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The Iraqi authorities must ensure truth, justice and reparations for the killing of hundreds and maiming of thousands by Iraqi security forces, Amnesty International said today ahead of the four-year anniversary of the nation-wide anti-government protests. As an immediate step, the authorities should reveal the fate and whereabouts of people forcibly disappeared during the protest movement that began in October 2019.

During the mass protests, known as the Tishreen [October] protests security forces including anti-riot police, counterterrorism forces and members of Popular Mobilization Units (PMU), a large network of militias legally considered part of the Iraqi Armed Forces, used lethal force against protesters and pursued a sinister campaign of extrajudicial killings and enforced disappearances.

Since the Tishreen protests, successive Iraqi governments have reneged on their promises to ensure truth and justice for the state and militia violence inflicted on Iraqi protesters, activists, and lawyers and their families. The meagre number of prosecutions and investigations which pale in comparison to the scale of the abuses clearly demonstrate that the authorities are not interested in accountability, said Razaw Salihy, Amnesty Internationals Iraq Researcher.

Justice for the Tishreen protests is long overdue. The Iraqi authorities must ensure independent and impartial investigations into crimes committed since 2019 against protesters, activists and their families, publish the findings and hold those suspected of criminal responsibility accountable in fair trials that meet international standards. They must also protect families demanding justice from reprisals.

While some families have continued to insist on calling for accountability and pursuing investigations left dormant, reprisals for speaking out have deterred other families from continuing their pursuit of justice.

In one stark case, the father of a human rights lawyer who was forcibly disappeared in October 2019 was killed in March of 2021 after campaigning for answers about his sons whereabouts. Amnesty International had warned of threats to the familys safety in November 2020 and called on the Iraqi authorities to ensure their protection.

The family of Sajjad al-Iraqi, another prominent activist who was forcibly disappeared in September 2020 in Nasiriya, has also been subjected to numerous threats by people believed to be linked to the abductors and to the PMU. These individuals have on several occasions called the family or come to their home to pressure them to drop their court case related to Sajjad al-Iraqis disappearance. Sajjad al-Iraqis activism focused on corruption issues.

Very few prosecutions of members of security forces or affiliated militias have taken place for their role in violence against protesters and activists.

The meagre number of prosecutions and investigations which pale in comparison to the scale of the abuses clearly demonstrate that the authorities are not interested in accountability.

In a report released in June 2022, the United Nations Assistance Mission to Iraq (UNAMI) was only able to identify the conviction of four unidentified armed elements since May 2021 and of six members of the security forces for targeted shootings, killings, and abductions. The report added: UNAMI/OHCHR was unable to identify any other cases that progressed beyond the investigative stage during the reporting period.

A family member told Amnesty International that they met with Prime Minister Mohammed Shia Al Sudani nine months ago and that he promised to follow up on Sajjad al-Iraqis case. On 22 March 2023, the Thi Qar Criminal Court convicted two individuals in absentia for kidnapping Sajjad al-Iraqi.

However, Sajjad al-Iraqis whereabouts remain unknown, and no arrests have yet been made in his case. A relative told Amnesty International: There is no interest in Sajjads case. It is just false promises and reassurances. It is just ink on paper.

Since 2019, successive Iraqi governments have formed numerous committees to investigate violations committed in the context of the protests at the national and governorate level, but these committees have failed to deliver on truth or justice.

The most notable was the Fact-Finding Committee, established by Executive Order 293 issued by then-Prime Minister Mustafa al-Kadhimi on 18 October 2020 with the goal of gathering evidence, publishing a comprehensive report, and identifying those responsible for the crimes committed. Under the decree, the Committee has the right to refer cases to the judiciary, however there has been no transparency as to whether this has occurred.

In a letter from Prime Minister Shia al-Sudanis Office to Amnesty International on 2 April 2023, the Office said that the Prime Minister ordered in November 2022 the activation of the work of the [Fact-Finding] committee and outreach to representatives from the demonstrators. The Prime Ministers Office outlined measures the Fact-Finding Committee had taken, including having looked into more than 215 cases obtained from the Rusafa Central Investigative Court and reviewed more than 5,375 official documents that included medical reports, victim autopsy forms and reports of forensic experts, and the committee continues to examine documents received from courts of appeal.

The Prime Ministers Office also confirmed that reparations had been paid to the families of those killed, amounting to ten million Iraqi dinars for each victim.

However, reparations are not a substitute for establishing the truth or bringing perpetrators to justice, and nearly three years after it was first formed, the Fact-Finding Committee has yet to publish any findings.

Enforced disappearance is currently not a crime under Iraqi law and therefore cannot be prosecuted as a distinct offence. On 6 August 2023, the Iraqi Council of Ministers a draft Missing Persons Law and sent it to Parliament. The drafts stated aim is to help relatives of the missing learn their fate and be given access to reparations, including by setting up a national commission for the missing. Yet, this draft law does not criminalize enforced disappearance or outline penalties for perpetrators.

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Four years after Iraq's Tishreen protests, no justice for state and ... - Amnesty International

ISLAMABAD, Oct 3 (APP): Pakistan on Tuesday extended greetings to the people and governments of Iraq and Korea as the two countries celebrated their National Day and Foundation Day respectively.

On the occasion of National Day of the Republic of Iraq, we extend our heartiest felicitations to its people and Government, the Foreign Office spokesperson said in a statement.

Also known as Iraq Independence Day, the Day is annually celebrated on October 3 to mark the countrys independence from Britain in 1932.

On the occasion of National Foundation Day of the Republic of Korea, we extend our heartiest felicitations to its people and Government, the Foreign Office spokesperson said in a statement.

The Korea Foundation Day is celebrated the foundation of the first Korean state, Gojoseon, in history. The state was founded by Dangun, the Founding Father of Korea, in 2333 BCE.

Ishtiaq Ahmed is a Sr. Reporter who reports on Prime Minister, President, Foreign Office, and special assignments. Backed by 20-year experience, he has written for local and foreign newspapers. Reach out at 03335293238/ ishtiaqrao@gmail.com/ X: ishtiaqrao

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Pakistan extends greetings on Iraq National Day, Korea Foundation ... - Associated Press of Pakistan

SENIOIA, Ga. Shane Loftin was born and grew up in Coweta County, Ga., where he was a three-sport athlete and graduated from Newnan high school.

Shane Loftin

Now, he runs Shanes Pest Solutions, a full-service pest control company. When hes not busy running his business, he does what he can to give back to the community that raised him.

Loftin said that it is special for him to run his company in the same place he grew up.Its huge for me to live here and work here and provide services to people that live here, he said. And I want those to be top notch for people around here.

Using his name for the company provides extra incentive for the quality of services it provides.My name is on the company, Loftin said. I want to represent my family, my personal name. I want to be a representative of the community. I want to be an example for kids in this community. I take great pride in our community.

One way that Loftin gives back is by supporting local veterans programs such as Operation Tackle Box and Cocos Cupboard. His support for these programs has a personal connection as well, because Loftin is a veteran.

I take great pride in supporting local veteran programs, he said. Of course, Im a lifetime member of the VFW and American Legion. Theres a lot of great veteran programs.

Joining the military became an option for Loftin while working for a car dealership after graduating from Newnan high school in 1995. The reputation of the Marines enticed Loftin.

While working for them, Id always had a tug to serve in the military, he said. I just had that draw and Ive always strived to be the best. When you play sports, you want to be the top competitor. The Marine Corps was a good fit for me because if youre going to do something and you know theres an elite branch, that kind of draws you to it.

Loftin joined the Marine Corps as a reservist in 1999. Unsure of what he wanted to do, he decided to go active duty in May of 2001, when he became a field artillery section chief tasked with shooting an M198, 155-millimeter Howitzer.

I joined my unit and right away we went to California to train in the desert out there, Loftin said. A place called 29 Palms. Horrible place. We trained out there for two months.

After his training in the desert, Loftin and his unit were waiting to board a plane when the 9/11 terrorist attacks happened.When the first tower got hit, I didnt even know what the Twin Towers were, Loftin said.

A lot of us really thought that they were just playing games and giving us another training exercise while we were waiting. Then the second tower got hit. They called us up and we knew it was the real deal.

A corporal at the time, Loftin took the first watch out on the airstrip.That was the first night everything got real, he said. My platoon commander gave me a loaded magazine, conditioned my weapon and gave me my brief. Youre out there and thats when everything got really real. We have a legit threat, we might have to throw down.

In 2003, Loftin and his unit were involved in the initial invasion of Iraq, where they traveled from Kuwait to Tikrit in northern Iraq.

We were there during that initial phase of the invasion into Iraq, which was wild, he said. All kinds of emotions. Im really glad that I did it. Im really proud that every Marine in our unit that went over, every single one of us, made it back home. Which is just huge. I served with a lot of great Marines and thats definitely one of the highlights of my life.

When 2005 rolled around, Loftin decided to get out of the Marine Corps for his two young daughters.

My dad was actually killed when I was three years old in a tragic motorcycle accident, he said. So, I wanted to make sure I was around as much as possible, for what I can control, to be there for my daughters. I love the Marine Corps, but I decided to get out. When I got out, I had no clue what I was going to do.

While he was serving overseas, many of Loftins friends from the car industry moved into pest control. When he got out of the Marines, his friends suggested that he join them.

My first job in the industry was with Active Pest Control, Loftin said. I worked with them for two years and then I moved over to Arrow Exterminators. I worked with Arrow from 2007 until 2016 when I decided to launch my business.

When he was working with Arrow, Loftin also attended night school at Troy University, earning a bachelor's degree in business. Combining his degree with industry experience and the entrepreneurial spirit, Loftin started Shanes Pest Solutions.

It was me, no partner, nothing, he said. I started from customer one, just myself, and we finished last year just over $600,000 in revenue. I know theres a lot of companies doing a lot more than that, but for us its pretty good.

Besides what he learned from school and working in the pest control industry, Loftin also brought the skills he used in the military to his new business.

Theres a lot of things, Loftin said. My attention to detail, that drive to never quit and to continue to push even though things arent going to ever be perfect. Just having the mental fortitude to stick through the rough times, because its not all roses. A lot of the leadership, knowing your people and taking care of your people. Making sure my team members are motivated, trained and they know what theyre doing and how they should be doing it.

We are in the service industry. Serving in the military and serving your community, they go hand in hand. You got to have a certain heart for it.

Another way that Loftin is involved in serving his community is by participating in the Adopt a Vet and Vet Connect programs run by Newnan High School. The Adopt a Vet program gives students the opportunity to meet with veterans in the community for engaged discussions.

We go and meet at a local restaurant and have breakfast with these students, he said. Im always impressed by these students that theyre willing to get up and come to breakfast with somebody like me at 7 a.m. We just sit and chat about all kinds of stuff. Sometimes were talking about the Marine Corps, sometimes about what kids are dealing with nowadays and everything in-between.

The Vet Connect program offers a unique opportunity for students to have a hands-on experience. Newnan High School is located next to the Georgia National Guard armory and veterans are allowed to bring items to display.

The students have a really hands-on thing, Loftin said. Most of their teachers give them a set of questions to go around and engage. Its all high schoolers, they dont really know how to engage with adults, much less combat veterans. Its a unique opportunity and its a really great thing that Newnan has done. Its just a really great time to go and engage with these kids.

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PCO and Iraq War Veteran Loftin Connects with His Community - PCT Online

August 16, 2023 at 2:00 a.m. EDT

AL-MASHKHAB, Iraq When Abbas Al-Zalemi walks through his fields, he remembers better times. Amber rice once flourished on the eight acres he inherited from his father, painting them a lush green. The fields are dry and barren now, populated by desert plants, the only kind hearty enough to survive.

Without amber cultivation, I feel a sense of loss, said Al-Zalemi, 50. I avoid coming here to escape the sadness.

Amber rice has long been revered in Iraq for its distinctive fragrance; in the Iraqi dialect, amber is used to describe any sweet-smelling aroma. Rice is a staple of the national diet eaten at almost every meal and in the city of Al-Mashkhab, in Najaf province, amber cultivation is an integral part of the local identity. As climate change tightens its grip on Iraq, though, amber rice is the latest casualty. Farmers here are grappling not only with a loss of income, but a way of life.

Wracked by years of drought, Iraq is now experiencing its worst heat wave in decades. Water flows on the Euphrates and Tigris rivers are near record lows, leading to a cascading water crisis in the Iraqi countryside, where farming techniques have not kept pace with the times. Amber cultivation, which typically runs from the end of June to October, requires the rice to remain submerged in water throughout the summer. In 2021, the Iraqi Ministry of Agriculture made the difficult decision to prohibit most rice planting in an effort to conserve water.

Due to decreased water releases from neighboring countries and the scarcity of rain, we had to reduce the areas of amber cultivation, said Hakim Al-Khazraji, assistant director of the agriculture department in Najaf.

Experts say government policies have left the sector particularly vulnerable to water shortages. While ministries have offered subsidized equipment to support the costly transition to less water-intensive irrigation methods, politically connected agricultural conglomerates have often received more support than ordinary farmers. Below the fields, decades-old drainage infrastructure has been left to decay.

Rice fields cover more than 21 square miles in Najaf province. Now, less than 2 percent of the land is officially being tended, Al-Khazraji said: The aim is not for production but to preserve the seeds and safeguard this unique rice variety from extinction.

Al-Zalemi, at least, was fortunate to find a government job. Many other farmers, like 53-year-old Riyadh Abdulameer, are out of work.

We used to have very good economic self-sufficiency, we did not care about political changes or the rise in the exchange rate of the dollar, he said. Amber was our currency, but now I cannot even meet the daily expenses of my house.

His eldest son had planned to inherit the farm. He scrapes out a living in construction now and has put his marriage plans on hold.

Al-Mashkhab is witnessing an era that it has not seen throughout history, Abdulameer said. I cant even call it a slow death. It is a quick death, and we have no alternative solutions.

Muthanna Al-Salami, a social researcher, said crime rates in the area are on the rise, which he attributes to widespread unemployment.

Young people with untapped potential may turn to other activities if economic alternatives are not available, he cautioned.

Until recently, amber rice was a fixture at every table here and was exported throughout the region. Now, locals have had to turn to more expensive imported varieties from India and Iran.

Rice prices have skyrocketed, reaching five times the usual rate, said Hussein Aqil, 41, as he shopped at a local market. More distressing to him than the cost, though, was the loss of the regions most distinctive food. Our meals lack the same flavor and appeal, he lamented.

Outside a factory nearby, a sign boasted that the production of amber rice is first class. The factory is now used to store imported rice.

Dakhil Bidaiwi, 53, pulled up with a delivery of Iranian rice. A former farmer himself, he now works as a truck driver.

I was like a king before, making the best rice, he said. Now I am like a slave.

As amber rice has vanished, a black market has developed. Asking about it now is just like asking about drugs, said Hussein Ali, 20, a local merchant. There are those who grow it in secret and sell it secretly, but only in very limited quantities.

As Washington Post reporters toured the city, farmers could be seen digging in an area where rice cultivation is no longer permitted.

There is nothing else in life that we are good at other than growing rice, one older man explained, speaking on the condition of anonymity for fear of the authorities.

Another man waved a shovel menacingly in the direction of the reporters and demanded they leave.

Al-Khazraji said the recently approved federal budget includes compensation for farmers who were unable to cultivate their land. Next year, he said, the province will start experimenting with mechanical seeding in an effort to grow amber rice with less water.

But Al-Zalemi is skeptical the government will deliver, and he is tired of waiting. I will plant my land next year no matter what, I cant just leave it like this, he said, gazing out over his fields. My soul is rooted here.

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Water scarcity in Iraq leads to the disappearance of a signature rice - The Washington Post

Since 2003, Iraqi Kurds have played a significant role in shaping successive Iraqi governments. Over the years, they successfully attained semi-autonomy and economic independence. However, their progress has steadily declined due to a series of federal policies and decisions.

In February 2022, Iraq's Federal Supreme Court invalidated the Kurdistan Region's oil sales by ruling that only the federal government has the constitutional authority to export crude oil and enter international agreements.

The Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG) experienced another setback in generating revenue last March when Ankara was found to have broken a 1973 bilateral agreement with Baghdad (renewed in 2010), which gave the Iraqi federal government complete control over Iraq's oil sales through the pipeline to Turkey.

A complaint was taken to the International Chamber of Commerce, which ordered Turkey to pay Iraqi central authorities $1.47bn for violating the agreement and purchasing directly from the Kurds without permission.

Internal strife within the Kurdish political scene has also contributed to the region's declining influence and authority. Legal disputes between the Kurdish opposition and the two main ruling parties, the Kurdistan Democratic Party (KDP) and the Patriotic Union of Kurdistan (PUK), gave rise to Iraq's top court becoming the ultimate authority in resolving partisan conflict.

With federal authorities assuming control over the region, the future of the divided Kurdish entity remains uncertain.

In 2017, the Kurdistan region held a referendum on secession upon the request of its main partners within the Iraqi Kurdistan National Union, with more than 90 percent of voters supporting independence.

This move triggered a series of retaliatory measures that precipitated the region's political and economic downturn. The federal government of Iraq, along with neighbouring Iran and Turkey, imposed sanctions on the Kurds.

Iraq's restrictions on oil exports led to the KRG's administrative and military withdrawal from large areas comprising territories disputed between the Kurds and Baghdad, most notably the oil-rich Kirkuk Governorate. This continued for more than a year, until the two parties reached a temporary understanding in 2018 to export Kirkuk oil through the KRG's pipeline to Turkey.

The Kurdistan Region's 2017 referendum on secession triggered a series of retaliatory measures that precipitated the region's political and economic downturn

Iraq's Federal Supreme Court subsequently issued its decision to stop exporting the KRG's oil through Turkey, barring the region from exporting its oil independently. The top court then ruled against the extension of the Kurdistan Region's parliament, declaring it unconstitutional following a lawsuit by opposition parties in Erbil.

The decision was preceded by days of sudden changes to the draft budget, which the KDP considered a "coup against the political agreements" entered into as part of the State Administration Coalition forming the government of Iraqi Prime Minister Mohammed Shia al-Sudani.

The KRG argued that the changes made to the draft budget by members of the finance committee of the parliament were unconstitutional and inconsistent with the agreement signed between the regional and federal governments.

The imposed amendments to the federal budget, in place for the next three years, are the last-but-not-least push to squeeze the Kurdistan Region and undermine the authority and independence that it once enjoyed.

The KRG has been further weakened by internal political division, allowing the Iraqi federal government to swiftly regain control of Kurdistan's liquid gold and its revenues. This represented a glaring setback for the region, which was free to export its own oil since 2013.

Meanwhile, the Kurdish opposition parties posed legal challenges to the vote by the Kurdistan Region's parliament to extend the term of the legislature, arguing that the extension would nullify one of the region's three pillars - presidential, parliament, and government. Yet the extension itself came about due to disagreements between the ruling parties over a new electoral law and subsequent delays in holding elections.

The lawsuit resulted in a Federal Supreme Court decision declaring the extension unconstitutional.

Given these critical losses, many are now questioning whether the region has lost its bargaining power with Baghdad.

There are several factors that contributed to the decline of the KRG's authority, including a preference for partisan gains over national interests by the main Kurdish parties and wide political differences between them.

Thechronic division between the rival parties, especially since the referendum for statehood in 2017, has contributed to the Kurdistan Region's loss of political influence. Both in Baghdad and on the regional and international stage, opponents and even some close allies have perceived the region as weak and on the brink of civil war.

The region is divided on matters of security, finances and governance as the result of internal tensions that have long been criticised by external powers.

The relative failure of the KRG's oil policy also played a significant role in weakening the region. Despite the many contracts, foreign investment and job creation, the region still accumulated a$3.348bndebt to oil companies.

Random appointments to the heavily partisan KRG institutions also paved the way to systemic corruption that placed political parties over people. It culminated in the government's inability to pay salaries regularly and fully, even after years of daily oil sales and deferred payments on export expenses.

The government's failure to invest in centres for strategic studies has also led to the absence of a prudent strategic policy that would address rising geopolitical issues. The existing Kurdish institutions are run by unqualified individuals who are hired along partisan lines.

The persistent political, administrative and financial corruption in the region, similar to the situation in Iraq, has further contributed to the region's declining stature. The appointment of unfit candidates to official posts in the federal government - whether as parliamentarians, ministers or negotiators with the federal government - has always undermined the interests of the Kurdish people.

To regain its influence and secure its constitutional rights fully, the region must prioritise self-organisation, including legitimate institution building and the strengthening of its relationships with neighbouring countries and the international community at large.

Yet the best remaining means to regain the Kurdistan Region's stature is by ending the rift between the main forces, the KDP and the PUK, and creating a unified position on national interests while dealing with the federal government.

In recent years, the Federal Supreme Court has become a refuge for opposition groups, such as the Islamic parties and the New Generation Movement, seeking to obstruct the authority of the two ruling parties and extract gains.

Why Iraqis are still searching for a 'homeland' 20 years after US invasion

The use of the court to invalidate the agreements, settlements and customs established by the political process will inevitably have repercussions that may prompt the two main parties to follow a new path.

This path may require passing laws that establish certain concessions for the region and formulating new agreements that would enable them to confront the growing opposition parties within the region.

For sure, the court judgments may limit the power of the two parties, but not to the extent that it would result in major changes.

The Kurdistan Region is confronting a well-planned campaign to undermine its authority by the Iraqi federal government and neighbouring states, Turkey and Iran, through sanctions and other measures.

Above all, Kurdish unity is the foundation for keeping the region intact, especially when it comes to negotiating their rights with the federal government. Any internal disputes between the main parties should be settled and not come at the cost of national interests.

The views expressed in this article belong to the author and do not necessarily reflect the editorial policy of Middle East Eye.

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Iraq: After years of setbacks, what the Kurds need most is unity - Middle East Eye