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Sir Halford John Mackinder, one of Britains most prominent theorists in the field of geopolitics, discusses the significance of land connectivity between nations in his 1904 essay called The Geographical Pivot of History.

Besides introducing his notableHeartland Theory, Mackinder argued that advancements in transportation technology, such as the development of railways, have altered the balance of power in international politics by enabling a powerful state or group of states to expand its influence along transport routes.

The establishment of blocs, like the EU or BRICS, for instance, aims to enhance communication between member states. This objective has positive implications for the economy and helps reduce the risk of tensions among them.

The cost of such tensions has increased considerably, given the growing benefits and common interests achieved through strengthened ties between nations. Consequently, reinforcing connections within a specific region has a positive impact on the entire area.

Therefore, any infrastructure project between countries cannot be viewed solely from an economic standpoint; its geopolitical effects must also be highlighted.

West Asia connected by railway

In July 2018, Saeed Rasouli, head of the Islamic Republic of Iran Railways (RAI), announced the countrys intention to construct a railway line connecting the Persian Gulf to the Mediterranean Sea, the Iran-Iraq-Syria railway link. This ambitious project would run from Basra in southern Iraq to Albu Kamal on the Iraqi-Syrian border and then extend to Deir Ezzor in northeastern Syria.

Undoubtedly, this project strengthens communication between the countries of West Asia and increases the need for other powers to collaborate with this important region, which is strategically located in parts of Mackinders Heartland and Nicholas Spykmans Rimland of Eurasia.

Moreover, in accordance with Mackinders proposition, it can be argued that this railway project holds geopolitical significance for the three involved countries Iran, Iraq, and Syria and for West Asia as a whole.

The concept of a railway link between Iran and Iraq emerged over a decade ago. In 2011, Iran completed the 17-kilometer Khorramshahr-Shalamjah railway, which aimed to connect Irans railways to the city of Basra. Subsequently, in 2014, a memorandum of understanding (MoU) was signed between Tehran and Baghdad to construct the Shalamjah-Basra line.

As per the agreement, Iran was responsible for designing and building a bridge over the Arvand River, while the Iraqi side pledged to construct a 32-kilometer railway line from the Shalamjah border to the Basra railway station within Iraqi territory.

Final destination: Syria

On 14 August, 2018, Iran announced its intention to further extend the railway from its territory to Syria, with Iraqs participation. This move aimed to counter western sanctions and enhance economic cooperation.

The railway project would begin at the Imam Khomeini port on the Persian Gulf, located in Irans southwestern Khuzestan province, to the Shalamjah crossing on the Iraqi border. From there, the railway traverses through the Iraqi province of Basra, crossing Albu Kamal on the Syrian border and ending at the Mediterranean port of Latakia.

Iranian official sources stated that this railway would contribute to Syrias reconstruction efforts, bolster the transport sector, and facilitate religious tourism between Iran, Iraq, and Syria. Iran would bear the costs of the project within its own territory, while Iraq would contribute its share up to the Syrian border.

During the visit of former Iranian President Hassan Rouhani to Iraq in March 2019, a memorandum of understanding on the project was signed between Tehran and Baghdad. However, despite the agreements, the Iraqi side has faced economic challenges and a lack of funds, resulting in a delay in the construction of the railway.

Three Sections

The railway project can be divided into three sections: The first section links the Imam Khomeini Port to the Shalamjah crossing on the Iraqi border. According to the Iranian Minister of Roads and Urban Development Mehrdad Bazrpash, the railway line in Iran has been completed and has reached the zero border point.

The second section will link the Shalamjah Crossing to Basra in southern Iraq, then extend to Baghdad, Anbar province, and finally, the Syrian border. The financing of this section, according to the agreement, falls under the responsibility of the Iraqi government. The commencement of this phase is expected soon.

The third section, within Syria, encompasses two routes:The northern route extends between Iraqs al-Qaim and Syrias Albu Kamal, then heads west towards the Syrian port of Latakia.The southern route runs from the al-Qaim crossing on the Iraqi-Syrian border to Damascus via Homs.

It should be noted that although the shortest route to Damascus is through al-Tanf, due to the presence of the illegal US occupation forces there, the longer Homs-Damascus corridor was adopted. This also ensures the passage of railways through a greater number of Syrian cities.

Economic significance

Although the rail line between Iran and Iraq will only span 32 km and cost approximately $120 million, divided equally, its significance extends far beyond its length. It will serve as the sole railway connection between the two countries and play a crucial role in improving communication throughout the wider region by linking Chinas Belt and Road Initative (BRI) lines to Iraq via Iran.

Once completed, the project will enable Iraq to easily connect to Irans extensive railway network, which extends to Irans eastern border. This linkage will open pathways for Baghdad to connect with Afghanistan, Pakistan, China, the Caucasus, Central Asia, and the Far East.

Moreover, in the future, the project positions Iraq as a transit route for trade between the Arab countries of the Persian Gulf region and Central Asia, as well as Russia. Incidentally, Iran and Russia have just inked an agreement to establish a railway connecting the Iranian cities of Astara with Rasht, as part of the International NorthSouth Transport Corridor (INSTC).

The railway line also contributes to the promotion of religious tourism among the three countries, which are home to several important Shia shrines. In September 2022, more than 21 million people from around the world, including 3 million Iranians, visited Iraq for the annual Arbaeen pilgrimage in the holy city of Karbala. This figure is likely to increase significantly with a rail link, leading to increased revenues for the Iraqi treasury.

Furthermore, the project serves as a means to bypass western sanctions and external pressures on the three countries, particularly Iran and Syria. It strengthens the independence of these nations and reduces the likelihood of foreign powers interfering in the economic relations of the project countries.

Obstacles to project implementation

Despite the signed agreements, the Tehran-Baghdad-Damascus railway project has faced mixed reactions in Iraq, leading to a lack of enthusiasm for moving forward with the rail link. Only last month, the Ministry of Transport issued a clarification regarding its rail link with Iran, stressing that the project is related to passenger transportation only.

Iraqi politicians have expressed concerns that the rail link with Iran could hinder their countrys Dry Canal project, which aims to connect the port of Faw in Basra province to the Turkish and Syrian borders.

They believe that the Grand Faw Port is strategically positioned as the closest point for sea cargo to Europe, potentially bringing economic benefits and employment opportunities. These concerns arise from the fear that the Imam Khomeini port in Iran could gain increased importance, diminishing the significance of the Faw Port.

But Iraqi concerns actually present an opportunity to link Iran to the Dry Canal, enhancing the strategic importance of both projects and bolstering Iraqs position as a regional trading hub. In the near future, communication and cooperation between these neighbors will be crucial in thwarting external efforts to impede the economic interdependence of the three countries.

A promising journey

The tripartite railway link project holds immense significance as it connects these countries within a larger network, resembling the historical Silk Road that facilitated trade between the east and the west for centuries.

The railway project has the ability to initiate a major transformation in West Asia if it materializes and expands further afield to countries like Saudi Arabia, Jordan, and Lebanon.

Their participation would not only reduce tensions among regional states but also yield positive economic outcomes and bolster tourism, particularly religious tourism, and foster stronger inter-regional ties.

By connecting key players in a geopolitically strategic region, the Tehran-Baghdad-Damascus rail link has the potential to lay the foundation for a new West Asian paradigm that promotes connectivity, stability, and prosperity.

As seen by the recent Iran-Saudi and Syria-Saudi rapprochement agreements, the region is in a collaborative mood, actively seeking economic development instead of conflict. With China and Russia two powers at the forefront of Eurasias biggest interconnectivity projects (BRI and INSTC) brokering and impacting many of these diplomatic initiatives, expect railways, roads, and waterways to begin linking countries that have been at odds for decades.

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Railway of Resistance: A grand project to connect Iran, Iraq, Syria - The Cradle

The Secretary-General departs today for the Group of Seven Summit in Hiroshima, Japan.

For the first time since 4 May, the Joint Coordination Centre (JCC) agreed to authorize new vessels to participate in the Black Sea Initiative. While we welcome this partial resumption of inbound movement activity, we call on the parties to ensure that the authorization of new vessels is done for all three ports to make use of capacity and meet industry demands.

On the response to Cyclone Mocha in Myanmar, where a massive clean-up effort is underway, the United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA) today said that in many parts of Rakhine State and the northwest, electricity and telecommunications services are still down. Critical supplies including fuel and clean water are urgently needed.

This morning, the Special Representative of the Secretary-General for Iraq, Jeanine Hennis-Plasschaert, told the Security Council that Iraq has a full to do list and narrow or partisan actions will not help in checking it off.

Over the last few days, the United Nations Organization Stabilization Mission in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (MONUSCO) responded to alerts of the presence of CODECO members in several villages of Djugu territory in Ituri province. UN peacekeepers immediately deployed to the areas, prompting the assailants to flee the scene.

In Sudan, the UN continues to scale up deliveries of life-saving assistance to those in need. The World Food Programme (WFP) says it has now reached more than 300,000 people since restarting emergency distributions in Sudan two weeks ago.

In Somalia, the UN has stepped up assistance after massive flooding left a trail of destruction across the country. The World Food Programme (WFP) is distributing 90 tonnes of high energy biscuits in isolated flood affected areas and cash assistance to more than 62,000 people in Belet Weyne, one of the most impacted districts.

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G7, Black Sea Initiative, Iraq & other topics - Daily Press Briefing - UN Web TV

The Iraqi government issued a ban on 14 May outlawing the use of the US dollar for both personal and business transactions, coming as part of a growing de-dollarization trend and an overall decline in Washingtons economic influence.

The ban was enforced on 14 May and aims to boost the use of Iraqs local currency, the dinar.

It is also designed to reduce the gap between the official government exchange rate and the exchange rate offered by the black market, which continues to fluctuate and has resulted in price surges.

In a statement, the Iraqi Interior Ministry said: The dinar is the national currency in Iraq. Your commitment to transact in it instead of foreign currencies boosts the countrys sovereignty and economy.

The ministry added that anyone dealing in currencies other than the local currency would be subject to legal punishment and said that it is committed to hold accountable anyone who attempts to undermine the Iraqi dinar and the economy.

In order to properly enforce the ban, the Interior Ministrys Crime Directorate has requested that traders sign agreements assuring the government that they will conduct transactions in local currency only.

According to General Hussein Al-Tamimi of the Crime Directorate, violators of these pledges will be forced to pay a fine of one million Iraqi dinars, adding that repeat offenders may be subject to prison time.

If the violator repeats it, he will face an imprisonment penalty of up to one year plus a one-million Iraqi dinar financial fine. In case of a third violation, that penalty will be doubled, and we will have the business license turned, the official added.

US dollars are already scarce in the countrys official markets as a result of recently imposed measures by Washington to control the movement of dollars inside Iraq. While the new government of Mohamed Shia al-Sudani has moved swiftly to contain the financial fallout, these US policies have given rise to a debate inside Iraq about the benefits of de-dollarization.

Iraqi MP and member of the Finance Committee in Iraqs Council of Representatives, Hussein Mouanes, told The Cradle in an exclusive interview earlier this month that Iraq has been and continues to be a slave to the US dollar every countrys economic strength depends on the strength of its currency.

It is clear that Iraq is economically dominated by the US, and our government does not truly control or have access to its own money We believe that it is crucial to move away from the hegemony of the dollar, especially as it has become a tool to impose sanctions on countries. It is time for Iraq to rely on its local currency, he added.

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Iraq bans US dollar transactions in latest move towards 'de ... - The Cradle

Rap

In the first of two features exploring Iraqi music 20 years on from the Iraq war, the countrys rappers explain why using a US artform carries such satirical power

Dalia Al-Dujaili

Mon 15 May 2023 07.36 EDT

The 2003 invasion of Iraq left a small but noticeable impression on US hip-hop. Stomp, push, shove, mosh, fuck Bush / Until they bring our troops home, as Eminem rapped on Mosh, and he begged: No more blood for oil, we got our own battles to fight on our own soil, alongside a bitingly direct video. We rebellious screaming leave Iraq alone! Jay-Z rapped in 2003, and a year after the invasion, MF Doom questioned what the point of it all was on the Madvillain track Strange Ways: All you get is lost children / While the bosses sit up behind the desks, it cost billions / To blast humans in half, into calves and arms / Only one side is allowed to have bombs.

But the rap scene in Iraq hadnt taken off in the same way it has now Iraqi musicians such as the hugely popular Kadim al Saher continued to produce music influenced by the usual choubi and chalgi folk and pop styles and so these relatively infrequent interjections from US rappers came to dominate the conversation around the war. In the 20 years since, though, rappers in Iraq and its diaspora have voiced their lived experience of the conflict and their reflections on its legacy, often striking a noticeably different tone to how the conflict was documented in western rap.

An entire generation born after the invasion lived with the aftershocks of war, which are ongoing, and this jyl il jdeed (new generation) didnt share their parents sentimentality for the countrys bygone era (expressed in Iraqi heyday songs such as Seta Hagopians Droub El Safar and Nadhim Al Ghazalis Fouq il Nakhal). Instead, they provocatively utilised the tools of a genre, rap, that had originated from the country responsible for their nations predicament. That irony is one reason why satire reigns in Iraqi rap today.

Perhaps the most potent example of this is I-NZs This Is Iraq, a version of US rapper Childish Gambinos This Is America both of them commentaries on their respective countries corruption. The young Iraqi cites Iranian-backed militias (Corruptin the area / Farsi hysteria), assassinations and censorship (I might get shot for this / you might get blocked from this) and, of course, a reference to Bushs 2003 invasion and oil extraction: Food for barrels and barrels. He also notes that irony of using the culture of his oppressor: The US taught me.

Aged 23, rapper Hussein Khalifa AKA Khalifa OG is Iraqs most popular rapper the Baghdadis 2022 song Tapsy has 16m views and cleverly uses a traditional zanbour drum sound heard in traditional Iraqi choubi music alongside a western hip-hop beat. Khalifa, like I-NZ, enjoys poking fun at the hypocrisy of Iraqi leadership, rapping on Tapsy: This is a democratic country and we have freedom to express, but dont you speak about them, my brother, of course thats not allowed (in Arabic, this has a more biting tone). Last year, he told the National that using playful satire was a way of helping Iraqis process and move past the war. As Iraqi people, we are upset and depressed all the time, he said. We dont want to listen to sad things about our reality I try to talk about our problems in a fun way. We cannot keep pestering about the issues. We have to keep it fun. Why else are we living if not?

But other rappers favour direct storytelling, and relay war trauma with solemnity. My fate was in the hands of the American soldiers as our streets became dangerous, raps Vife as he tells an Iraqi story in Qusat Iraqi: Dead bodies like flower pots / In each corner youll find hundreds / Red blood coloured the streets / and we became the victims. Despite the heaviness of the lyrics dictating the reality of Iraqis since 2003, the track ends with a call to resistance and hope: My life would be pointless if I let my situation dictate my future Ill continue, and Ill not give up on my rights.

Outside Iraq, rappers with Iraqi heritage have long been processing the war and while theyre vocal about the situation in contemporary Iraq, their most powerful lyrics focus on the marginalisation they face in the west. The most notable is Narcy Narce, AKA Yassin Alsalman. The Canadian-Iraqi rapper, who is also a professor at Montreals University of Concordia and teaches courses on Kanye West and Kendrick Lamar, tells me he uses rap for its potential [to be] both expressive and educational a person can really find their inner voice and bring it out and then manifest the reality they wish for.

On tracks like his classic Makoo, he pushes back against Islamophobia through both lyrics and production sampling a recording of the iconic Souad Abdullahs choubi track where she claims there is no one better than us, Narcy raps: Im afraid that if you hate it then you probably fear us. In the video we see Fuck Mohamed, return to Iraq written on a Quebec wall, and Narcys vocals then emulate the Muslim call to prayer: a pointed rebuttal. Theres also that Iraqi flair for humour: Fear, fire, famine / nothing much has changed since the 90s, except maybe the haircuts, says actor Fajer Al-Kaisi in the introduction of Narcys Love Me (Hate Me), a reminder of the still-reverberating effects of the 1991 Gulf war, Americas first invasion of Iraq and a poke at todays famously outrageous Iraqi male hairstyles.

Growing up in Quebec, Narcy and his family were labelled as the enemy; he felt others could only perceive him through the lens of the war, which inspired defensiveness and brought Iraq to the forefront of my identity, he says. We are a forgotten people a people who injustice and war labelled as downtrodden, but I knew how old and rich our cultural heritage is.

That drive inspired him to tell Iraqi stories from a place of positivity, highlighting the historical significance of Iraq to the world, and to use hip-hop, long an anti-establishment mouthpiece and the perfect medium to castigate what Narcy calls 20 years of puppeteering and violence. For Narcy, a complete processing of the war can only be accomplished through justice, which Iraqis are yet to receive and not ever likely to. So for Iraqi artists to use the tools of hip-hop to speak the truth of their oppression by the same colonial system that oppressed Black and brown people in America is only natural, says Narcy.

The sense of unity between oppressed peoples also distinguishes the music of London-based activist and rapper Lowkey, AKA Kareem Dennis. In Iraq2Chile, like Narcy, Lowkey uses rap to educate listeners about Iraqi realities (Its not about pity, handouts or sympathy / Its about employment, water and electricity) and draws links between neoliberal US intervention in Iraq and Chile: Selling state assets for private interests is real treason. Ghosts of Grenfell hymns those who died in the Grenfell tower fire, most of whom were ethnic minorities from the Wana region, and several of them Iraqi.

The Iraqi rap scene continues to respond to the war and challenge the corruption which settled in the countrys leadership since the invasion, but its also evolving to celebrate Iraqi joy and culture beyond conflict. The established Saudi producer Big Hass recently brought together nine domestic and diaspora Iraqi rappers, such as Odd Khalid and Nayomi, for the Iraq Cypher freestyle track which racked up half a million views on YouTube, rapping about everything from immigrant-parent struggle to double-meaning wordplay. Sweden-based Nayomi is also diversifying a male-dominated scene, referencing her Iraqi culture by using the oud in her track OMG. A new era of bravery and playfulness among young musicians means that Iraq is finally finding its voice on the ground, Narcy argues, refashioning an Iraqi identity on their own terms: Its time for our brothers and sisters to shine.

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We are a forgotten people: how rap music processed trauma in Iraq - The Guardian

Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky urged Arab leaders to back Kyiv while tying Russias invasion to a history of long-term wars that include Western military interventions in Afghanistan and Iraq.

Look at how much suffering the long-term wars have brought to Libya, Syria, Yemen how many lives have been wasted by years of fighting in Sudan and Somalia, in Iraq and Afghanistan, Zelensky told the Arab League during a surprise appearance at its summit in Jeddah, Saudi Arabia. [E]very aggressor goes against the world and will be cursed by the people.

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Zelensky emphasized Ukraines need for assistance in rescuing Ukrainian children who have been deported to Russia. And he linked that request to a broader argument that combined moral and practical reasons for the Arab world to cooperate directly with Ukraine.

Russia is weak. We beat it even when it has more weapons in its hands, Zelensky said. Its aggressiveness does not come from strength, but from the understanding that the time of empires has passed. Thats because the time of free independent nations will never end, and Ukraine proves it.

Zelenskys appearance upstaged Russian President Vladimir Putin, who pledged his attachment of great importance to the development of friendly relations and constructive partner interaction with countries in the Middle East and North Africa in an open letter to the forum.

We intend to continue to actively support collective efforts for a peaceful settlement of serious regional problems, including the crises in Sudan, Yemen, Libya, and Syria, based on unconditional respect for state sovereignty and the principles of international law, Putin said, per the Kremlin text. We believe that the further development of multifaceted cooperation between Russia and the Arab countries fully meets our common interests and is in keeping with the goal of building a fairer and more democratic system of international relations based on the principles of multipolarity, genuine equality, and respect for each others interests.

Zelensky offered a bracing challenge to Putins posture, as he called for Arab leaders to sympathize with the hundreds of thousands of our children [who] are deported to Russia, separated from their relatives, and there in Russia theyre trying to teach our children to hate their natives and requested diplomatic aid in securing their return.

Unfortunately, there are some in the world and here, among you, who turn a blind eye to those cages and illegal annexations, he said. "I am here so that everyone can take an honest look. No matter how hard the Russians try to influence, there must still be independence.

Putin and other Russian officials often attempt to cast U.S. support for Ukraine as an example of pressure on Russia analogous to the invasion of Iraq or the overthrow of Libyan dictator Muammar Gaddafi. Putin made a more frank imperialist argument in the final days prior to the launch of the campaign to overthrow the Ukrainian government when he condemned the disease of nationalism that, in his view, laid the foundations of the modern Ukrainian state a century ago.

Why was it necessary to appease the nationalists, to satisfy the ceaselessly growing nationalist ambitions on the outskirts of the former empire? Putin complained in a February 21, 2022, address.

Zelensky, for his part, condemned the rabies of aggression on display in Putins invasion. I am more than sure that none of you will agree to surrender a third of your country to the invaders, he told the Arab League. I am more than sure none of you would watch without a fight how foreigners steal the children of your people . . . I'm more than sure that none of you would admit the military occupation of a nuclear plant to use it to blackmail the world with nuke disaster.

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The Ukrainian leader offered a flexible approach to aligning with Kyivs peace formula, proposing that they choose the point to help that you consider appropriate even if they cant embrace the entire formula.

And I will be grateful to each of you who will choose exactly the direction of rescuing people held in Russian captivity, he said.

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Zelensky links Russian invasion to Iraq and Afghanistan wars in ... - Washington Examiner