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(Beirut) The civilian death toll from a series of apparentIraqiSecurity Force orUnited States-led coalition attacks between February and April 2017 suggests that the forces took inadequate precautions to avoid civilian casualties and that further investigation is needed, Human Rights Watch said today. Human Rights Watch documented seven attacks that resulted in at least 44 civilian deaths in five populated neighborhoods of west Mosul controlled by the Islamic State (also known as ISIS).

Human Rights Watch analysis of satellite imagery of western Mosul identified over 380 distinct impact sites in the Tanak neighborhood, where three of the seven attacks occurred, consistent with the detonation of large, air-dropped munitions between March 8 and April 26, when Iraqi forces declared they had regained control of the area. Munitions of this size can pose an excessive risk to civilians when used in populated areas, given their large blast and fragmentation radius. All warring parties should cease using explosive weapons with wide area effects in densely populated west Mosul.

Human Rights Watch identified over 380 distinct impact sites in Tanak neighborhood in Mosul.

Residents and displaced people have sheltered for months in crowded houses, with ISIS sometimes using them as human shields, so any strikes including the choice of weapons should take these conditions into account, saidPriyanka Motaparthy, senior emergencies researcher at Human Rights Watch. As Iraqi and coalition forces press forward with the west Mosul offensive, they should make sure that civilian casualties are kept to a minimum.

AUS airstrike in Mosul on March 17that killed up to 200 people,previously documented by Human Rights Watch, used a 500-pound bomb to target two ISIS fighters on a roof,according to a military investigation of the incident.

Anti-ISIS forces should take all feasible precautions in the choice of means and methods of warfare to minimize incidental loss of civilian life, injury to civilians, and damage to civilian objects, including in their choice of weaponry in heavily populated areas, Human Rights Watch said.

Human Rights Watch also documented six incidents in which ISIS fighters shot at and killed or wounded civilians fleeing ISIS-held areas or in which the people fleeing detonated improvised landmines laid by ISIS.

Smoke rising from west Mosul where Iraqi Security Forces are fighting Islamic State fighters to retake the city.

In mid-February, Iraqi Security Forces (ISF) supported by the US-led coalition, known as the Combined Joint Task Force Operation Inherent Resolve (CJTF-OIR), began the offensive to retake west Mosul, a densely populated set of urban neighborhoodsstill home to around 200,000 civilians.At least 614,524 people have fledthe area since February 19, 2017, according to Iraqi authorities, but thousands more remain trapped under deadly conditions, risking ISIS sniper fire and improvised landmines when they attempt to flee.

Human Rights Watch could not independently confirm whether the seven Iraqi forces or coalition attacks it documented were air or ground-launched, or identify the munitions. The locations were under ISIS control. ISIS fighters were present in or next to the homes destroyed right before or at the same time in three of the attacks, within 50 meters in two incidents, and were not in close proximity in two others, survivors and witnesses said.

At least two incidents with no clear military target in the vicinity that killed at least 13 civilians may have been unlawful. The remaining attacks may have caused disproportionate civilian harm in comparison to the military advantage gained, in violation of international humanitarian law.

Civilians living in each of the homes hit by the seven attacks said they had tried to leave the neighborhood, sometimes repeatedly, as fighting grew close to the area, but that ISIS fighters threatened to kill them or attacked them when they tried to leave.

All parties to the conflict are prohibited under the laws of war from conducting deliberate, indiscriminate, or disproportionate attacks against civilians or civilian objects. Indiscriminate attacks strike military objectives and civilians or civilian objects without distinction.An attack is disproportionate if it may be expected to cause incidental loss of civilian life or damage to civilian objects that would be excessive in relation to the concrete and direct military advantage anticipated from the attack.

Human Rights Watch contacted CJTF-OIR regarding the seven attacks. The coalition confirmed its forces most likely carried out one of the attacks, on the Mosul Railway Station neighborhood, killing 10 civilians, but did not respond definitively on the remaining incidents.

Human Rights Watch haspreviously raised concernsabout individual coalition members targeting procedures. As a result of procedural changes made in December 2016, media reported the US, which leads the coalition, removed the requirement that the strike cell in Baghdad approve certain strikes. The rule change means that the US is now carrying out some strikes without the benefit of the strike cells information and targeting recommendations. The US should reinstate these procedures, or equivalent ones.

Human Rights Watch also remains concerned that the coalition reporting mechanism has failed to adequately reflect the extent of civilian casualties caused by members. On June 2, 2017,CJTF-OIR published its monthly civilian casualty report. The report found that, To date, based on information available, CJTF-OIR assesses that, it is more likely than not, at least 484 civilians have been unintentionally killed by coalition strikes since the start of Operation Inherent Resolve. During the same period, Airwars, a United Kingdom-based nongovernmental organization that monitors airstrikes,estimated that the minimum number of civilian casualtiesfrom US-led coalition strikes was over 3,800, approximately eight times the number reported by the coalition. US military officials havesaidthat non-US coalition members are responsible for at least 80 of the 484 fatalities, but none of the coalition members have publicly admitted responsibility.

In addition to coalition reporting, each member country has an individual responsibility under international law to conduct thorough, prompt, and impartial investigations of alleged serious violations of international humanitarian law for strikes in which it has been involved. Coalition membersvary in their documentation and investigation of civilian casualties.

Although thecoalition now jointly conducts preliminary assessmentsof alleged civilian casualties, coalition members should not rely on other coalition members, or broader coalition reporting, to collect information or to assess whether a strike they have conducted complies with the law.

The coalition, member countries operating in the area, and Iraqi authorities should investigate their role in attacks reported to cause serious violations of international humanitarian law, including by interviewing survivors, and not just rely on self-reporting and/or battle damage assessments, Human Rights Watch said. Should there be evidence of war crimes including serious violations of the laws of war committed with criminal intent any perpetrator of the crime should be prosecuted, including any commander responsible under the principle of command responsibility.

The apparent lack of compensation to victims of coalition operations also remains a critical concern. A coalition spokesperson told Human Rights Watch that the coalition has only received two compensation requests, and has made two condolence payments since the beginning of Operation Inherent Resolve. Members of the coalition involved in military operations should take appropriate steps to verify civilian casualties, identify the victims, and deliver appropriate compensation in the case of violations of international law. Human Rights Watch also recommends appropriate condolence orex gratiapayments those made without legal obligation for civilian harm.

Individual countries shouldnt hide behind the coalition and wash their hands of responsibility, Motaparthy said. Coalition members should take responsibility for the strikes they carry out by investigating those that may have been serious violations, particularly given how inadequate coalition investigations have been.

The Satellite Imagery Human Rights Watch analyzed satellite imagery of the Tanak neighborhood, where three of the attacks documented took place, and identified over 380 distinct impact sites consistent with the detonation of large, air-dropped munitions between March 8 and April 26, 2017. A review of damaged locations showed that a majority of these airstrikes most likely targeted mixed residential and commercial buildings, with a substantial minority targeting main streets and intersections. Human Rights Watch has no information as to whether there were any military targets in or near the sites.

Before and after satellite imagery of Tanak neighborhood, Mosul April 10 and 26, 2017. Satellite imagery DigitalGlobe 2017

Although this apparently accurate targeting pattern of the street network is consistent with the use of guided munitions, Human Rights Watch found that the majority of impact craters in Tanak measured 10 or more meters in diameter, consistent with the use of conventional air-dropped bombs weighing between 500 and 1,000 pounds.

The use of explosive weapons with wide-area effects such as air-dropped bombs of this size on probable military targets in densely populated civilian areas of western Mosul may be resulting in civilian casualties and damage to civilian objects that is excessive considering the anticipated military objectives of the strikes. Such disproportionate military attacks are prohibited under international humanitarian law. In all cases, commanders and targeting officers should select weapons and specific munitions to minimize civilian casualties to the maximum extent possible.

Attacks that Resulted in Civilian Casualties, West Mosul

Neighborhood

Date and Time

Object Struck

Minimum Number of Civilians Killed

ISIS Presence

Risalah neighborhood

February 22, 8:30 a.m.

Home of Gargis Younes

2

Vehicle parked behind the house.

Mosul Railway Station area

Between March 3-6, 5:50 p.m.

Home

10

None in home.

Tanak neighborhood

Early April

Home, road

3

Three ISIS fighters firing at ISF, about 200 meters from strike that killed 3.

Sakkak neighborhood, Old City

April 10, 1 p.m.

Home

13

None in home. One fighter stationed on roof next door.

Thawra neighborhood

April 22

Home

Unknown

Seven fighters passed through the house minutes before the attack.

Tanak neighborhood

Between April 20-24

Home of Aissa Hannoush

13

ISIS fighting position in front of house. Four fighters passed through the house minutes before attack.

Tanak neighborhood

April 22 to 27

Two homes

3

Five ISIS fighters 30 meters from one home, firing toward ISF position.

Civilians living in each of the homes hit by the seven attacks said they had tried to leave the neighborhood, sometimes repeatedly, as fighting grew close, but that ISIS fighters threatened to kill them or attacked them when they tried to leave.

Risalah Neighborhood, February 22, 2017

On February 22, at approximately 8:30 a.m., an explosive weapon hit the home of Gargis Younes, about 50 meters southeast of the Medina al-Munawwara mosque, killing two of his young children and wounding two others. The neighborhood housed a significant civilian population that continued to move within the area. Youness sister, Najla Abdullah, said he was with her at her house, about 100 meters from his home, at the time.

Abdullah said she heard a plane overhead and shortly thereafter, a boy from the neighborhood came to her home and told them that Youness house had been hit. Alaa, Youness 10-year-old daughter, died immediately, while his 4-year-old son died later from his injuries. Thanoon, his 8-year-old son, and Rahma, his 6-year-old daughter, were injured but survived, and his wife was unharmed. Abdullah said:

My brother went to see his house. I stayed behind. First, they [people from the area] brought Alaa, his daughter, then the smallest child who died later, Younes. They [the wounded children] stayed with us until 4 p.m. We couldnt go out, even to take them to the hospital.

The neighborhood was under ISIS control at the time of the attack, Abdullah said. Fighters were present throughout the area and had parked one of their cars behind Youness house, but Abdullah did not hear them firing weapons the morning of the attack, she said. Her brother noticed the car on the way to her house that morning, 30 minutes before the strike, she said.

The neighborhood continued to house a significant civilian population. Abdullahs family, and her brothers, had been living in the area continuously, reflecting that the force that carried out the attack should have been able to observe the civilian presence in the area through surveillance. The attack occurred during the ISF operation to regain control of the area, Abdullah said. Due to heavy fighting that day, the family could not take the injured children to the hospital until that evening.

A local media source reported heavy airstrikes in seven west Mosul neighborhoods, including Risalah, days before on February 20,stating that the airstrikes kill[ed] over two dozen ISIS militants, and destroy[ed] three VBIEDs, three mortar positions and four rocket positions.

Human Rights Watch requested information from CJTF-OIR on whether the coalition had conducted airstrikes in the area, and received the following response: We could not find a previous allegation or a coalition strike that correlates to this date and location. However, we will take this information and conduct a more thorough assessment on this allegation.

Human Rights Watch was not able to determine whether ISIS fighters had been killed in this attack, or their firing position destroyed, as Abdullah did not visit the strike site after the attack.

Mosul Railway Station Area, March 3, 2017 At around 5:50 p.m. on March 3, three attacks killed at least 10 civilians including at least three children, in three homes near the Mosul Railway Station. The attacks appear to have been coalition airstrikes, based on the coalitions public reporting.

Amr Sultan, 27, said that ISIS fighters were present throughout the neighborhood the day of the attack and that multiple car bombs had gone off in the area during the preceding weeks. He said he and eight members of his family had taken shelter in an abandoned one-story house several months earlier, after fleeing fighting in their area. Several other families had sought shelter in other houses in the same row. He said no ISIS fighters were in the house he was living in when it was hit and that Iraqi forces were stationed 700-800 meters away.

Sultan said he heard the sound of multiple aircrafts that day. He believed the house was hit by an airstrike because he heard planes flying low overhead, and because of the extent of the damage. The 250-square-meter house was completely destroyed, he said. The attack was one of three strikes on the row of homes.

When we were eating dinner, the plane struck. Next door was struck first, then us, then our neighbors on the other side. There was just a second between the strikes.

Of the nine people in the house, he said, five died: Aisha, his mother, 50; Abeer, his sister, 23; Hadeel, his sister, 17; Farah, his daughter, 4; and Ayham, his son, 3. Amr was severely burned on his head and ear, and his wife and two brothers were also injured, he said:

We spent one hour waiting for help. Some of the people my sister, the children died from suffocation [under the rubble]. We buried the bodies the next day.

Five civilians in the house next door died as well, he said. Amr helped bury the bodies. He did not know if any ISIS fighters had been killed. He and his family members had tried to escape the area a week earlier, as the fighting grew closer, but ISIS fighters told them they were not allowed to leave, he said.

Based on an inquiry Human Rights Watch sent to the US-led coalition, a CJTF-OIR spokesperson stated, it appears this allegation correlates to a credible report of civilian casualties near a train station released in the last CJTF-OIR Monthly Civilian Casualty Report. The report states that on March 3, 2017, near Mosul, Iraq, via self-report: During a strike on an ISIS headquarters, it was assessed that 10 civilians were unintentionally killed.

Al Jazeera, citing unnamed security sources,reported that coalition airstrikes in the same neighborhoodkilled 28 people, including eight ISIS fighters, on the evening of March 5.

The coalition, any member country operating in the area, and Iraqi authorities, should investigate the attack, which may have been unlawful given the number of civilian casualties, and the apparent absence of ISIS fighters or positions in the immediate vicinity. The presence of several civilian families in the area, some of whom had been living there for months or weeks, should have been evident from pre-strike surveillance. If no wrongdoing is found, the country responsible for the attack should consider condolence payments to civilian victims, including members of the Sultan family. Should there be evidence of war crimes including serious violations of the law of war committed with criminal intent any perpetrator of the crime should be prosecuted, including any commander responsible under the principle of command responsibility.

Tanak Neighborhood, Early April 2017 Saddam Hussein, 18, from west Mosul, said that in early April, at around 8 p.m., he was praying at his home in the Tanak neighborhood, when he heard aircraft overhead. He heard the sound of two munitions detonating, one of which hit the home opposite, and the other the road about 150 meters from his house, leaving a crater but not affecting any home or wounding anyone.

The home that was hit, a single-story house of three rooms and about 150 square meters, was completely destroyed when the munition landed in the kitchen, where some of the 20 members of the family were gathered. Three died, including two children. No fighters were in the home at the time, Hussein said:

I heard the screams of women and children and my father ran into my room and told me we needed to go help them. I told him we should wait, to be sure a third strike would not hit, before we went outside. After waiting a bit, we went over, and with the help of our neighbors pulled out two girls and two boys who were still alive because they had not been in the kitchen. I pulled out another boy, 3 years old, and when I opened his shirt, all of his organs spilled out and he died.

They pulled out the body of the father of the family, who was missing his head and one of his arms, as well as the body of a baby. Hussein said the front line between ISIS and the Iraqi forces was about 200 meters away and that he had seen at least three ISIS fighters firing at the Iraqi forces from their position there. The strike on the road landed about 50 meters from their position, he estimated.

Human Rights Watch requested information from CJTF-OIR on whether the coalition had conducted airstrikes in the area. A CJTF-OIR spokesperson stated the coalition could neither confirm nor deny participation in the attack due to the lack of a more specific date range.

Sakkak Nighborhood, Old City, April 10, 2017 An attack against ISIS killed 13 civilians from five families on April 10, in the Sakkak neighborhood, west of the Old City in west Mosul.

Iyad, 40, a shopkeeper, said that on the morning of April 10, Sakkak neighborhood, which was heavily populated by civilians at the time, was still under ISIS control. He was in his house, a single-story building of about 200 square meters.

He said the family of his next-door neighbor, Waleed Abu Nour, came to his house to seek refuge that morning because they had seen an ISIS fighter with a gun on their roof. He brought two other families who had been staying with him for several days, waiting for an opportunity to escape ISIS control. Iyads brothers family was there as well. In all, about 32 civilians were in Iyads home.

At about 1 p.m. as the families were finishing lunch, they started hearing heavier fire nearby, he said:

I ran to hide under the stairs as I started hearing an airplane overhead in addition to the gunfire. Suddenly a huge explosion threw my back against the wall. I crawled out of a pile of rubble as I started to hear screams all around me. I could not see anything though because of all the dust in the air. Finally, the air cleared a bit and us men started carrying the 12 women and children who survived out to a house down the road from us. We could not get the dead out immediately though, there was gunfire all around us so we quickly fled back to the house down the road.

The munition landed between Iyads small shop and the room where all the women stayed. Iyads hands were wounded, but he and the other survivors, some of whom were lightly wounded, did not go to the hospital.

Iyad said that he could hear Iraqi forces a few hundred meters away at the time of the attack. Iyads mother and 5-year-old daughter died in the attack. Abu Nours wife and two sons and the wife and daughter of one of the visiting families died. Iyads brother as well as his brothers wife and four children died. Only one of his brothers sons survived.

Iyad said there were no ISIS fighters in his home at the time of the strike, nor any wounded or killed in the attack. He said that his neighbors house, where the ISIS fighter had been stationed on the roof, was barely damaged. Three adjacent houses were lightly damaged.

More:
Iraq: Civilian Casualties Mount in West Mosul - Human Rights Watch

On May 29, the Hashd al-Shaabi, or Popular Mobilization Units (PMU), a group of Shia militias that are part of the Iraqi governments security forces, reached the Iraq-Syria border. Straddling this strategic corridor in northern Iraq, which stretches east to Mosul and then south to Baghdad, allows the militias to dictate Iraqs future war aims against ISIS to the south, as well as its policy in regards to the Kurds north of the new front line. For U.S. policymakers who are leading the coalition against the Islamic State, the role of the PMU and the Iranian influence it projects are a key concern for the future of Iraq, Syria and the region. The Shia militias next moves have the potential to affect the United States partnership with Syrian rebels near Jordan, and with U.S. Kurdish allies in northeastern Syria.

The PMU have played a key role in the war since June 2014, when Ayatollah Ali al-Sistani issued a fatwa and call to arms for Iraqi Shia to fight ISIS. The militias also control swaths of territory liberated from ISIS. In early April, when I last visited Mosul, the roads leading to the citys front line against ISIS were festooned with checkpoints run by various PMU affiliates. Shia religious flags adorn the PMU vehicles, and posters sometimes depict Irans Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei.

The Iraqi government has attempted to keep the militias out of the direct battle for Mosul, preferring a partnership with the U.S.-led coalition, which does not officially work with the PMU. However the militias were permitted freedom of action to the west of Mosul. They surrounded Tal Afar, a strategic town occupied by ISIS, and cut off ISIS supply lines from Syria. In mid-May they launched an offensive aimed at Baaj, a town where some reports have claimed ISIS leader Abu Bakr al-Baghdadi may be hiding. The PMU bypassed the town to the north, between ISIS and the Kurdish peshmerga in Sinjar, and reached the Syrian border on May 29.

The Badr Organizations commander, Hadi al-Amiri, announced the arrival of his militia force at the border to Iraqs Alsumaria television. Al-Amiri, like many PMU senior officers, served alongside the Iranians in the Iran-Iraq War in the 1980s. Photos posted online showed Shia militiamen celebrating next to signs pointing towards Homs in Syria. Irans PressTV showcased the success, noting that the Shia militias would cut ISISs vital supply line to Syria. Qassem Soleimani, the leader of Irans IRGC Quds Force, was seen in photos near the Syrian border.

The new corridor that the PMU has carved out links Syriavia Mosul and Baghdadwith Tehran. It has redrawn the map of Iraq, placing the Shia militias solidly astride the country. While the Iraqi Army and its Interior Ministrys Federal Police have done the heavy lifting in the battle for Mosul, the militias stand to gain the most. Iraqi prime minister Haider al-Abadi flew to Mosul on May 29 and posted on Twitter that he came to oversee liberation operations and meets with ISF [Iraqi Security Forces], PMU commanders. Abu Mahdi al-Muhandis, a senior PMU leader, was in the photos Abadi tweeted. Symbolically, this shows that the PMU is the power behind the throne, and that behind that power lies Iranian influence.

This stokes fears in the Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG) capital of Erbil, where Kurdish officials have been planning a referendum but are not confronted with a powerful Shia force that has opposed plans for independence. According to Rudaw, a Kurdish media outlet, the General Command of the Peshmerga issued a statement warning the PMU that any who transgress against the land of Kurdistan would be opposedthat would beat their heads against the mountains of Kurdistan.

The Kurds, who liberated Sinjar in November 2015, have been divided near the Syrian border due to infighting between PKK-affiliated Kurdish groups and Erbils peshmerga. The PMU offensive caught them off guard. Many of the villages the PMU liberated were previously home to the Yazidi minority and the center of ISIS atrocities in 2014. Kurds see them as part of the KRG and the areas that it disputes with Baghdaddisputes that predate the arrival of ISIS. With the Shia militias running them, Erbils plans for any further operations in Sinjar are stymied. The PMU also finds itself with new neighbors: a Yazidi force connected to the PKK that controls a part of the Syrian border, and the Syrian Democratic Forces on the other side of the border. The SDF are close allies of the United States, and the Pentagon has been sending equipment, arms and soldiers to fight alongside them for the liberation of Raqqa. That means that U.S. allies who are suspicious of the PMU now share a border with it.

The PMU cant move into Syria without clashing with the SDF, and it cant move north without fighting the Kurds. Its immediate goal is to dash along the Iraqi border to the border town of Qaim in Anbar Province. This is important because ISISs recent car bomb in Baghdad, during Ramadans early days, allegedly came from Anbar. As Mosul falls, the PMU wants to cut off another jihadist tentacle. But as the PMU reaches Qaim, it will come closer to areas controlled by the Syrian regime of Bashar al-Assad and by Syrian rebel groups supported by the United States.

See the article here:
Will Iraq's Shia Militias Give Iran a 'Road to the Sea'? - The National Interest Online

News Release Rep. Peter Welch June 5, 2017

Contact: Kate Hamilton (202) 440-3340

Welch, Lynch Call for Oversight of Trump Administrations Strategies in Afghanistan and Iraq

WASHINGTON As President Trump and his Administration reportedly weigh additional troop deployments and an expansion of the U.S. military presence in Iraq and Afghanistan, Rep. Peter Welch (D-Vermont) and Rep. Stephen F. Lynch (D-Boston) called on the Committee on Oversight and Government Reform to hold a bipartisan hearing to examine the long-term strategies of the Trump Administration in both countries. In a letter to Oversight Committee Chairman Jason Chaffetz, Congressman Welch and Congressman Lynch highlighted that the ongoing military and counterinsurgency operations in Iraq and Afghanistan merit robust oversight to determine the effectiveness of the strategies envisioned by President Trump and his Administration.

It has been fourteen years since Congress authorized the use of force in Iraq or Afghanistan. Much has changed during that time, and it is our duty as Members of Congress to ensure that the Trump Administrations strategy in those countries continues to serve American interests. Particularly as President Trump considers expansion of our missions and military capabilities in both countries, it is imperative that Members on both sides of the aisle are able to understand and evaluate the strategy we are pursuing in Iraq and Afghanistan going forward, said Congressman Welch.

As the Trump Administration weighs expanding military capabilities in Iraq and Afghanistan, it is vital that the Oversight Committee evaluate the soundness of these proposals. With American servicemen and women being sent on to the battlefield overseas, it is critical that the Trump Administration is held accountable for a long-term strategy. The lack of transparency from the Trump Administration regarding their overall plan hinders Congress ability to determine whether deploying thousands of American troops is consistent with the original Authorization for the Use of Military Force granted 14 years ago, said Congressman Lynch, the lead Democrat on the National Security Subcommittee. I think that initiating a major effort like this would require the Trump Administration to come back to Congress and explain its strategy and request a further authorization for that purpose consistent with the War Powers Act.

In the wake of the series of deadly insurgent attacks in Afghanistan, including the recent devastating bombing in Kabul which resulted in over 90 deaths and more than 450 wounded, Congressman Welch and Congressman Lynch, both members of the Subcommittee on National Security, underscored the deteriorating security climate facing U.S.-coalition and Afghan Government operations to combat the Taliban. Following the recent appropriation of $4.3 billion to train and equip the Afghanistan National Defense and Security Forces, the Trump Administration is currently weighing an additional troop deployment to help break the military deadlock between the coalition and the Taliban-led insurgency.

Meanwhile, President Trump formally delegated his authority to determine troop levels in Iraq and Syria to Secretary of Defense James Mattis and the Pentagon reportedly has already been making quiet, incremental additions to troop levels by sending more advisers into Iraq to work with units closer to the fight in Mosul. With discussion of an enduring troop presence in Iraq and nearly 15 years passing since the enactment of the 2002 Authorization for Use of Military Force Against Iraq, Congressman Welch and Congressman Lynch noted the importance of an effective strategy from the Trump Administration, as well as strong congressional oversight, to wisely employ the use of American military personnel and enhance American national security interests.

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Welch, Lynch Call for Oversight of Trump's Strategies in Afghanistan and Iraq - vtdigger.org

Iraq faces obstacles in efforts to lift output The National An Iraq oil ministry spokesman says the appointment is one of several Mr Al Luaibi now wants to make as the country's industry comes through one of its most difficult periods, its finances generally start to stabilise, and with international oil ...

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Iraq faces obstacles in efforts to lift output - The National

In total, 484 people have died up to the end of April as a result of Operation Inherent Resolve, which began in August 2014. Photograph: Ahmad Al-Rubaye/AFP/Getty Images

Civilian casualties have increased sharply in the US-led military campaign against the Islamic State in Syria and Iraq, with nearly 60% of the officially acknowledged deaths from the three-year war being reported in the first three months of the Trump administration.

US Central Command (Centcom) admitted to 484 civilian deaths up to the end of April as a result of coalition strikes as part of Operation Inherent Resolve, which began in August 2014. That compares with a cumulative total of 199 announced at the beginning of February.

The tallies are limited to those incidents that the US military has been able to investigate and confirm. The true death toll is likely to be much higher, as the battle to wrest control of densely populated west Mosul in Iraq from Isis continues, and the battle gets started for the Isis stronghold in Syria, in Raqqa.

Airwars, a UK-based watchdog group, estimates the civilian death toll from coalition airstrikes at over 3,800.

A Centcom spokesman said that the dramatic spike was largely caused by a single strike on 17 March when the bombing of a building in Mosul aimed at killing two Isis snipers called a building to collapse, killing 105 civilians. The spokesman also said that 80 previously undisclosed civilians deaths from earlier incidents had been added to the cumulative total in April.

However, human rights groups and other observers point to an array of other factors that suggest that civilian deaths from the counter-Isis campaign are likely to remain high and probably climb.

One of that factors is a legacy of the last weeks of the Obama administration, when targeting procedures were changed, removing the requirement for each sortie to be approved by a central strike cell in Baghdad.

That has meant that Iraqi forces fighting on the ground have been able to call in an air strike from a coalition member with planes in the area. It does not have be approved by the coalition as a whole.

The coalition also includes the UK, Netherlands, France, Canada, Australia, Denmark and Jordan. Saudi Arabia, Turkey and the United Arab Emirates also take part in air strikes in Syria.

The procedural changes in December, said Belkis Wille, a Human Rights Watch (HRW) researcher in Baghdad, allowed for a quicker response time, but that also makes for more mistakes.

HRW is calling for the old procedures or new equally rigorous guidelines, to be reinstated.

Another factor is the growing intensity of the fight for Mosul, where Iraqi forces supported by coalition air power are taking on Isis militants bottled up in the west of the city, home to 200,000 civilians whom Isis is using increasingly as human shields. But even as Isis fighters blend in with Mosul residents, the coalition is using bigger bombs and less accurate means of delivering them.

From an analysis 380 of bomb craters in west Mosul from fighting in March and April, HRW estimates that the coalition was now routinely dropping 500- and 1000lb bombs, much bigger warheads that the more precise ones used earlier in the campaign. Meanwhile, more mortars are being used by ground forces, and highly inaccurate improvised rockets are being fired by some Iraqi units.

A Central Command investigation into the 17 March airstrike that killed 105 civilians in Mosul was caused when a coalition bomb detonated an Isis arms cache and destroyed the whole building where many local residents were sheltering. However, observers pointed out that the bomb dropped on the building, a 500lb GBU-38 was far greater than necessary to kill two snipers.

The US defence secretary, James Mattis, has denied there has been any change to the rules of engagement used in the campaign against Isis. But Micah Zenko, a senior fellow at the Council on Foreign Relations said there is evidence that air strikes can now be called in by a colonel, rather than a one-star general, as was the case until this year.

Those closer to the fight are more likely to call in lethal force and are less likely to follow a value-based approach, Zenko said. He said that rhetoric coming from the leadership in Washington could also be having an effect.

A change in the rules of engagement does not have to be a change in doctrine, he said. It can just be a change in tone and command climate. Mattis has again and again talked about an annihilation campaign, and that can an influence lower down.

Read more here:
Civilian deaths from US-led strikes on Isis surge under Trump administration - The Guardian