Mediaboss Marketing

The Treasury Department on Thursday announced that it was sanctioning Irans ambassador to Iraq for his role in carrying out the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps-Qods Forces (IRGC-QF) destabilizing foreign agenda in Iraq, according to a press release from the department.

The Treasurys Office of Foreign Assets and Control said in the statement that Iraj Masjedi, a general in the Revolutionary Guard, has directed or supported groups that are responsible for attacks that have killed and wounded U.S. and coalition forces in Iraq.

The Iranian regime threatens Iraqs security and sovereignty by appointing IRGC-QF officials as ambassadors in the region to carry out their destabilizing foreign agenda, Treasury Secretary Steven MnuchinSteven Terner MnuchinOn The Money: Pelosi cites progress, but says COVID-19 relief deal might be post-election | Eviction crisis sparked by pandemic disproportionately hits minorities | Weekly jobless claims fall to 787K Treasury sanctions Iran's ambassador to Iraq Bipartisan group of senators call on Trump to sanction Russia over Navalny poisoning MORE said in the press release.

The United States will continue to employ the tools and authorities at its disposal to target the Iranian regime and IRGC-QF officials that attempt to meddle in the affairs of sovereign nations, including any attempts to influence U.S. elections, Mnuchin added, referring to a Wednesday night announcement from Director of National IntelligenceJohn RatcliffeJohn Lee RatcliffeBiden: Countries that interfere in U.S. elections will 'pay a price' Biden swipes at Trump ally Giuliani at debate: He's 'being used as a Russian pawn' Mistakes made by Iranian hackers tied them to threatening emails targeting US voters: report MORE that Russia and Iran are behind efforts to sway public opinions related to the 2020 presidential election.

Secretary of State Mike PompeoMichael (Mike) Richard PompeoTreasury sanctions Iran's ambassador to Iraq Bipartisan group of senators call on Trump to sanction Russia over Navalny poisoning House lawmakers call for continued assistance to Lebanon MORE supported the sanction in a statement, saying, for many years, the Iranian regime and its primary tool of regional destabilization, the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps-Qods Force (IRGC-QF), have exploited Iraq to advance their own interests at the expense of the Iraqi people.

The designation came as the department also sanctioned two leaders of Hezbollah, the U.S.-designated terrorist organization backed by Iran that operates both a political party and military wing in Lebanon.

Mnuchin argued in a statement that Hezbollah Central Council members Nabil Qaouk and Hassan al-Baghdadi are responsible for creating and implementing the terrorist organizations destabilizing and violent agenda against U.S. interests and those of our partners around the world.

Treasuryargued in its press release that Hezbollah leaders have frequently supported the use of military action against Israel.

These actions come amid recent U.S.-brokered talks between Israel and Lebanon to end their decades-long dispute over their maritime border in the Mediterranean Sea.

The Trump administration has repeatedly rebuked Iran and the groups it supports as President TrumpDonald John TrumpMore than 300 military family members endorse Biden Five takeaways from the final Trump-Biden debate Biden: 'I would transition from the oil industry' MORE hopes to reduce the conflicts between Israel and surrounding Arab nations.

U.S.-Iran tensions have run particularly high throughout the Trump presidency, especially after the president withdrew the U.S. from the Iran nuclear deal and reimposed sanctions on Tehran.

At the beginning of the year, the two countries appeared to be on the brink of war after Trump ordered a drone strike in Iraq that killed Iranian Gen. Qassem Soleimani.

Iran retaliated with a missile strike on an Iraqi military base housing U.S. troops. More than 100 military personnel suffered brain injuries, but there were no deaths.

The Trump administration, however, continues to accuse Iran-backed militias of targeting U.S. interests and personnel in Iraq.

Trump has attempted to reimpose all United Nations sanctions that were lifted under the Iran nuclear deal, though the international community has largely rejected the U.S. authority to do so, given Trumps withdrawal from the agreement.

See the article here:
Treasury sanctions Iran's ambassador to Iraq | TheHill - The Hill

By Akanshya Gurung on 22 Oct 2020

The 21st century has been a tragedy for Iraqs children. An entire generation of girls and boys have suffered violence, terror, poverty, and displacement.

Iraqs 17 year conflict began with the US-led invasion in 2003 and evolved into a sectarian civil war, with intense military confrontations between ISIS and the Iraqi Government between 2015 and 2017. Today, Iraq and its allies are engaged in fighting a low-level ISIS insurgency. Throughout the geopolitical developments of Iraqs protracted conflict the use of explosive violence has remained consistent. The impact of these weapons on children has had far-reaching and devastating consequences.

This report presents data and research on the impact of explosive violence on the children of Iraq, focusing on how Iraqi children have been affected by the military interventions of foreign powers, combat operations of the Iraqi government, and terrorist activities of groups such as ISIS.

According to data collated by AOAV, there were 4,424 recorded incidents of explosive violence in Iraq between 2011 and 2019. In total, some 72,438 individuals were either killed or injured. Of these, 77% (55,999) killed or injured were civilians. AOAVs data shows that of the incidents which recorded children among the casualties, 693 children were killed or injured by explosive violence in Iraq between 2011 and 2019. As AOAVs data only uses the information made available by English-language media reports, the real number is likely to be much higher. The volatile security situation in Iraq has limited access for the monitoring and documentation of violations.

Research by Save the Children recorded a total of 717 child casualties in Iraq from conflict in 2017 alone, with 78% (562) of these from blasts. In their report, Blast Injuries, Save the Children notes that the effects of blasts are immediate, long-term and life-limiting. Blast injuries, such as torso injuries or burns, affect children more severely than adults, with children at higher risk of death than adults when explosive violence is used.

Airstrikes*Airstrikes have been a key component in the military operation against ISIS. In March 2017, the US conducted a series of airstrikes across Mosul, killing and injuring hundreds of civilians. Nine members of one family were killed in the attacks, including children. In May of that year, six children were also killed and five were maimed as a result of an unattributed air strike on a school hosting families of ISIS fighters. Data collected by the AOAV found that airstrikes carried out in 2003-2011 were more likely to impact the lives of women and children than other forms of violence.

IEDs*The second largest cause of child casualties was the use of improvised explosive devices (IEDs). Between 2014 and 2019, 41% (713) of child casualties were due to the use of IEDs, including 14 children used to carry out suicide attacks. Over the course of 6 months in 2016, more than 800 attacks involving IEDs were recorded in civilian areas in Baghdad Governorate alone, many resulting in child casualties.

Explosive Remnants of War (ERW)*Though the military defeat of ISIS stabilised the security situation, it presented a further risk to children in the form of explosive remnants of war (ERW). Handicap International reported that Iraqs level of contamination is unprecedented: there are explosive remnants of war and improvised explosive devices in fields, homes, sometimes inside corpses, or behind refrigerator doors. The UN found that during 2018 and until mid-2019, almost half of the child casualties (47%) were due to ERW in territories previously held by ISIS. When explosive hazard clearance activities began in Mosul, the United Nations Mine Action Service (UNMAS), described the extent of explosive contamination in the area as of a previously unseen magnitude. ERW results in severe injuries, disabilities and death, but also inhibits childrens access to education and other services.

Impact on ChildrenBeyond the direct bodily harm and loss of life that explosive violence inflicts on Iraqi children, reverberating impacts affect childrens lives in a number of other ways. Humanium judged that Iraqi children are at a particularly high risk of becoming child soldiers, used for child labour or trafficked to be sold into slavery or prostitution.

Psychological Health*In addition to physical harm to children, the conflict in Iraq has led to mental health problems for Iraqi children. Save The Childrens 2017 report, *An Unbearable Reality, identifies extreme sorrow as one of the many causes of a mental health crisis within Iraqi children. Out of the children surveyed, up to 90% had felt upset over the experience of loss, while 45% could even share stories of violent deaths of loved ones.In particular, the presence of ERW generates an unresting sense of insecurity.

EducationChildren in Iraq not only face physical and mental health challenges; they have also been denied access to education. As of November 2018, it was reported that nearly 2.6 million children in Iraq were not attending school. This adversely effects girls with UNICEF reporting that 10% of primary school-aged girls are out of school, compared with 7% of boys.

UNICEF found that there had been at least 138 attacks on schools between January 2014 and May 2017, and that half of schools in Iraq were in need of urgent repairs. Most attacks on schools were carried out using explosive weapons. During the war against ISIS, 50% of all school buildings in conflict-ridden areas were reported to have been damaged or destroyed. The majority of these have not been rebuilt leaving a serious gap in education. In Nineveh Governorate alone, 130 schools were completely destroyed during the conflict there, and 350 are in need of rehabilitation. The numbers of teachers in the district also plummeted from a pre-war level of 40,000 to 25,000. This has meant that in post-conflict Nineveh, in some cases, there are up to 650 students per class.

*Displacement*Explosive violence has resulted in the large-scale displacement of Iraqi civilians. Since 2014, more than three million Iraqis have been internally displaced and a further 260,000 forced to flee the country. By the end of 2019, more than 1.5 million Iraqis remained internally displaced. Half of Iraqs Internally Displaced Persons (IDPs) are thought to be children.

Children in IDP camps often receive limited access to education . In 2018, the Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA) reported that nearly 50% of children in IDP camps do not have access to quality education. For example, in one IDP camp in Kirkuk, there are just two teachers for more than 1,700 students. Girls in IDP camps were found to be particularly vulnerable to sexual abuse.

*Childcare*An estimated 800,000 Iraqi children had lost one or both parents- these children are at risk of being the forgotten casualties of war. The deaths of adults by explosive weapons expose children to considerable risks such as child labour and trafficking, orphans are particularly vulnerable to Iraqs prostitution networks. Adoptions are illegal in Iraq, with the law only allowing guardianship of a member of the extended family or a close family friend. Adoption or legal guardianship from strangers is not permitted.

*Children as perpetrators*The UN reported that between 2016 and 2019, 296 children were recruited as child soldiers, 199 of these were used as combatants. The UN was able to verify that 14 children were used to carry out suicide attacks with IEDs. ISIS was responsible for half of the child recruits, but a significant proportion were recruited also by the lesser known Popular Mobilization Forces, an umbrella organization composed primarily of Shia but also Sunni tribal groups and other minority groups. When Mosul fell to ISIS in June 2014 girls were used in support roles, including for manufacturing explosive devices.

Conclusion **Over recent years, AOAV has recorded a fall in the use of explosive violence in Iraq as the security situation has progressively stabilised. However, the full extent of the impact of explosive weapons over the past two decades is only now emerging. Psychological trauma, displacement and poverty reverberate far beyond the initial impact of a blast.** UNICEF recently reported that approximately 4.1 million people still require humanitarian assistance, with children accounting for around half of that figure**. **

For more research on the impact of explosive violence on children, please visit AOAVs category page on this matter here.

See the rest here:
The impact of explosive weapons on children in Iraq - Iraq - ReliefWeb

The semi-autonomous Kurdistan region in Iraq has agreed to reduce the regions crude oil production as part of the ongoing OPEC+ agreement, the Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG) said on Thursday.

The statement came after Iraqs Oil Minister Ihsan Abdul Jabbar said earlier this week at an online petroleum conference that the Kurdistan Region has not been contributing to OPEC+ cuts.

Iraq, the least compliant member of the OPEC+ production cut pact, has promised for months to reduce its oil production and fall in line with its quotasomething it hasnt done since 2017.

In recent months, Iraq has come under pressure from its fellow OPEC+ partners led by Saudi Arabia to stop cheating on their production quotas and finally start complying with the agreement.

OPECs second-largest producer after Saudi Arabia still has to fully comply with its commitment and needs to make additional cuts by the end of the year to compensate for its lack of compliance since the new OPEC+ deal began in May 2020.

In response to the Iraqi oil ministers remarks earlier this week, KRG spokesperson Jotiar Adil said on Thursday:

The KRG has committed to reducing its crude oil production in line with the decisions of the OPEC Plus (OPEC+) meetings, at rates consistent with the quantities of oil produced from its fields.

KRG has no objection to the continuation of production reduction in accordance with the fair rate that has been agreed, provided that the federal government is fully committed to covering the dues and expenses of KRG loses as a result of reduced production levels, the spokesperson added.

The agreement between the federal government and Kurdistan about the production cuts from April 18 stressed the need that oil production cuts do not cause additional significant financial damage to KRG, the region said.

Last week, Iraqi media reported that the federal Iraqi government had proposed the establishment of a new oil company that would be managed jointly by Baghdad and Erbil to operate crude oil production and exports from Kurdistan.

By Charles Kennedy for Oilprice.com

More Top Reads From Oilprice.com:

More:
Iraq's Kurdistan Region Says It Is Committed To OPEC Cuts - OilPrice.com

Tue, Oct 20, 2020

MENASourcebyRaghad Kasim

Iraqi women march to mark the first anniversary of the anti-government protests in Baghdad, Iraq October 1, 2020. REUTERS/Saba Kareem

The organizers of the 2019 October protests in Baghdad and the southern governorates commemorated the one-year anniversary with new calls for demonstrations on October 25. Unlike the 2019 protests, which were mobilized via social media under the Arabic hashtag #WeWantAHomeland, this new round of protests are being mobilized with scheduled Arabic hashtags and in secrecyto an extentto prevent the penetration of Shia militias. Though some of the demands remain the samebasic services, job creation, an end to foreign interference and corruptionit might not have the same popular support due to the coronavirus pandemic and violence against demonstrators, which resulted in the deaths of at least six hundred protesters, thousands injured, and dozens kidnapped.

Where the protesters stand

In recent months, protest organizers have been utilizing new approaches to organizing demonstrations for October 25. Some see the need to mobilize protesters from the southern governorates, which have a Shia majority, so that they can join the swells of dissidents in Baghdad against the Shia government. They are also calling on moving protest tents from the sit-in squares to the gates of the Green Zonethe international zone that houses the US Embassy. Other organizers believe that mobilizing crowds to cripple and disrupt economic areas in Basra, Iraqs primary port in the southeast, would send a larger message. However, to date, there is no central leadership committee leading the protest movement, let alone the existence of clearly identified demands beyond the original list. An activist from Maysan in southern Iraq recently told me, until this moment, the squares have not crystallized behind a unified political discourse that represents them all. There are demands that resemble general agreed upon lines, but the details and mechanisms are disputed.

Nevertheless, there is a moral responsibility linking demonstration coordinators in various cities. This time around, organizers are using their experiences from last year to mobilize a new round of protests by coordinating with Iraqi security forces and presenting more clearly defined political demands. This includes: finalizing the new election law, holding early elections, full implementation of the political partys law by preventing militias from being involved in the political process and exposing the funding sources of politicians, combating corruption and exposing those involved, accountability for killing demonstrators, imposing a state monopoly over weapons, and ending the targeting of activists by masked attackers.

On July 31, Iraqi Prime Minister Mustafa al-Kadhimi announced early elections for June 6, 2021. Parliament has yet to finalize the electoral law due to disagreements over the content of the additions, such as the number of seats for constituencies. Kadhimi has also repeatedly vowed to hold perpetrators of violence against protestors to account, but with no tangible results to show. On the contrary, kidnappings and assassinations of activists have only escalated of late, such as the August 19 murder of prominent activist Reham Yacoub in the southern city of Basra. This raises doubts about the prime ministers seriousness in pursuing justice. Instead, Kadhimi has attempted to appoint prominent figures of the protest movement by offering them jobs in his cabinet, employing activists on the defense payroll, and promising compensation to martyrs families. Yet, the economic crisis, prompted by low oil prices and COVID-19, has limited Kadhimis ability to retreat to this traditional method of placation.

Given that the October 2019 protests were spontaneous, the protesters lacked an organized framework, which in turn gave political parties an upper hand and the opportunity to influence the protest movement. With that in mind, prominent activists of the movement revealed their aim to demonstrate peacefully come October 25 and organize through the formation of new political parties in an effort to enter the political process. Theyve also announced an initiative to conduct a public awareness campaign to encourage citizens to participate in the upcoming elections to carve out their own constituency.

Violence and security forces

As mentioned before, there is no high-level coordination between the protesters and Iraqs security forces. Its worth noting that demonstrators describe very different experiences with security forces under the government of Prime Minister Adil Abdul-Mahdi versus under Kadhimis leadership. An activist from Basra recently told me that there are some simple indications that the hostility of security forces after Abdul-Mahdi has diminished. The security forces have become less repressive and there may be significant cooperation between the security forces and the demonstrators. This may be because of concerns that an escalation would force Kadhimi to clash with protestors, thereby causing his supporters to lose faith in him.

Still, one of the larger concerns that protesters have is the continued cycle of violence against them. Last year, demonstrations in the capital and southern governorates witnessed various levels of violence. Casualties at demonstration sites occurred in eleven provinces in southern and central Iraq and the use of unnecessary and excessive forcelive ammunition rather than tear gaswas committed against protesters in several governorates, though mainly in Baghdad, Dhi Qar, Karbala and Basra.

Interestingly, the city of Najaf, in central Iraq, did not witness severe violence compared to Dhi Qar in the south, which had been described as bloody. The reasons for less casualties in Najaf is partly due to the presence of Ayatollah Ali Sistani, the spiritual authority for many Shias, but also because of an organized civil society and a very limited Shia militia presence. The Najaf governorate witnessed only two incidents of escalated violence: one near the shrine of al-Hakim and an incident in Sadr Square, both which involved Shia militias.

Najaf, through its set of influential civil society and religious elites, was able to create a road map for the demonstrations by organizing gatherings and introducing a set of demands. This road map, which has been shared with other governorates, has allowed the movement to develop a more harmonious identity in line with the Iraqi political reality.

Protests will happen

The Iraqi government is under severe pressure as it faces a multitude of challenges from the COVID-19-induced health and economic crises, low oil prices, and the unprecedented uprising by peaceful protesters that began in October 2019. The last challenge will have far reaching consequences, as the demonstrations have evolved from a focus on socioeconomic issues to political demands, calling for the approval of the election law and the holding of early elections.

Over the course of the coming weeks, protests will break out with calls for reform. This mass mobilization may witness higher incidents of violence than in October of last year. Iraqi officials and activists must be wary of spoilers who may thwart or hijack the demonstrations in an effort to influence events in their favor. The government may be able to control the situation if it is committed to protecting the protesters, maintaining the peacefulness of the demonstrations, and taking bold steps to expose those involved in any escalation of violence.

Raghad Kasim is an Iraq-based activist and researcher.

Wed, Apr 22, 2020

The protests that started in October 2019 ushered in a new political era in Iraq. For the first time in the post-2003 process of democratic transition, a government was forced to resign due to popular pressure. The resignation of Prime Minister Adil Abdul-Mahdis cabinet forced the Iraqi political leadership to face contentious constitutional and procedural []

MENASourcebyAbbas Kadhim

Thu, Jan 16, 2020

The parliaments vote on January 5 was driven by emotional rhetoric of sovereignty and patriotism that left no space for dissent and implicitly accused anyone going against the current of betraying Iraqs sovereignty. The vote displayed majoritarian rule at its worst with the underlying premise that the Shia religious groups can and will determine the interests of Iraq and determine its future, to the exclusion of other communities. The views of Kurds and Sunnis, and indeed of more secular Shia groups, were ignored, with the implication that their patriotism is suspect.

MENASourcebyRend Al-Rahim

Mon, Nov 18, 2019

Waves of protests have hit Iraq this past October and November, calling for the resignation of the post-war government and sweeping changes. Last month alone, there have been reports of hundreds of protesters killed and thousands wounded by security forces in clashes across the country, from Tahrir Square in Baghdad to cities like Diwaniyah, Najaf, []

MENASourcebyChristiana Haynes

Here is the original post:
Renewed calls for demonstrations on October 25 in Iraq come with hurdles - Atlantic Council

Mohamed Fathi, coach of Mosul's football club in northern Iraq, hardly recognises the ruined soccer stadium once used by Islamic State group fighters to fire rockets and lob mortars from.

Piles of rubble lie alongside a pitch of bumpy sand. The high concrete stadium tiers surrounding it -- with all seats torn out -- look dangerously close to collapse.

"After this was destroyed, there's no other stadiums in the city to play football," Fathi said, waving his hand at the crumbling building.

"The impact of the destruction is enough to tell you everything that happened here."

Jihadi fighters from the Islamic State (IS) group seized Mosul in 2014, later expanding its so-called "caliphate" to over a third of Iraq and into neighbouring Syria.

In 2017, Iraqi and coalition forces forced the hardened insurgents out in a grinding urban battle that left ancient Mosul in ruins.

The bullet-riddled 20,000-seater stadium, home to Mosul Sports Cub, was not spared, caught up in the deadly battles for control.

Two other smaller stadiums in town were also damaged.

- Football 'brings life' -

"Sadly the central government doesn't realise that football is what brings life back to a town, its people and its youth," Fathi said. "So things have stayed the same."

Mosul Sports Club was once a solid performing club that produced some of the country's best players.

They include Hawar Mulla Mohammed, who led Iraq to its historic 2007 Asian Cup championship, and who played professionally in Europe.

Decades earlier, Iraq's national squad made its only World Cup appearance in Mexico in 1986.

Mosul's own son, skilled midfielder Haris Mohammed, ably led his country to the rare international honour.

Founded in 1947, Mosul SCplayed 18 seasons in Iraq's premier league, before its relegation to the first division a decade ago.

With thousands of roaring fans passionately backing their team, locals dubbed it the "stadium of horrors" for visiting teams.

But that ominous label would take on a more sinister meaning with the arrival of IS militants.

"I used to follow soccer matches here, and suddenly out of nowhere convoys of IS militants decked out with guns would show up," recounted Omar al-Mosuli, a resident in his thirties.

"It was a frightening scene, and I used to walk away quietly."

Islamic State's austere and terror-ridden reign was marked by beheadings and shootings.

Like so many other facets of daily life, football changed.

Soccer disappeared as a professional pursuit -- and violence became established a past-time instead.

"Under the stands, IS fighters transformed the space into a massive weapons depot," Mosuli said.

"They set up launchpads inside the stadium to fire rockets during the battle to liberate the city."

He recalled how the extremists forced people to play in long shorts that reached below their knees -- and there was a strict ban on anyone donning jerseys of their favourite international teams or players.

Football matches would be abruptly halted for prayer time, he added.

- 'Plenty of talent' -

Amid Mosul's disfigured landscape, its committed players still train on the stadium's dusty pitch a couple of times a week.

There are no other suitable fields to play on.

"We are forced to train here now," Fathi, the coach, explained.

"The club's president and some of the staff even pay for the equipment out of their own pocket," he added.

But the lack of a proper place play for the team is also a reflection of the rampant corruption Iraq struggles with.

The country is consistently ranked as one of the worst performers on Transparency International's Corruption Perceptions Index.

"A foreign aid agency started reconstructing Mosul SC stadium, but the province's sports authority reassigned the site two years ago to a businessman," Mosul-based sports journalist Talal al-Ameri told AFP.

The businessman sat on the project -- a common occurrence in Iraq.

When a respected former captain of the Iraqi national squad became sports minister, Adnan Darjal, he reviewed the file.

"Due to corruption allegations, the new minister has suspended everything," Ameri added.

But the lack of stadium has not deterred Maytham Younis, the 34-year-old coach of the aptly-named amateur team Al-Mustaqbal, or "The Future".

He urges his young players to train hard, as they practise in a dusty field in Mosul's al-Bakr neighbourhood in front of a small but loyal following of fans.

It is a far cry from the cheering thousands who once watched in Mosul's centrepiece stadium, but it is the best they can do for now as they wait for football to flourish again.

For now, hopes of a return to the glory days the club has seen remain a dream.

"We have plenty of talent," Younis said. "But without a stadium, it's hard for them to get noticed."

str-kj-sbh/ff/pjm/gle

Original post:
Iraq's 'stadium of horrors' in ruins, but the game goes on - Yahoo Sports