Archive for the ‘Iraq’ Category

iCasualties | Operation Iraqi Freedom | Iraq

01/03/18 IraqiNews: Six civilians killed, injured in two bomb blasts, south Baghdad

01/03/18 shafaaq: ISIS claims 771 suicide attacks in Iraq, Syria in 2017

01/03/18 IraqiNews: Three policemen injured as bomb blast targets police patrol in Anbar

01/02/18 kurdistan24: Three lawyers working on IS-related cases killed in Iraq

01/02/18 IraqiNews: Iraqi troops kill 15 Islamic State militants on border with Syria

01/01/18 IraqiNews: Five IS militants killed as paramilitary troops repulse attack, west of Mosul

01/01/18 iraqinews: 13 IS militants, including four leaders with explosive belts, killed in Diyala

01/01/18 AP: Thousands of Iraqis still missing after Daesh ouster

01/01/18 kurdistan24: At least 12 people killed as anti-government protests in Iran enter fifth day

01/01/18 BAS: Blast Rocks Baghdad on First Day of 2018

01/01/18 timesofisrael: US gives Israel go-ahead to kill powerful Iranian general

12/28/17 GulfToday: After Daesh, now Iraq battles cash crunch

12/28/17 VOA: Iraqi Cities in Ruins After IS, Little Cash to Rebuild

12/28/17 Reuters: France repatriates from Iraq three children of suspected jihadists

12/28/17 Reuters: Less than 1,000 IS fighters remain in Iraq and Syria, coalition says

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iCasualties | Operation Iraqi Freedom | Iraq

Iraq War – Wikipedia

Iraq WarPart of the Iraq conflict (2003present) and the War on TerrorClockwise from top: U.S. troops at Uday and Qusay Hussein's hideout; insurgents in northern Iraq; an Iraqi insurgent firing a MANPADS; the toppling of the Saddam Hussein statue in Firdos Square.Belligerents

Invasion phase (2003)United StatesUnited KingdomAustraliaPoland Peshmerga

Post-invasion(200311) United StatesUnited Kingdom

New Iraqi government

Supported by: Iran[2][3]Iraqi Kurdistan

Post-invasion (200311) Ba'ath loyalists

Sunni insurgents

Shia insurgents

supported by: Iran

Ba'ath Party Saddam Hussein(POW) Izzat Ibrahim ad-Douri

Sunni insurgency Abu Musab al-Zarqawi Abu Ayyub al-Masri Abu Omar al-Baghdadi Abu Bakr al-BaghdadiIshmael Jubouri Abu Abdullah al-Shafi'i(POW)

Shia insurgency Muqtada al-SadrAbu DeraaQais al-KhazaliAkram al-Kabi

Invasion forces (2003)309,000United States: 192,000[15]United Kingdom: 45,000Australia: 2,000Poland: 194 Peshmerga: 70,000

Coalition forces (200409)176,000 at peakUnited States Forces Iraq (201011)112,000 at activationSecurity contractors 6,0007,000 (estimate)[16]Iraqi security forces805,269 (military and paramilitary: 578,269,[17] police: 227,000)

Iraqi Armed Forces: 375,000 (disbanded in 2003) Special Iraqi Republican Guard: 12,000 Iraqi Republican Guard: 70,00075,000 Fedayeen Saddam: 30,000

Sunni Insurgents70,000 (2007)[20]al-Qaeda1,300 (2006)[21]

Iraqi Security Forces (post-Saddam)Killed: 17,690[22]Wounded: 40,000+[23]Coalition forcesKilled: 4,815[24][25](4,497 U.S.,[26] 179 UK,[27] 139 other)[24]Missing/captured (U.S.): 17 (8 rescued, 9 died in captivity)[28]Wounded: 32,776+ (32,249 U.S.,[29] 315 UK, 212+ other[30])[31][32][33][34]Injured/diseases/other medical*: 51,139 (47,541 U.S.,[35] 3,598 UK)[31][33][34]ContractorsKilled: 1,554[36][37]Wounded & injured: 43,880[36][37]Awakening CouncilsKilled: 1,002+[38]Wounded: 500+ (2007),[39] 828 (2008)[40]

Iraqi combatant dead (invasion period): 7,60010,800[41][42]Insurgents (post-Saddam)Killed: 26,544 (200311)[43]Detainees: 12,000 (Iraqi-held)[44]

Estimated deaths:Lancet survey** (March 2003 July 2006): 654,965 (95% CI: 392,979942,636)[45][46]Iraq Family Health Survey*** (March 2003 July 2006): 151,000 (95% CI: 104,000223,000)[47]PLOS Medicine Study**: (March 2003 June 2011): 405,000 (95% CI: 48,000751,000), in addition to 55,000 deaths missed due to emigration.[48]

Documented deaths from violence:Iraq Body Count (2003 14 December 2011): 103,160113,728 civilian deaths recorded,[49] and 12,438 new deaths added from the Iraq War Logs[50]Associated Press (March 2003 April 2009): 110,600[51]

The Iraq War[nb 1] was a protracted armed conflict that began in 2003 with the invasion of Iraq by a United States-led coalition that overthrew the government of Saddam Hussein. The conflict continued for much of the next decade as an insurgency emerged to oppose the occupying forces and the post-invasion Iraqi government.[52] An estimated 151,000 to 600,000 or more Iraqis were killed in the first 34 years of conflict. The U.S. became re-involved in 2014 at the head of a new coalition; the insurgency and many dimensions of the civil armed conflict continue. The invasion occurred as part of a declared war against international terrorism and its sponsors under the administration of US President George W. Bush following the September 11 terror attacks.

The invasion began on 20 March 2003,[53] with the U.S., joined by the United Kingdom and several coalition allies, launching a "shock and awe" bombing campaign. Iraqi forces were quickly overwhelmed as U.S. forces swept through the country. The invasion led to the collapse of the Ba'athist government; Saddam was captured during Operation Red Dawn in December of that same year and executed by a military court three years later. However, the power vacuum following Saddam's demise and the mismanagement of the occupation led to widespread sectarian violence between Shias and Sunnis, as well as a lengthy insurgency against U.S. and coalition forces. Many violent insurgent groups were supported by Iran and al-Qaeda in Iraq. The United States responded with a troop surge in 2007. The winding down of U.S. involvement in Iraq accelerated under President Barack Obama. The U.S. formally withdrew all combat troops from Iraq by December 2011.[54]

The Bush administration based its rationale for the war principally on the assertion that Iraq, which had been viewed by the US as a rogue state since the Persian Gulf War, possessed weapons of mass destruction (WMDs) and that the Iraqi government posed an immediate threat to the United States and its coalition allies.[55][56] Select U.S.officials accused Saddam of harbouring and supporting al-Qaeda,[57] while others cited the desire to end a repressive dictatorship and bring democracy to the people of Iraq.[58][59] After the invasion, no substantial evidence was found to verify the initial claims about WMDs, while claims of Iraqi officials collaborating with al-Qaeda were proven false. The rationale and misrepresentation of US prewar intelligence faced heavy criticism both domestically and internationally, with President Bush declining from his record-high approval ratings following 9/11 to become one of the most unpopular presidents in US history.[60]

In the aftermath of the invasion, Iraq held multi-party elections in 2005. Nouri al-Maliki became Prime Minister in 2006 and remained in office until 2014. The al-Maliki government enacted policies that were widely seen as having the effect of alienating the country's Sunni minority and worsening sectarian tensions. In the summer of 2014, the Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant (ISIL) launched a military offensive in Northern Iraq and declared a worldwide Islamic caliphate, eliciting another military response from the United States and its allies. The Iraq War caused over a hundred thousand civilian deaths and tens thousands of military deaths (see estimates below). The majority of deaths occurred as a result of the insurgency and civil conflicts between 2004 and 2007.

Strong international opposition to the Saddam Hussein regime began after Iraq's invasion of Kuwait in 1990. The international community condemned the invasion,[61] and in 1991 a military coalition led by the United States launched the Gulf War to expel Iraq from Kuwait. Following the Gulf War, the U.S. and its allies tried to keep Saddam in check with a policy of containment. This policy involved numerous economic sanctions by the UN Security Council; the enforcement of Iraqi no-fly zones declared by the U.S. and the UK to protect the Kurds in Iraqi Kurdistan and Shias in the south from aerial attacks by the Iraqi government; and ongoing inspections to ensure Iraq's compliance with United Nations resolutions concerning Iraqi weapons of mass destruction.

The inspections were carried out by the United Nations Special Commission (UNSCOM). UNSCOM, in cooperation with the International Atomic Energy Agency, worked to ensure that Iraq destroyed its chemical, biological, and nuclear weapons and facilities.[62] In the decade following the Gulf War, the United Nations passed 16 Security Council resolutions calling for the complete elimination of Iraqi weapons of mass destruction. Member states communicated their frustration over the years that Iraq was impeding the work of the special commission and failing to take seriously its disarmament obligations. Iraqi officials harassed the inspectors and obstructed their work,[62] and in August 1998 the Iraqi government suspended cooperation with the inspectors completely, alleging that the inspectors were spying for the U.S.[63] The spying allegations were later substantiated.[64]

In October 1998, removing the Iraqi government became official U.S. foreign policy with enactment of the Iraq Liberation Act. The act provided $97 million for Iraqi "democratic opposition organizations" to "establish a program to support a transition to democracy in Iraq."[65] This legislation contrasted with the terms set out in United Nations Security Council Resolution 687, which focused on weapons and weapons programs and made no mention of regime change.[66] One month after the passage of the Iraq Liberation Act, the U.S. and UK launched a bombardment campaign of Iraq called Operation Desert Fox. The campaign's express rationale was to hamper Saddam Hussein's government's ability to produce chemical, biological, and nuclear weapons, but U.S. intelligence personnel also hoped it would help weaken Saddam's grip on power.[67]

With the election of George W. Bush as president in 2000, the U.S. moved towards a more aggressive Iraq policy. The Republican Party's campaign platform in the 2000 election called for "full implementation" of the Iraq Liberation Act as "a starting point" in a plan to "remove" Saddam.[68] However, little formal movement towards an invasion occurred until the September 11 attacks.[69]

After 9/11, the Bush Administration national security team actively debated an invasion of Iraq. On the day of the attacks, Secretary of Defense Donald Rumsfeld asked his aides for: "best info fast. Judge whether good enough hit Saddam Hussein at same time. Not only Osama bin Laden."[71] President Bush spoke with Rumsfeld on 21 November and instructed him to conduct a confidential review of OPLAN 1003, the war plan for invading Iraq.[72] Rumsfeld met with General Tommy Franks, the commander of U.S. Central Command, on 27 November to go over the plans. A record of the meeting includes the question "How start?", listing multiple possible justifications for a U.S.Iraq War.[70][73] The rationale for invading Iraq as a response to 9/11 has been widely questioned, as there was no cooperation between Saddam Hussein and al-Qaeda.[74]

Bush began formally making his case to the international community for an invasion of Iraq in his 12 September 2002 address to the UN Security Council.[75] Key U.S. allies in NATO, such as the United Kingdom, agreed with the U.S. actions, while France and Germany were critical of plans to invade Iraq, arguing instead for continued diplomacy and weapons inspections. After considerable debate, the UN Security Council adopted a compromise resolution, UN Security Council Resolution 1441, which authorized the resumption of weapons inspections and promised "serious consequences" for non-compliance. Security Council members France and Russia made clear that they did not consider these consequences to include the use of force to overthrow the Iraqi government.[76] The U.S. and U.K. ambassadors to the UN publicly confirmed this reading of the resolution.[77]

Resolution 1441 set up inspections by the United Nations Monitoring, Verification and Inspection Commission (UNMOVIC) and the International Atomic Energy Agency. Saddam accepted the resolution on 13 November and inspectors returned to Iraq under the direction of UNMOVIC chairman Hans Blix and IAEA Director General Mohamed ElBaradei. As of February 2003, the IAEA "found no evidence or plausible indication of the revival of a nuclear weapons program in Iraq"; the IAEA concluded that certain items which could have been used in nuclear enrichment centrifuges, such as aluminum tubes, were in fact intended for other uses.[78] In March 2003, Blix said progress had been made in inspections, and no evidence of WMD had been found.[79]

In October 2002, the U.S. Congress passed the "Iraq Resolution". The resolution authorized the President to "use any means necessary" against Iraq. Americans polled in January 2003 widely favored further diplomacy over an invasion. Later that year, however, Americans began to agree with Bush's plan (see popular opinion in the United States on the invasion of Iraq). The U.S. government engaged in an elaborate domestic public relations campaign to market the war to its citizens. Americans overwhelmingly believed Saddam did have weapons of mass destruction: 85% said so, even though the inspectors had not uncovered those weapons. By February 2003, 64% of Americans supported taking military action to remove Saddam from power.[80]

On 5 February 2003, Secretary of State Colin Powell appeared before the UN to present evidence that Iraq was hiding unconventional weapons. However, Powell's presentation included information based on the claims of Rafid Ahmed Alwan al-Janabi, codenamed "Curveball", an Iraqi emigrant living in Germany who later admitted that his claims had been false.[81] Powell also presented evidence alleging Iraq had ties to al-Qaeda. As a follow-up to Powell's presentation, the United States, United Kingdom, Poland, Italy, Australia, Denmark, Japan, and Spain proposed a resolution authorizing the use of force in Iraq, but NATO members like Canada, France, and Germany, together with Russia, strongly urged continued diplomacy. Facing a losing vote as well as a likely veto from France and Russia, the US, UK, Poland, Spain, Denmark, Italy, Japan, and Australia eventually withdrew their resolution.[82][83]

In March 2003, the United States, United Kingdom, Poland, Australia, Spain, Denmark, and Italy began preparing for the invasion of Iraq with a host of public relations and military moves. In an address to the nation on 17 March 2003, Bush demanded that Saddam and his two sons, Uday and Qusay, surrender and leave Iraq, giving them a 48-hour deadline.[84]

The UK House of Commons held a debate on going to war on 18 March 2003 where the government motion was approved 412 to 149.[85] The vote was a key moment in the history of the Blair administration, as the number of government MPs who rebelled against the vote was the greatest since the repeal of the Corn Laws in 1846. Three government ministers resigned in protest at the war, John Denham, Lord Hunt of Kings Heath, and the then Leader of the House of Commons Robin Cook.

In October 2002, former U.S. President Bill Clinton warned about possible dangers of pre-emptive military action against Iraq. Speaking in the UK at a Labour Party conference he said: "As a preemptive action today, however well-justified, may come back with unwelcome consequences in the future.... I don't care how precise your bombs and your weapons are, when you set them off, innocent people will die."[86][87] The majority of Democrats in Congress voted against the Authorization for Use of Military Force Against Iraq Resolution of 2002, although a majority of Democrats in the Senate voted in favor of it. Sen. Jim Webb wrote shortly before the vote "Those who are pushing for a unilateral war in Iraq know full well that there is no exit strategy if we invade."[88]

In the same period, Pope John Paul II publicly condemned the military intervention. During a private meeting, he also said directly to George W. Bush: "Mr President, you know my opinion about the war in Iraq. Lets talk about something else. Every violence, against one or a million, is a blasphemy addressed to the image and likeness of God."[89]

On 20 January 2003, French Foreign Minister Dominique de Villepin declared "we believe that military intervention would be the worst solution".[91] Meanwhile, anti-war groups across the world organised public protests. According to French academic Dominique Reyni, between 3 January and 12 April 2003, 36 million people across the globe took part in almost 3,000 protests against war in Iraq, with demonstrations on 15 February 2003 being the largest.[92]Nelson Mandela voiced his opposition in late January, stating "All that (Mr. Bush) wants is Iraqi oil," and questioning if Bush deliberately undermined the U.N. "because the secretary-general of the United Nations [was] a black man".[93]

In February 2003, the U.S. Army's top general, Eric Shinseki, told the Senate Armed Services Committee that it would take "several hundred thousand soldiers" to secure Iraq.[94] Two days later, U.S. Defense Secretary Donald Rumsfeld said the post-war troop commitment would be less than the number of troops required to win the war, and that "the idea that it would take several hundred thousand U.S. forces is far from the mark." Deputy Defense Secretary Paul Wolfowitz said Shinseki's estimate was "way off the mark," because other countries would take part in an occupying force.[95]

Germany's Foreign Secretary Joschka Fischer, although having been in favour of stationing German troops in Afghanistan, advised Federal Chancellor Schrder not to join the war in Iraq. Fischer famously confronted United States Defense Secretary Donald Rumsfeld at the 39th Munich Security Conference in 2003 on the secretary's purported evidence for Iraq's possession of weapons of mass destruction: "Excuse me, I am not convinced!"[96]

There were serious legal questions surrounding the launching of the war against Iraq and the Bush Doctrine of preemptive war in general. On 16 September 2004, Kofi Annan, the Secretary General of the United Nations, said of the invasion, "I have indicated it was not in conformity with the UNCharter. From our point of view, from the Charter point of view, it was illegal."[97]

In November 2008 Lord Bingham, the former British Law Lord, described the war as a serious violation of international law, and accused Britain and the United States of acting like a "world vigilante". He also criticized the post-invasion record of Britain as "an occupying power in Iraq". Regarding the treatment of Iraqi detainees in Abu Ghraib, Bingham said: "Particularly disturbing to proponents of the rule of law is the cynical lack of concern for international legality among some top officials in the Bush administration."[98] In July 2010, Deputy Prime Minister of the UK Nick Clegg, in an official PMQs session in Parliament, condemned the invasion of Iraq as illegal.[99]

The first Central Intelligence Agency team entered Iraq on 10 July 2002.[100] This team was composed of members of the CIA's Special Activities Division and was later joined by members of the U.S.military's elite Joint Special Operations Command (JSOC).[101] Together, they prepared for the invasion of conventional forces. These efforts consisted of persuading the commanders of several Iraqi military divisions to surrender rather than oppose the invasion, and identifying all the initial leadership targets during very high risk reconnaissance missions.[101]

Most importantly, their efforts organized the Kurdish Peshmerga to become the northern front of the invasion. Together this force defeated Ansar al-Islam in Iraqi Kurdistan before the invasion and then defeated the Iraqi army in the north.[101][102] The battle against Ansar al-Islam, known as Operation Viking Hammer, led to the death of a substantial number of militants and the uncovering of a chemical weapons facility at Sargat.[100][103]

At 5:34a.m. Baghdad time on 20 March 2003 (9:34p.m., 19 March EST) the surprise[104] military invasion of Iraq began.[105] There was no declaration of war.[106] The 2003 invasion of Iraq, led by U.S. Army General Tommy Franks, under the code-name "Operation Iraqi Freedom",[107] the UK code-name Operation Telic, and the Australian code-name Operation Falconer. Coalition forces also cooperated with Kurdish Peshmerga forces in the north. Approximately forty other governments, the "Coalition of the Willing," participated by providing troops, equipment, services, security, and special forces, with 248,000 soldiers from the United States, 45,000 British soldiers, 2,000 Australian soldiers and 194 Polish soldiers from Special Forces unit GROM sent to Kuwait for the invasion.[108] The invasion force was also supported by Iraqi Kurdish militia troops, estimated to number upwards of 70,000.[109]

According to General Tommy Franks, there were eight objectives of the invasion, "First, ending the regime of Saddam Hussein. Second, to identify, isolate, and eliminate Iraq's weapons of mass destruction. Third, to search for, to capture, and to drive out terrorists from that country. Fourth, to collect such intelligence as we can relate to terrorist networks. Fifth, to collect such intelligence as we can relate to the global network of illicit weapons of mass destruction. Sixth, to end sanctions and to immediately deliver humanitarian support to the displaced and to many needy Iraqi citizens. Seventh, to secure Iraq's oil fields and resources, which belong to the Iraqi people. And last, to help the Iraqi people create conditions for a transition to a representative self-government."[110]

The invasion was a quick and decisive operation encountering major resistance, though not what the U.S., British and other forces expected. The Iraqi regime had prepared to fight both a conventional and irregular war at the same time, conceding territory when faced with superior conventional forces, largely armored, but launching smaller scale attacks in the rear using fighters dressed in civilian and paramilitary clothes.

Coalition troops launched air and amphibious assault on the Al-Faw peninsula to secure the oil fields there and the important ports, supported by warships of the Royal Navy, Polish Navy, and Royal Australian Navy. The United States Marine Corps' 15th Marine Expeditionary Unit, attached to 3Commando Brigade and the Polish Special Forces unit GROM attacked the port of Umm Qasr, while the British Army's 16Air Assault Brigade secured the oil fields in southern Iraq.[111][112]

The heavy armor of the U.S. 3rd Infantry Division moved westward and then northward through the western desert toward Baghdad, while the 1stMarine Expeditionary Force moved more easterly along Highway1 through the center of the country, and 1 (UK) Armoured Division moved northward through the eastern marshland.[113] The U.S. 1st Marine Division fought through Nasiriyah in a battle to seize the major road junction.[114] The United States Army 3rd Infantry Division defeated Iraqi forces entrenched in and around Talil Airfield.[115]

With the Nasiriyah and Talil Airfields secured in its rear, the 3rdInfantry Division supported by the 101st Airborne Division continued its attack north toward Najaf and Karbala, but a severe sand storm slowed the coalition advance and there was a halt to consolidate and make sure the supply lines were secure.[116] When they started again they secured the Karbala Gap, a key approach to Baghdad, then secured the bridges over the Euphrates River, and U.S. forces poured through the gap on to Baghdad. In the middle of Iraq, the 1st Marine Division fought its way to the eastern side of Baghdad, and prepared for the attack into Baghdad to seize it.[117]

On 9 April, Baghdad fell, ending Saddam's 24year rule. U.S.forces seized the deserted Ba'ath Party ministries and stage-managed[118] the tearing down of a huge iron statue of Saddam, photos and video of which became symbolic of the event, although later controversial. Not seen in the photos or heard on the videos, shot with a zoom lens, was the chant of the inflamed crowd for Muqtada al-Sadr, the radical Shiite cleric.[119] The abrupt fall of Baghdad was accompanied by a widespread outpouring of gratitude toward the invaders, but also massive civil disorder, including the looting of public and government buildings and drastically increased crime.[120][121]

According to the Pentagon, 250,000 short tons (230,000t) (of 650,000 short tons (590,000t) total) of ordnance was looted, providing a significant source of ammunition for the Iraqi insurgency. The invasion phase concluded when Tikrit, Saddam's home town, fell with little resistance to the U.S. Marines of Task Force Tripoli.

In the invasion phase of the war (19 March30 April), an estimated 9,200 Iraqi combatants were killed by coalition forces along with an estimated 3,750 non-combatants, i.e. civilians who did not take up arms.[122] Coalition forces reported the death in combat of 139 U.S. military personnel[123] and 33 UK military personnel.[124]

On 1 May 2003, President Bush visited the aircraft carrier USS Abraham Lincoln operating a few miles west of San Diego, California. At sunset, he held his nationally televised "Mission Accomplished" speech", delivered before the sailors and airmen on the flight deck: Bush declared victory due to the defeat of Iraq's conventional forces.

Nevertheless, Saddam Hussein remained at large and significant pockets of resistance remained. After Bush's speech, coalition forces noticed a flurry of attacks on its troops began to gradually increase in various regions, such as the "Sunni Triangle".[125] The initial Iraqi insurgents were supplied by hundreds of weapons caches created before the invasion by the Iraqi army and Republican Guard.

Initially, Iraqi resistance (described by the coalition as "Anti-Iraqi Forces") largely stemmed from fedayeen and Saddam/Ba'ath Party loyalists, but soon religious radicals and Iraqis angered by the occupation contributed to the insurgency. The three provinces with the highest number of attacks were Baghdad, Al Anbar, and Salah Ad Din. Those three provinces account for 35% of the population, but by December 2006 they were responsible for 73% of U.S. military deaths and an even higher percentage of recent U.S. military deaths (about 80%.)[126]

Insurgents used various guerrilla tactics, including mortars, missiles, suicide attacks, snipers, improvised explosive devices (IEDs), car bombs, small arms fire (usually with assault rifles), and RPGs (rocket propelled grenades), as well as sabotage against the petroleum, water, and electrical infrastructure.

Coalition efforts to establish post-invasion Iraq commenced after the fall of Saddam's regime. The coalition nations, together with the United Nations, began to work to establish a stable, compliant democratic state capable of defending itself from non-coalition forces, as well as overcoming internal divisions.[127][128]

Meanwhile, coalition military forces launched several operations around the Tigris River peninsula and in the Sunni Triangle. A series of similar operations were launched throughout the summer in the Sunni Triangle. Toward late-2003, the intensity and pace of insurgent attacks began to increase. A sharp surge in guerrilla attacks ushered in an insurgent effort that was termed the "Ramadan Offensive", as it coincided with the beginning of the Muslim holy month of Ramadan.

To counter this offensive, coalition forces began to use air power and artillery again for the first time since the end of the invasion by striking suspected ambush sites and mortar launching positions. Surveillance of major routes, patrols, and raids on suspected insurgents were stepped up. In addition, two villages, including Saddam's birthplace of al-Auja and the small town of Abu Hishma were surrounded by barbed wire and carefully monitored.

Shortly after the invasion, the multinational coalition created the Coalition Provisional Authority (CPA; Arabic: ), based in the Green Zone, as a transitional government of Iraq until the establishment of a democratic government. Citing United Nations Security Council Resolution 1483 (22 May 2003) and the laws of war, the CPA vested itself with executive, legislative, and judicial authority over the Iraqi government from the period of the CPA's inception on 21 April 2003 until its dissolution on 28 June 2004.

The CPA was originally headed by Jay Garner, a former U.S. military officer, but his appointment lasted only until May 11, 2003, when President Bush appointed L.Paul Bremer. On May 16, 2003, his first day on the job, Paul Bremer issued Coalition Provisional Authority Order 1 to exclude from the new Iraqi government and administration members of the Baathist party. This policy, known as De-Ba'athification, eventually led to the removal of 85,000 to 100,000 Iraqi people from their job,[129] including 40,000 school teachers who had joined the Baath Party simply to keep their jobs. U.S. army general Sanchez called the decision a "catastrophic failure".[130] Bremer served until the CPA's dissolution in July 2004.

Another group created by the multinational force in Iraq post-invasion was the 1,400-member international Iraq Survey Group, who conducted a fact-finding mission to find Iraq weapons of mass destruction (WMD) programmes. In 2004, the ISG's Duelfer Report stated that Iraq did not have a viable WMD program.[131]

In Summer 2003, the multinational forces focused on capturing the remaining leaders of the former government. On 22 July, a raid by the U.S.101st Airborne Division and soldiers from Task Force20 killed Saddam's sons (Uday and Qusay) along with one of his grandsons. In all, over 300 top leaders of the former government were killed or captured, as well as numerous lesser functionaries and military personnel.

Most significantly, Saddam Hussein himself was captured on 13 December 2003, on a farm near Tikrit in Operation Red Dawn.[132] The operation was conducted by the United States Army's 4th Infantry Division and members of Task Force 121. Intelligence on Saddam's whereabouts came from his family members and former bodyguards.[133]

With the capture of Saddam and a drop in the number of insurgent attacks, some concluded the multinational forces were prevailing in the fight against the insurgency. The provisional government began training the new Iraqi security forces intended to police the country, and the United States promised over $20 billion in reconstruction money in the form of credit against Iraq's future oil revenues. Oil revenue was also used for rebuilding schools and for work on the electrical and refining infrastructure.

Shortly after the capture of Saddam, elements left out of the Coalition Provisional Authority began to agitate for elections and the formation of an Iraqi Interim Government. Most prominent among these was the Shia cleric Grand Ayatollah Ali al-Sistani. The Coalition Provisional Authority opposed allowing democratic elections at this time.[134] The insurgents stepped up their activities. The two most turbulent centers were the area around Fallujah and the poor Shia sections of cities from Baghdad (Sadr City) to Basra in the south.

The start of 2004 was marked by a relative lull in violence. Insurgent forces reorganised during this time, studying the multinational forces' tactics and planning a renewed offensive. However, violence did increase during the Iraq Spring Fighting of 2004 with foreign fighters from around the Middle East as well as al-Qaeda in Iraq (an affiliated al-Qaeda group), led by Abu Musab al-Zarqawi helping to drive the insurgency.[citation needed]

As the insurgency grew there was a distinct change in targeting from the coalition forces towards the new Iraqi Security Forces, as hundreds of Iraqi civilians and police were killed over the next few months in a series of massive bombings. An organized Sunni insurgency, with deep roots and both nationalist and Islamist motivations, was becoming more powerful throughout Iraq. The Shia Mahdi Army also began launching attacks on coalition targets in an attempt to seize control from Iraqi security forces. The southern and central portions of Iraq were beginning to erupt in urban guerrilla combat as multinational forces attempted to keep control and prepared for a counteroffensive.

The most serious fighting of the war so far began on 31 March 2004, when Iraqi insurgents in Fallujah ambushed a BlackwaterUSA convoy led by four U.S. private military contractors who were providing security for food caterers Eurest Support Services.[136] The four armed contractors, Scott Helvenston, Jerko Zovko, Wesley Batalona, and Michael Teague, were killed with grenades and small arms fire. Subsequently, their bodies were dragged from their vehicles by local people, beaten, set ablaze, and their burned corpses hung over a bridge crossing the Euphrates.[137] Photos of the event were released to news agencies worldwide, causing a great deal of indignation and moral outrage in the United States, and prompting an unsuccessful "pacification" of the city: the First Battle of Fallujah in April 2004.

The offensive was resumed in November 2004 in the bloodiest battle of the war: the Second Battle of Fallujah, described by the U.S. military as "the heaviest urban combat (that they had been involved in) since the battle of Hue City in Vietnam."[138] During the assault, U.S.forces used white phosphorus as an incendiary weapon against insurgent personnel, attracting controversy. The 46day battle resulted in a victory for the coalition, with 95 U.S.soldiers killed along with approximately 1,350 insurgents. Fallujah was totally devastated during the fighting, though civilian casualties were low, as they had mostly fled before the battle.[139]

Another major event of that year was the revelation of widespread prisoner abuse at Abu Ghraib, which received international media attention in April 2004. First reports of the Abu Ghraib prisoner abuse, as well as graphic pictures showing U.S.military personnel taunting and abusing Iraqi prisoners, came to public attention from a 60MinutesII news report (28 April) and a Seymour M. Hersh article in The New Yorker (posted online on 30 April.)[140] Military correspondent Thomas Ricks claimed that these revelations dealt a blow to the moral justifications for the occupation in the eyes of many people, especially Iraqis, and was a turning point in the war.[141]

2004 also marked the beginning of Military Transition Teams in Iraq, which were teams of U.S. military advisors assigned directly to New Iraqi Army units.

On 31 January, Iraqis elected the Iraqi Transitional Government in order to draft a permanent constitution. Although some violence and a widespread Sunni boycott marred the event, most of the eligible Kurd and Shia populace participated. On 4 February, Paul Wolfowitz announced that 15,000 U.S.troops whose tours of duty had been extended in order to provide election security would be pulled out of Iraq by the next month.[142] February to April proved to be relatively peaceful months compared to the carnage of November and January, with insurgent attacks averaging 30 a day from the prior average of 70.

The Battle of Abu Ghraib on 2 April 2005 was an attack on United States forces at Abu Ghraib prison, which consisted of heavy mortar and rocket fire, under which an estimated 80120 armed insurgents attacked with grenades, small arms, and two vehicle-borne improvised explosive devices (VBIED). The U.S. force's munitions ran so low that orders to fix bayonets were given in preparation for hand-to-hand fighting. It was considered to be the largest coordinated assault on a U.S. base since the Vietnam War.[143]

Hopes for a quick end to the insurgency and a withdrawal of U.S. troops were dashed in May, Iraq's bloodiest month since the invasion. Suicide bombers, believed to be mainly disheartened Iraqi Sunni Arabs, Syrians and Saudis, tore through Iraq. Their targets were often Shia gatherings or civilian concentrations of Shias. As a result, over 700 Iraqi civilians died in that month, as well as 79 U.S. soldiers.

The summer of 2005 saw fighting around Baghdad and at Tall Afar in northwestern Iraq as U.S. forces tried to seal off the Syrian border. This led to fighting in the autumn in the small towns of the Euphrates valley between the capital and that border.[144]

A referendum was held on 15 October in which the new Iraqi constitution was ratified. An Iraqi national assembly was elected in December, with participation from the Sunnis as well as the Kurds and Shia.[144]

Insurgent attacks increased in 2005 with 34,131 recorded incidents, compared to a total 26,496 for the previous year.[145]

The beginning of 2006 was marked by government creation talks, growing sectarian violence, and continuous anti-coalition attacks. Sectarian violence expanded to a new level of intensity following the al-Askari Mosque bombing in the Iraqi city of Samarra, on 22 February 2006. The explosion at the mosque, one of the holiest sites in Shi'a Islam, is believed to have been caused by a bomb planted by al-Qaeda.

Although no injuries occurred in the blast, the mosque was severely damaged and the bombing resulted in violence over the following days. Over 100 dead bodies with bullet holes were found on 23 February, and at least 165 people are thought to have been killed. In the aftermath of this attack the U.S.military calculated that the average homicide rate in Baghdad tripled from 11 to 33 deaths per day. In 2006 the UN described the environment in Iraq as a "civil war-like situation".[146]

On March 12, five United States Army soldiers of the 502nd Infantry Regiment raped the 14-year-old Iraqi girl Abeer Qassim Hamza al-Janabi, and then murdered her, her father, her mother Fakhriya Taha Muhasen and her six-year-old sister Hadeel Qassim Hamza al-Janabi. The soldiers then set fire to the girl's body to conceal evidence of the crime.[147] Four of the soldiers were convicted of rape and murder and the fifth was convicted of lesser crimes for their involvement in the events, which became known as the Mahmudiyah rape and killings.[148][149]

On 6 June 2006, the United States was successful in tracking Abu Musab al-Zarqawi, the leader of al-Qaeda in Iraq who was killed in a targeted killing, while attending a meeting in an isolated safehouse approximately 8km (5.0mi) north of Baqubah. Having been tracked by a British UAV, radio contact was made between the controller and two United States Air Force F-16C jets, which identified the house and at 14:15GMT, the lead jet dropped two 500pound (230kg) guided bombs, a laser-guided GBU12 and GPS-guided GBU38 on the building where he was located at. Six othersthree male and three female individualswere also reported killed. Among those killed were one of his wives and their child.

The government of Iraq took office on 20 May 2006, following approval by the members of the Iraqi National Assembly. This followed the general election in December 2005. The government succeeded the Iraqi Transitional Government, which had continued in office in a caretaker capacity until the formation of the permanent government.

The Iraq Study Group Report was released on 6 December 2006. The Iraq Study Group, made up of people from both of the major U.S.parties, was led by co-chairs James Baker, a former Secretary of State (Republican), and Lee H. Hamilton, a former U.S.Representative (Democrat). It concluded that "the situation in Iraq is grave and deteriorating" and "U.S.forces seem to be caught in a mission that has no foreseeable end." The report's 79recommendations include increasing diplomatic measures with Iran and Syria and intensifying efforts to train Iraqi troops. On 18 December, a Pentagon report found that insurgent attacks were averaging about 960 attacks per week, the highest since the reports had begun in 2005.[150]

Coalition forces formally transferred control of a province to the Iraqi government, the first since the war. Military prosecutors charged eight U.S. Marines with the murders of 24 Iraqi civilians in Haditha in November 2005, 10 of them women and children. Four officers were also charged with dereliction of duty in relation to the event.[151]

Saddam Hussein was hanged on 30 December 2006, after being found guilty of crimes against humanity by an Iraqi court after a year-long trial.[152]

In a January 10, 2007, televised address to the U.S.public, Bush proposed 21,500 more troops for Iraq, a job program for Iraqis, more reconstruction proposals, and $1.2billion for these programs.[153] On 23 January 2007, in the 2007 State of the Union Address, Bush announced "deploying reinforcements of more than 20,000 additional soldiers and Marines to Iraq".

On 10 February 2007, David Petraeus was made commander of Multi-National Force Iraq (MNF-I), the four-star post that oversees all coalition forces in country, replacing General George Casey. In his new position, Petraeus oversaw all coalition forces in Iraq and employed them in the new "Surge" strategy outlined by the Bush administration.[154][155]

On 10 May 2007, 144 Iraqi Parliamentary lawmakers signed onto a legislative petition calling on the United States to set a timetable for withdrawal.[156] On 3 June 2007, the Iraqi Parliament voted 85 to 59 to require the Iraqi government to consult with Parliament before requesting additional extensions of the UN Security Council Mandate for Coalition operations in Iraq.[157] Despite this, the mandate was renewed on 18 December 2007, without the approval of the Iraqi parliament.[158]

Pressures on U.S.troops were compounded by the continuing withdrawal of coalition forces.[citation needed] In early 2007, British Prime Minister Blair announced that following Operation Sinbad British troops would begin to withdraw from Basra Governorate, handing security over to the Iraqis.[159] In July Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen also announced the withdrawal of 441 Danish troops from Iraq, leaving only a unit of nine soldiers manning four observational helicopters.[160]

In a speech made to Congress on 10 September 2007, Petraeus "envisioned the withdrawal of roughly 30,000 U.S. troops by next summer, beginning with a Marine contingent [in September]."[161] On 13 September, Bush backed a limited withdrawal of troops from Iraq.[162] Bush said 5,700 personnel would be home by Christmas 2007, and expected thousands more to return by July 2008. The plan would take troop numbers back to their level before the surge at the beginning of 2007.

By March 2008, violence in Iraq was reported curtailed by 4080%, according to a Pentagon report.[163] Independent reports[164][165] raised questions about those assessments. An Iraqi military spokesman claimed that civilian deaths since the start of the troop surge plan were 265 in Baghdad, down from 1,440 in the four previous weeks. The New York Times counted more than 450 Iraqi civilians killed during the same 28day period, based on initial daily reports from Iraqi Interior Ministry and hospital officials.

Historically, the daily counts tallied by The New York Times have underestimated the total death toll by 50% or more when compared to studies by the United Nations, which rely upon figures from the Iraqi Health Ministry and morgue figures.[166]

The rate of U.S.combat deaths in Baghdad nearly doubled to 3.14 per day in the first seven weeks of the "surge" in security activity, compared to previous period. Across the rest of Iraq it decreased slightly.[167][168]

On 14 August 2007, the deadliest single attack of the whole war occurred. Nearly 800civilians were killed by a series of coordinated suicide bomb attacks on the northern Iraqi settlement of Kahtaniya. More than 100homes and shops were destroyed in the blasts. U.S.officials blamed alQaeda. The targeted villagers belonged to the non-Muslim Yazidi ethnic minority. The attack may have represented the latest in a feud that erupted earlier that year when members of the Yazidi community stoned to death a teenage girl called Du'a Khalil Aswad accused of dating a Sunni Arab man and converting to Islam. The killing of the girl was recorded on camera-mobiles and the video was uploaded onto the internet.[169][170][171][172]

On 13 September 2007, Abdul Sattar Abu Risha was killed in a bomb attack in the city of Ramadi.[173] He was an important U.S.ally because he led the "Anbar Awakening", an alliance of Sunni Arab tribes that opposed al-Qaeda. The latter organisation claimed responsibility for the attack.[174] A statement posted on the Internet by the shadowy Islamic State of Iraq called Abu Risha "one of the dogs of Bush" and described Thursday's killing as a "heroic operation that took over a month to prepare".[175]

There was a reported trend of decreasing U.S.troop deaths after May 2007,[176] and violence against coalition troops had fallen to the "lowest levels since the first year of the American invasion".[177] These, and several other positive developments, were attributed to the surge by many analysts.[178]

Data from the Pentagon and other U.S.agencies such as the Government Accountability Office (GAO) found that daily attacks against civilians in Iraq remained "about the same" since February. The GAO also stated that there was no discernible trend in sectarian violence.[179] However, this report ran counter to reports to Congress, which showed a general downward trend in civilian deaths and ethno-sectarian violence since December 2006.[180] By late 2007, as the U.S.troop surge began to wind down, violence in Iraq had begun to decrease from its 2006 highs.[181]

Entire neighborhoods in Baghdad were ethnically cleansed by Shia and Sunni militias and sectarian violence has broken out in every Iraqi city where there is a mixed population.[182][183][184] Investigative reporter Bob Woodward cites U.S.government sources according to which the U.S."surge" was not the primary reason for the drop in violence in 200708. Instead, according to that view, the reduction of violence was due to newer covert techniques by U.S.military and intelligence officials to find, target and kill insurgents, including working closely with former insurgents.[185]

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Senator Who Lost Both Legs In Iraq Blasts Trump’s Military Transgender Ban – HuffPost

Sen.Tammy Duckworth(D-Ill.) has assessed the problem with President Donald Trumps ban on transgender servicemen and women in a sharply clarifying way.

When I was bleeding to death in my Black Hawk helicopter after I was shot down, I didnt care if the American troops risking their lives to help save me were gay, straight, transgender, black, white or brown, Duckworth said in a statement shared Thursday on Twitter.

The senator is an Iraq War veteran who lost both legs after her helicopter was shot downin 2004. She offered her judgment on Twitter after new reports suggested that the White House is giving the Pentagon six monthsto implement the new transgender policy.

Duckworth called the military bandiscriminatory, disruptive and counterproductive to national security.

If you are willing to risk your life for our country and you can do the job, you should be able to serve no matter your gender identity or sexual orientation, she said.

Trump unexpectedly announced that he was pulling transgender troops from the military in a late July tweet. He had made the decision after consulting with Generals and military experts, the president said at the time.

Our military must be focused on decisive and overwhelming victory, Trump said, and cannot be burdened with the tremendous medical costs and disruption that transgender in the military would entail.

The tremendous medical costs that Trump cited in his reasoning actually amount to a 0.04 to 0.13 percent increase in the Defense Departments total health care spending, according to the Rand Corporation, a nonprofit research institution that offers analyses to the U.S. armed forces. Rand estimates that 30 to 140 transgender service members would seek hormone treatments per year and that 25 to 130 individuals would opt for surgery related to gender confirmation.

The Pentagon lifted the previous ban on transgender service members in 2016 after reviewing the implications for military readiness.

Rand, which studied the matter,wrote in a statement at that time: If the U.S. military decides to let transgender people serve openly, the number would likely be a small fraction of the total force and have minimal impact on readiness and health care costs.

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Senator Who Lost Both Legs In Iraq Blasts Trump's Military Transgender Ban - HuffPost

In Saudi diplomatic shift on Iraq, a hand to Sunnis … and Shiites – Yahoo News

With the so-called Islamic State on the brink of defeat in northern Iraq, the government in Baghdad is set to mark another victory: reconciliation with regional hegemon Saudi Arabia.

The oil-rich kingdom and dominant Sunni power has effectively been absent from Iraq since Riyadh cut ties with Baghdad after Saddam Husseins invasion of Kuwait in 1990.

Following the 2003 US invasion of Iraq, the Saudis distanced themselves from their neighbor further, writing Iraq off as a lost cause that was hopelessly under the influence of archrival Iran, and working to effectively freeze Baghdad out of Arab regional politics.

Recommended: How much do you know about Saudi Arabia? Take our quiz!

Experts say a rapprochement now with Saudi Arabia could have a profound impact on Iraq by encouraging disenfranchised Sunnis to reconnect with the political process, curbing Irans broad influence over Iraqi affairs, and revitalizing hopes for a political settlement to end the sectarian violence that has wracked the country for more than a decade.

DIPLOMATIC TURNAROUND

The Saudi move isolating Iraq was a self-fulfilling prophecy, experts say. Without Saudi Arabia and its Sunni Gulf allies to keep Iraq in the Arab fold, the country and its leaders were forced to increase their reliance on Shiite Iran for security, stability, and economic sustainability.

Now, with the new leadership in Riyadh confronting both a decline in oil revenue and its own limitations in militarily checking Iranian influence in its disastrous war in neighboring Yemen, Saudi Arabia is adopting a new strategy to boost its influence in Iraq (and not just incidentally tweak Iran): diplomacy.

In a flurry of high-profile visits to Riyadh in late July, Saudi Arabia hosted a series of senior Iraqi officials, including the countrys interior and oil ministers. But the most groundbreaking, and surprising, visit was that of Moqtada al-Sadr, the firebrand Shiite cleric and fervent nationalist who holds deep sway among Iraqs Shiites.

The visits were followed by a host of goodwill gestures from Saudi Arabia this month, starting with the reopening of the Arar border crossing for the first time in 27 years. Saudi Prince Faisal bin Khalid bin Sultan, governor of the northern border region, was present to personally welcome and greet the first batch of Iraqi pilgrims to enter the crossing.

Critically, Saudi Arabia announced that it plans to open consulates in Najaf and Basra, major Shiite cities in Iraq with religious and economic importance, and build air and land links with the cities. According to Iraqi officials, the Saudi cabinet also announced the formation of a joint trade council and a committee to oversee a series of projects such as hospitals in Baghdad and Basra and the opening of free trade zones.

It is a deployment of soft power with a personal touch that Riyadh hopes will convince Baghdad, and Iraqis, that their years of isolation in the Arab world are over and that after a long absence, they can rely once again on Saudi Arabia.

POLITICAL SETTLEMENT

The immediate impact of Saudi Arabias reengagement with Iraq is the bolstering of the countrys beleaguered Sunni minority.

Since the 2003 invasion, many of Iraqs Sunni leaders have refused to come to the negotiating table to hash out a new political agreement with the countrys Shiites and Kurds.

Sunnis have long believed that Iraqs Shiites, thanks to their backing by Iran, hold the upper hand and can dictate their demands on a leaderless and exposed Sunni community. Trust between Sunnis and the Shiite-majority government deteriorated further after the perceived targeting of Sunni communities and leaders by former Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki.

With Saudi Arabia growing its political and economic influence in the country, experts say Iraqs Sunnis may now feel more confident in granting concessions to Shiites and Kurds, and in their ability to gain concessions of their own.

Such a development would be critical in efforts to reach a fairer power-sharing agreement that would bring Sunnis into the Iraqi state and quell political and sectarian violence.

In the near-term, this could pave way for a new power-sharing agreement between Sunnis and Shiites where Sunnis feel like they are given political power and economic influence in proportion to their demographics, says Kenneth Pollack, an Iraq expert and resident scholar at the American Enterprise Institute.

This would allow Iraqis to address decentralization, executive power, and the role of security services and other enormous issues in Iraq stemming from gaps and vagueness in parts of the constitution that has led to different interpretations.

Sunni tribal leaders, in interviews with the Monitor, stress that although they welcome Saudi Arabias increased role in Iraq as a long overdue return to the Arab fold, they need to see the Iraqi government make a goodwill gesture to allow for negotiations, namely disarming and demobilizing Shiite militias.

An increased role by Saudi Arabia is positive, says Abdalrazzaq Suleiman, a leader of an Anbar tribe.

But before we can talk about the future of Iraq, we have to see that this government is willing and able to stop these militias from acting outside the law.

Another Anbar tribal leader says, however, that Riyadh may lead the realignment many Sunnis have been waiting for.

The government in Baghdad has tied us to Iran and pitted us against the rest of the world.We want Saudi Arabia to help us rejoin the Arab world, where we belong, says the leader, who requested not to be named.

COALITION-BUILDING

The Saudi outreach comes as a shrewd recognition by Riyadh that not only Sunnis, but Iraqs moderate and nationalist Shiites, such as Mr. Sadr and Prime Minister Haider al-Abadi, are growing weary of Irans dominance in Iraqi internal affairs, analysts say.

By building economic, transport, and diplomatic ties with key Shiite cities and leaders, Riyadh is emboldening moderate Shiite leaders such as Mr. Abadi and Ayad Allawi, a vice president and former prime minister, who would like to engage and partner with Sunnis. That is an engagement that Iran and its hardline allies within Iraq have discouraged and at times torpedoed over the last decade.

With an alternative power such as Riyadh, emboldened Shiite political forces may consider moves unpopular in Tehran such as the demobilization of the Popular Mobilization Units and other Shiite militias influenced by Iran that have sparked a backlash from the Sunni community.

Abadi is not 100 percent supportive of Saudi Arabias policy in the region. But this is an opportunity to chart a new course that is not dependent on Iran and that puts Iraqs national interests first, says Raed Mansour, a fellow at Chatham House.

The timing for such a push is not a coincidence. The 2018 parliamentary elections in Iraq are several months away.

By encouraging Sunni participation in the polls and offering an olive branch to the Shiite community, Riyadh and its allies could help further foster the cross-sectarian, Shiite-Sunni coalition building that is vital to Iraqs political and physical stability.

It would not be unrealistic to see a reemergence of a coalition that includes moderate Sunnis and Shia that can bring stability to Iraq. This is certainly on the minds of Saudi policy-makers, says Firas Maksad, director at The Arabia Foundation inWashington.

Saudi Arabias rapprochement with Iraq can also have an immediate impact on the reconstruction of towns and cities hit by the war against ISIS.

News reports, and Saudi insiders, say Riyadh and Baghdad are negotiating a role for Saudi Arabia in rebuilding Iraqs war-torn cities, namely the predominately Sunni cities of Mosul, Tikrit, Falluja, and Ramadi.

The Iraqi government estimates it will cost $100 billion to rebuild the mainly Sunni areas hit by ISIS and coalition airstrikes, while the UN has called for $985 million in humanitarian relief alone.

The post-ISIS reconstruction has provided an opportunity for Saudi Arabia to influence Iraq as well as an opportunity for Iraq, which is desperately looking for investors, says Mr. Mansour.

But initial signs say Riyadh is not ready to write a blank check to Baghdad just yet.

PUSH-BACK FROM IRAN

Saudi Arabia has been burned by the limited influence it gained from funneling billions of dollars to Egypt, while a drop in oil prices has forced the kingdom to cut back on public spending and embark on its own ambitious economic transformation plan.

Rather than throwing money at Iraq, Saudi Arabia is likely to select a few, small-scale projects to build the confidence of both the Iraqi government and public, such as the rehabilitation of a strategic oil export pipeline running from Iraq through Saudi Arabia to the Red Sea, and the rehabilitation of the road connecting Baghdad with Amman.

The question remains whether Saudi Arabia has the patience to play the long game. In Iraq there will undoubtedly be setbacks and elements loyal to Iran who will push back, and perhaps even attempt to sabotage their reconciliation with Baghdad, observers say.

The question is: when they meet Iranian resistance, how will they respond? says Mr. Pollack.

Will they give up and throw their hands up, or will they double down and try harder?

Iran has trained, equipped, and directs several Shiite militias, has the presence of its elite Islamic Revolutionary Guards Corps, and can use its offer of military and security support expertise and power Saudi Arabia lacks to sway Iraqs politicians, clerics, and decision-makers.

Iran is going to be a very significant and perhaps the dominant player in Iraq for quite some time, says Mr. Maksad.

But the reengagement of Iraq by Gulf states opens opportunities to check some of Irans unwanted influence and that is important in and of itself.

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In Saudi diplomatic shift on Iraq, a hand to Sunnis ... and Shiites - Yahoo News

Girl who fled Iraq ‘never imagined’ getting nine GCSEs – BBC News

Girl who fled Iraq 'never imagined' getting nine GCSEs
BBC News
Zainab Fhadal arrived in Stoke-on-Trent three years ago only speaking a little English, but she has now gained nine GCSEs. The 16-year-old fled the Iraqi capital Baghdad in June 2014 after her family's home was destroyed. She said she'd spent her ...

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Girl who fled Iraq 'never imagined' getting nine GCSEs - BBC News