening of e-learning platforms. Further, recognizing the limitations and challenges of internet access for online learning in rural and remote areas, UNESCO is working with the Ministry of Education (MoE) and partners to develop and broadcast TV lessons for all subjects for all 1 12 grades, and Alternative Learning classes reaching more than 9 million across the entire country, said Paolo Fontani, UNESCO Representative to Iraq.

Since day one, UNICEF has been working to ensure that the most innovative and up to date learning methods are adapted to childrens needs here in Iraq, and that children are able to continue learning in the safest possible way. We also trained educators on delivering blended learning and have equipped studying and taking exams in over 5,000 schools and centres in Iraq with disinfectant and protective gear, explained Dr Paula Bulancea, UNICEFs Deputy Representative in Iraq.

With the reopening of schools, WFP and the MoE worked to re-launch the National School Feeding Programme (NSFP) this past week, which will support 255,000 primary schoolchildren in 11 vulnerable districts across Iraq. Children benefiting from the programme receive a healthy meal at the beginning of the school day. Through the NSFP, WFP and MoE aim to increase enrolment and attendance rates while providing support to the most vulnerable families and communities. During Ramadan when schools were closed, WFP and MoE arranged take-home food baskets for children and their families, reaching nearly 140,000 people.

In 2020, WFP and UNICEF signed a Joint Work Plan to bring together expertise and support to improve education and learning, nutrition and health, for school age children. The joint approach is working to enhance the overall wellbeing of school children in Iraq. With the Directorate of Education in Basra, WFP and UNICEF are collaborating on a pilot project to help around 2,500 girls transition from primary to intermediate education, through providing cash stipends to support the girls families during the academic year. Health and education are interlinked. When we provide the complementary support that children need, from school meals to helping relieve the financial burden on families, we can help them fully realise their potential during their formative years, said WFP Representative in Iraq, Abdirahman Meygag.

And on the occasion of International Day of Education, OHCHR published the second report in a series on The Right to Education in Iraq: Obstacles to Girls Education after ISIL. The report highlights the indispensable role of educated girls in post conflict stabilization, transition and recovery, and identifies how traditional gender roles and norms, family levels of education, poverty, perceived protection concerns, and trauma continue to create barriers for girls access to education.

Measures to ensure equality of access to education engender broader human rights dividends for society as a whole, including long-term peace and stability, said Danielle Bell, OHCHR Representative in Iraq. The report provides practical recommendations to address specific institutional and societal barriers girls face to access education and aims to promote inclusive and equitable education for all children in Iraq.

The investments made by the government and the partners, in provision of distance and blended learning methodologies in response to the COVID-19 pandemic in Iraq, are also an opportunity for the education system to transform itself towards a more flexible and sustainable system, providing an inclusive and equitable lifelong learning environment in the longer term, for all children and learners in Iraq. The UN in Iraq re-iterates its commitments to support this endeavour.

For more information please contact:

Mr. Husamaldeen El-Zubi, UNESCO/Baghdad, Public Information Officer, Mob. +964 789270324 h.el-zubi@unesco.org

Ms. Sharon Rapose, WFP/Erbil, Communications Officer, Mob. +964 780 915 0962 sharon.rapose@wfp.org

Ms. Zeina Awad, UNICEF/ Baghdad, Chief, Advocacy & External Communication, Mob. +964 7820238 zawad@unicef.org

Ms. Danielle Bell, OHCHR / Baghdad, Representative, Mob. +964 7809284127 belld@un.org

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2021 International Day of Education: Our shared commitment to build back better learning opportunities in Iraq - Iraq - ReliefWeb

Negotiating Peace in Iraq’s Disputed Territories: Modifying the Sinjar Agreement – Lawfare

Editors Note: Iraq faces many knotty political problems, and one of the most difficult concerns the population in the area near the border with Turkey and Syria. There, the legacy of Iraqs civil war and broader regional strife interacts with Iraqs political dysfunction, creating a potent stew of grievances and potential violence. Boston Universitys Shamiran Mako assesses the Baghdad-Erbil Sinjar agreement, explaining how discontent among local communities may jeopardize this fragile settlement and stability in general.

Daniel Byman

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On Oct. 9, the federal government in Baghdad signed the Agreement on the Restoration of Stability and Normalization of the Situation in the District of Sinjar, a joint security agreement with the Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG) over Sinjar, a Yazidi town in Iraqs Nineveh Governorate that fell to the Islamic States onslaught in 2014, culminating in a genocide against its inhabitants. Strategically located in Ninevehs northwestern region, Sinjar closely borders Syrias al-Hasakah province to the northwest and Turkeys Silopi/Sirnak province to the northeast. The towns position in territory disputed by the federal government and the KRG shapes the competition over government control. While the agreement placates persistent tensions between Iraqi and Kurdish elites, it falls short of addressing local demands for an inclusive political settlement. Unless local minority populations become stakeholders alongside Iraqs national and subnational governments, exclusive, top-down negotiations will continue to prevent conflict resolution in one of the countrys most fragile regions.

Why Iraqs Disputed Territories Matter

The disputed territories are intertwined with various strategic nexus points for Baghdad and Erbil. Positioned between Mosul, Iraqs second largest city, to the east, the KRG to the north, and the Syrian border to the west, the territories encompass Khanaqin, Kirkuk, the Nineveh Plains, Tal Afar, Mandali, Tuz Khurmatu and Sinjar. They are some of the most ethnically and religiously diverse of Iraqs regions, home to substantial minority populations including Yazidis, Assyrian Christians, Turkmen, Kaka'i and Shabaks. Many inhabitants were subjected to Arabization campaigns under the Baath regime manifested by demographic manipulation through population exchanges and forced displacement where cities, towns and districts were repopulated with Arab tribes from Iraqs western and southern regions. They are also some of Iraqs most resource-rich regions. Cities like Kirkuk, Erbil and Mosul account for an estimated 20 percent of the countrys oil reserves, with Kirkuk alone containing 9 billion barrels of proven oil reserves managed by Iraqs North Oil Company. According to one local Iraqi member of parliament I spoke with, the disputed territories contain approximately 25 billion barrels of oil reserves, making the region a resource asset for both the Iraqi government and the KRG.

Two interlinked sets of grievances have exacerbated Yazidi tensions. First, the lack of representation of Yazidi stakeholders in the negotiations for the agreement reached in October reflects a pattern of neglect at the national and subnational levels. Elites in Baghdad and Erbil often rely on co-opted elites instead of dialogue with civil society organizations. Second, local communities have been excluded from the execution and implementation phase of the agreement, particularly plans regarding putting forth mayoral candidates, integrating current and former Yazidi combatants who took up arms against the Islamic State since 2014, and building community engagement in reconstruction efforts. Other local minority populations, such as Assyrians in the Nineveh Plains, echo Yazidi concerns regarding security, representation and reconstruction.

Since the toppling of the Baathist regime in 2003, various U.S. and Iraqi policymakers have attempted to address local grievances, to no avail. Article 58(c) of the Coalition Provisional Authoritys interim Transitional Administrative Law for Iraq of 2004 and its subsequent incorporation into Article 140 of the permanent Iraqi Constitution of 2005 attempted to address the status of the disputed territories with a census, but it has yet to be conducted. U.N. Security Council Resolution 1770 committed the United Nations Assistance Mission for Iraq (UNAMI) to assist and advise the Iraqi government to resolve the boundaries of the disputed territories. Between 2008 and 2009, UNAMI conducted a private study of the socioeconomic, political, and administrative conditions in the disputed territories and discovered that the majority of residents prefer an in-between solution, with a special status for Kirkuk (the most contested governorate of the disputed territories) jointly administered by Baghdad and Erbil. However, the recommendations of the report were never adopted due to continued tensions between Arab and Kurdish elites, particularly in the run-up to the 2008 election.

These areas are, in effect, spaces in between the clear control of either government, which has fueled much of the spat between Baghdad and Erbil. Starting in 2003, Kurdish Peshmerga forces, led by the Kurdistan Democratic Party, occupied key towns and districts, including Sinjar, as part of a U.S.-brokered security arrangement following the dismantling of the Iraqi army. This allowed Kurds to control an estimated 300 miles of territory outside the formal boundaries of the KRG, some of which is now under the control of the Iraqi army following the fallout from the 2017 Kurdish independence referendum. Western support for Kurdish political parties and the Peshmerga and a weak and fractured Iraqi army enabled the KRG to exercise near absolute political and security control in the disputed territories prior to 2014. Local communities were left vulnerable to the Islamic States onslaught when Kurdish Peshmerga forces unexpectedly retreated and abandoned Yazidi towns as Islamic State fighters approached in early August 2014.

Fractured governance and insecurity in Sinjar and the rest of Iraqs disputed territories have directly shaped acts of violence against minority populations. Following years of neglect compounded by insecurity and laggard development, minority populations sought help from internal and external non-state actors to protect them following the Islamic States advance in 2014. Having established a strong foothold in Syrias Jazira region, the Kurdistan Workers Party (PKK) and its proxy, the Kurdish-dominated Peoples Protection Units, offered fleeing Yazidis humanitarian and military aid, leading to the formation of a militia, the PKK-aligned Shingal Resistance Unit (YBS). Other Yazidis formed a Yazidi-Yazidkhan force, while some joined the Peshmerga and the Shiite-dominated Popular Mobilization Forces (al-hashd al-shaabi). Currently, four Yazidi militias operate in Sinjar: The YBS has approximately 2,500 members; the Yazidi Peshmerga forces about 7,000; the Yazidkhan Protection Forces about 3,000; and between 1,500 and 2,000 Yazidis have aligned with the Popular Mobilization Forces. A key concern in the agreement is what to do about these forces and how best to demobilize them or integrate them into the governments security forces.

Pacifying a National and Subnational Turf War

The agreement regarding Sinjar was mediated and signed by representatives of the KRG and the federal government in Baghdad; diplomats from Turkey, the United Nations and the United States expressed optimism about its prospects. It prioritizes three stabilization programs relating to administration, security, and reconstruction aimed at bolstering coordination between the regional and federal governments. Broadly, it calls for electing a new mayor and expanding existing administrative offices, appointing a 2,000-member local security force in Sinjar inclusive of displaced Yazidis for the purpose of eradicating the presence of the PKK and other militias, and establishing a Baghdad-Erbil reconstruction partnership. Article 4 of the agreement stipulates that a field committee comprising representatives from Baghdad and Erbil will oversee all consultations and implementation. Despite support from regional and international actors, the agreement has been met with dismay from the Yazidi community. The agreement in some ways reflects recent reform efforts by Prime Minister Mustafa al-Kadhimi, especially his focus on consolidating control over paramilitary groups. Additionally, the privileged place of the KRG in the negotiations fits into a broader political context: Kadhimis shaky tenure hinges on getting Kurdish elites in the KRG to support his candidacy in the upcoming elections in 2021 by appealing to KRG demands to regain control in the disputed territories and Sinjar.

The absence of Yazidi leaders and stakeholders from the negotiations amplified long-standing grievances between local populations and Baghdad and Erbil. According to Hadi Pirco-founder and vice president of Yazda, a Yazidi advocacy organizationthe agreement omits important details about its strategic planning and implementation. More clarity is needed regarding the disarmament, demobilization and reintegration (if possible) of PKK-affiliated Yazidi forces; the process for selecting a mayoral candidate not affiliated with powerful political blocs; and the provision of police and security oversight to minimize meddling in local Yazidi affairs. These concerns were echoed by Pari Ibrahim of the Free Yazidi Foundation, who noted that [g]overnance in the Sinjar area and other disputed areas really must rely on the local people, and in this case, on the Yazidi voice. Mayors and political decisions should be made through choice and consultation with the locals, which is important for democracy. It should not always have to do with political blocs or parties. The ambiguous nature of the agreement hinders efforts to create durable and long-term solutions predicated on local capacity-building that minorities in the territories have long supported. It could aggravate the precise conditions that impeded durable political solutions in the past.

Revising the Sinjar Agreement

Insecurity in Iraq since 2003 is emblematic of fractured and fractionalized center-periphery relations, aggravated and sustained by ingrained corruption and co-optation of local elites at the local, subnational and national levels. Citizens, and minority populations in particular, in the disputed territories are caught between a rock and a hard place with little power to influence policy at the federal and regional levels. The protracted conflict over the disputed territories requires carefully tailored political, economic, and security strategies that make minority communities stakeholders in local governance through meaningful representation.

In a joint statement signed by various Yazidi elites and members of civil society organizations in October, Yazidi leaders hailed the agreement as an important step toward addressing Yazidi grievances. However, the signatories outlined significant bottom-up implementation mechanisms currently absent from the agreement. These include, but are not limited to, taking steps to curb external influence in Yazidi affairs in Sinjar, consulting directly with Yazidi stakeholders, allowing Yazidis from Sinjar to select a nonpartisan mayor, committing to provide reparations for Yazidi victims of genocide, and establishing a nonpartisan Yazidi-administered local police/security force. The statement in some ways is antithetical to the securitization objectives of the agreement, which focus on returning Kurdistans two ruling parties as key political and security players in Sinjar while appeasing Turkeys demands for eradicating the PKK there and in other northern borderland regions in Iraq.

Recalibrating the existing agreement requires short- and long-term conflict resolution strategies to assuage local demands for substantive representation in governance, security and reconstruction. In the short run, power brokers in Baghdad and Erbil should facilitate cross-communal, local-level participation and representation by engaging directly with multiple Yazidi stakeholders, especially civil society organizations. Communal group demands and interests are seldom monolithic. The existing agreement should be reformulated to grant local populations agency through bottom-up community-oriented solutions as a pathway toward reconciliation and everyday peace. Eventually, Iraqi leaders in Baghdad will have to devise institutional solutions to address the status of the disputed territories that center minority interests alongside those of the KRGinterests that are not necessarily mutually inclusive. Options include establishing distinct minority administrative zones as promulgated in Article 125 of the Iraqi Constitution and reviving the 2008 UNAMI process regarding the disputed territories in consultation with minority stakeholders in light of evolving socioeconomic, political and security conditions since 2014. Such bottom-up political settlements, long advocated for by minorities in the disputed territories, could mitigate existing tensions regarding political representation, foreign intervention and influence, security, and reconstruction.

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