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(Erbil) Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG) forces are detaining men and boys who have fled the fighting in Mosul even after they have passed security clearances, Human Rights Watch said today. The KRG forces have detained over 900 displaced men and boys from five camps and the urban area of Erbil between 2014, when people fleeing the Islamic State (also known as ISIS) began arriving, and late January 2017. Detainees were held for up to four months without any communication with or update for their families.

The Khazir camp in northern Iraq housing thousands of people internally displaced by the fight against ISIS. Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG) forces have detained over 900 displaced men and boys from five camps and the urban area of Erbil between 2014, when people fleeing ISIS began arriving, and late January 2017.

2016 Belkis Wille/Human Rights Watch

Human Rights Watch interviewed the relatives of eight of these men and boys who had been taken from one of the camps on suspicion of affiliation with ISIS. Human Rights Watch also interviewed the relative of a displaced man detained by National Security Service officials at a checkpoint. The relatives said that KRG and Iraqi forces did not inform them of their detained relatives whereabouts or facilitate any communication with the detainees.

Displaced families told us they had trusted the security screening process and assumed their loved ones would be back within a day or two, said Lama Fakih, deputy Middle East director at Human Rights Watch. Now, months later, some of those same families are telling us that they would rather have stayed in Mosul and risked dying in an airstrike than to have their husband or son disappear.

In one case, KRG forces in December 2016 detained a homeopathic doctor who told them that he had been forced to treat ISIS troops. Asayish, KRG security forces, officers initially questioned and then released him in November, after a neighbor of the doctor, who was in the same camp, told the KRG forces that the doctor was innocent of any alliance with ISIS. His wife went to the Asayish office in the camp to ask about him, but said an officer told her, Go away and stop asking about him.

In another case, the Asayish took a 14-year-old boy, Mahmoud, in mid-November after picking up his 22-year-old cousin, who had the same name as someone allied with ISIS. When the authorities realized the name mix-up, they freed the cousin but kept the 14-year-old. She said that when the officers came to take Mahmoud, she heard one officer asking the rest why they were taking such a young kid. Since we have been at the camp, whenever he had to go to the bathroom, he asked me to walk him. He is a young, scared kid. I am so worried about him, she said, crying. This was only one of three times Asayish officers in the camp picked up the cousin because of his name.

And in a third case, the Kurdish authorities detained a young man who had gone to the camp marketplace in November to try to buy a cellphone. When his father tried to find out what happened to him, he was told: Dont ask, if he didnt do anything wrong, then he will be fine. If he did do something wrong, then stop asking.

Human Rights Watch gathered reports of over 900 detentions from various sources, including camp-based actors, local communities, and camp residents. It was unable to verify how many of the detainees are still being held by KRG officials, whether any of them were allowed to communicate with their family members, and whether the families were informed of their whereabouts in any cases. Human Rights Watch has previously documented 85 other cases in which relatives of terrorism suspects said they were in the dark about the fate and whereabouts of relatives detained by KRG or Iraqi forces from camps and local communities. Detainees were held for up to four months without any communication with or update for their families.

Iraqi and KRG authorities should make efforts to inform family members, either directly or indirectly via local police or camp management, about the location of all detainees. The authorities should make public the number of fighters and civilians detained, including at checkpoints, screening sites, and camps during the conflict with ISIS, and the legal basis for their detention, including the charges against them. KRG authorities should ensure prompt independent judicial review of detention and allow detainees to have access to lawyers and medical care and to communicate with their families.

On October 17, 2016, the Iraqi central government and KRG, with the support of an international coalition,announced the start of military operations to retake Mosul, causing over 150,000 residents to flee their towns and villages. Many ended up in camps for displaced people under the control of Asayish.

In late January 2017, Human Rights Watch spoke to 10 relatives and witnesses in the Khazir camp, 35 kilometers west of Erbil, who said they had all fled Mosul in November and December 2016. During their journey, they had been screened for possible ISIS-affiliation at multiple locations, including Iraqi Security Forces (ISF) checkpoints, and upon arrival at the camp by Asayish, and were cleared. But they said that weeks or months later, security forces took the six men and two boys from inside the camp, between two days and two-and-a-half months before Human Rights Watch spoke with the families. They all said that they did not know where the men and boys are being held and that they had not been able to contact them, despite their efforts to request information from the Asayish officers at the camps, who told them to stop asking about their whereabouts.

In addition, one man who fled Mosul with his cousin, Faris, in early January 2017, said that National Security Service officials detained Faris at an Iraqi military checkpoint. The man said that one of the Iraqi security forces at the checkpoint was an old acquaintance of theirs, but had fallen out with them many years before when he had refused to let Faris marry his younger sister. The man who fled Mosul said the other man pointed to Faris and told the National Security Service officials that he was affiliated with ISIS, at which point they detained him, leaving his cousin no other choice but to leave for the camp. He and Fariss sister said they had heard nothing official about his whereabouts since then, and that he never had any affiliation with ISIS.

Enforced disappearances, which occur when security forces detain and then conceal the fate or whereabouts of a detainee, placing them outside the protection of the law, are violations of international human rights law, and can be international crimes. Depriving detainees of any contact with the outside world and refusing, when asked, to give family members any information about their fate or whereabouts can be indications that detentions are enforced disappearances.

Dr. Dindar Zebari, chairperson of the KRGs High Committee to Evaluate and Respond to International Reports, provided Human Rights Watch with an explanation of KRG security force screening and detention processesfor displaced persons in late October. He stated that KRG authorities are committed to informing the families of detainees of the process and status but, due to a lack of personnel and financial resources this task may at times be a difficult one.

Iraqi and KRG authorities should make sure that their efforts to keep civilians safe from ISIS attacks dont undermine basic rights, Fakih said.

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Iraq/Kurdistan Region: Men, Boys Who Fled ISIS Detained | Human ... - Human Rights Watch

SOUTHWEST ASIA, Feb. 25, 2017 U.S. and coalition military forces continued to attack the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria yesterday, Combined Joint Task Force Operation Inherent Resolve officials reported today.

Officials reported details of yesterdays strikes, noting that assessments of results are based on initial reports.

Strikes in Syria

Coalition military forces conducted 12 strikes consisting of 30 engagements against ISIS targets in Syria:

-- Near Shadaddi, five strikes engaged four ISIS tactical units and destroyed three fighting positions, two vehicles, an ISIS headquarters, a storage facility and a vehicle-borne bomb.

-- Near Raqqa, five strikes destroyed an artillery system, a mortar system, a rocket system, a watercraft, a weapons storage facility and a chemical weapons facility.

-- Near Dayr Az Zawr, a strike destroyed two oil wellheads.

-- Near Palmyra, a strike engaged an ISIS tactical unit and destroyed a vehicle and a tactical vehicle.

Strikes in Iraq

Coalition military forces conducted nine strikes consisting of 95 engagements against ISIS targets in Iraq, coordinated with and in support of Iraqs government:

-- Near Huwayjah, a strike engaged an ISIS tactical unit and destroyed a heavy machine gun and a logistics node.

-- Near Qaim, a strike destroyed a homemade explosives cache and a vehicle-bomb factory.

-- Near Beiji, two strikes engaged an ISIS tactical unit and destroyed five ISIS-held buildings, three vehicles, a fighting position and a front-end loader.

-- Near Mosul, five strikes engaged three ISIS tactical units and an ISIS sniper unit; destroyed nine fighting positions, eight mortar systems, five ISIS-held buildings, four command-and-control nodes, three vehicle-bomb facilities, three tactical vehicles, two vehicles, two artillery systems, two anti-air artillery systems, a rocket-propelled grenade system, an unmanned-aerial-vehicle storage facility, a front-end loader, a vehicle-bomb staging area and a supply cache; damaged 12 supply routes and four ISIS-held buildings; and suppressed 22 mortars and an artillery system.

Part of Operation Inherent Resolve

These strikes were conducted as part of Operation Inherent Resolve, the operation to destroy ISIS in Iraq and Syria. The destruction of ISIS targets in Iraq and Syria also further limits the group's ability to project terror and conduct external operations throughout the region and the rest of the world, task force officials said.

The list above contains all strikes conducted by fighter, attack, bomber, rotary-wing or remotely piloted aircraft; rocket-propelled artillery; and some ground-based tactical artillery when fired on planned targets, officials noted.

Ground-based artillery fired in counterfire or in fire support to maneuver roles is not classified as a strike, they added. A strike, as defined by the coalition, refers to one or more kinetic engagements that occur in roughly the same geographic location to produce a single or cumulative effect. For example, task force officials explained, a single aircraft delivering a single weapon against a lone ISIS vehicle is one strike, but so is multiple aircraft delivering dozens of weapons against a group of ISIS-held buildings and weapon systems in a compound, having the cumulative effect of making that facility harder or impossible to use. Strike assessments are based on initial reports and may be refined, officials said.

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Counter-ISIS Strikes Continue in Syria, Iraq > U.S. DEPARTMENT ... - Department of Defense

Iraqi tribesmen hold national flags and posters bearing a portrait of Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan crossed out during a protest against the continued presence of Turkish troops in northern Iraq, in the southern city of Basra on October 16, 2016. (Photo by AFP)

Iraq has askedSaudi Arabia to break its silence on the presence of Turkish troops on its soil as the kingdom's hawkish foreign minister visits Baghdad to bring rocky relations out of a longfreeze.

Iraqi Foreign Minister Ibrahim al-Jaafari on Saturdayreceived his Saudi counterpart Adel al-Jubeir. This is the first such visit by a chief diplomat from the kingdom since 2003.

Turkey sent around 2,000 troops into northern Iraq in December 2015, triggering a diplomatic crisis and promptingIraqi Prime Minister Haider al-Abadi to warn that Ankara risked triggering a regional war.

According to a statement issued by the Iraqi Foreign Ministry, Ja'afari told Jubeir that Saudi Arabia must break its silence on the presence of Turkish troops in Iraq, the IRNA news agency reported from Baghdad.

"Ja'afari stressed the need for Riyadh's efforts to encourage the Turks into leaving the Iraqi land, stating that despite Arab and international consensus on opposition to Turkish troops, they still remain in the Iraqi territory," the report added.

Iraq and Saudi Arabia havetriedto improve strained ties after relationswere cut following ex-dictatorSaddam Hussein's 1990 invasion of Kuwaitbut the road to normalization has been rocky.

Thamer al-Sabhanbecame the first Saudi ambassador to Iraq in a quarter centuryin January 2016 but had to leavethe same year after Baghdad demanded he be removed following his remarks about Hashed al-Sha'abi.

Hashed al-Shaabi (Popular Mobilization) forces have played a key role in the fight against Daesh. Ja'afari was one of the most vocal critics of Saudi Arabia at the time and issued several strongly-worded statements against the kingdom and Jubeir himself.

He conveyed to Jubeir both directly on the sidelines of a global conference on the anti-Daeshwar last year and in a statement Iraq's "annoyance" over what he called "unacceptable interference."

On Saturday, Ja'afari told Jubeir that "Iraq's policy is based on expanding relations with all countries of the world but it will not allow any meddling in its domestic affairs," the Foreign Ministry statement said.

The foreign minister also said Iraq "does not meddle in the internal affairs of other countries and has no interest in getting involved" in the lines drawn between some regional countries, possibly referring to Saudi Arabia's rivalry with Iran.

An Iraqi government official said on Saturday that there was an opportunity for Baghdad to bring Tehran and Riyadh together.

"The whole region is heading towards compromise and Saudi Arabia sees Iraq as an important player to have on its side," he said. "Iraq's neutrality could make it a ground for Iranian-Saudi rapprochement."

The official stressed that despite intense pressure from the street to take a strong stand against Saudi Arabia, Abadihad "never indulged in aggressive rhetoric against Saudi Arabia."

Saudi Arabia is very unpopular among most Iraqis and often accused of providing direct support to Daesh terrorists who took over a third of the country in 2014.

Saudi Arabia nominally supports the fight against Daesh but Iraq and other partners have argued it needs to do more to help durably defeat Daesh and its ideology which has roots in the kingdom where Wahhabism is freely preached and promoted.

The kingdom has been accused of having both financially and ideologically contributed to the extremism and sectarianism, which has been taking its toll on its northern neighbor.

"Iraq's power lies in unity and integrity among its nation and the Iraqi people have proven that they stand united against terrorism and for preserving their territorial integrity," Ja'afari said on Saturday.

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Bilateral ties

In August 2016, Riyadh withdrew Ambassador Sabhan, but instead of naming a new one, seconded Abdulaziz al-Shammari as charg daffaires at its diplomatic mission in the Iraqi capital.

Prime Minister Abadi also received Jubeir and his accompanying delegation, a statement from his office said.Both sides "discussed cooperation in various fields, including the fight against the Daesh gangs," it said.

Abadis office also said, "Jubeir congratulated Iraq on the victories achieved against Daesh and pledged Saudi Arabia's support to Iraq in fighting terrorism."

Jaafari and Jubeir, meanwhile, expressed interest in reparation and enhancement of the bilateral ties.

Jaafari said his country sought best Saudi ties geared towards confrontation with common threats, normalization of trade relations, facilitation of Saudi trips by Iraqi nationals, and establishment of direct flights between the two capitals.

Jubeir insisted on the need for bilateral visits, and said there were many elements, promoting the betterment of bilateral ties.

He also claimed that Riyadh treated all Iraqi sects alike and was in favor of unity and calm in the violence-stricken country.

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Iraq to Saudi Arabia: End silence on Turkey incursion - Press TV

CONTEXT

The UN declared Iraq a Level 3 emergency (most severe level) under global humanitarian systems classification. It is one of three current Level 3 emergencies in the world. Iraq is currently facing two protracted large-scale crises. Ongoing conflict has caused approximately 3.1 million Iraqis to flee their homes and become internally displaced in their own country since 2013, while over 230,000 Syrian refugees were forced to seek safety and refuge in Iraq since 2012. Over half of the Iraqi IDP and Syrian refugee populations are children. On 17 October, 2016 Iraqi forces began to re-take the city of Mosul from Islamic State (IS) causing thousands more Iraqis to be displaced. Save the Children is currently responding to the needs of both Syrian refugee and IDP families, in camp and non-camp settings, by ensuring that children have access to quality education, healthcare, and protection services.

IDP Crisis

There are over 3.1 million IDPs in Iraq, according to OCHA, and 26% of them were displaced in August 2014. Nearly 87% of IDPs have fled three governorates: Anbar, Ninewa and Salah al Din. Displaced families are dispersed among camps and urban locations with a significant number living in unfinished buildings. Some children havent been to school for more than two years.

Syrian Refugee Crisis

Kurdistan Region of Iraq (KRI) hosts 98% of the 233,000 Syrian refugees in Iraq, according to OCHA. Refugees are dispersed among camps and urban settings mainly across the governorates of Erbil, Dohuk and Sulaymaniyah. In 2015 more than 15,000 refugees in Iraq returned to Syria, and thousands embarked on dangerous routes to Europe with their children. With depleted resources, refugee families in Iraq need food, healthcare, protection and access to quality education.

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Iraq Country Office Program Overview 2016 - ReliefWeb

The Australian government joined the widely unpopular Iraq War in 2003 deploying troops, warships, and combat aircraft solely to boost its relationship with George W. Bushs White House, a declassified Australian army paper has revealed.

A report, written by Dr. Albert Palazzo of the Australian Armys Directorate of Army Research and Analysis (DARA) between 2008 and 2011, was accessed by Fairfax Media and cited by the Sydney Morning Herald. DARA is a branch of the Australian Army Headquarters and serves as the Armys think tank

The 572-page declassified document provides enough evidence to prove that then Prime Minister John Howard joined former US President George W. Bush in invading Iraq only to strengthen Canberras ties with Washington.

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It also gives insight into how the political decision to enter the unpopular war was made Howards statements about enforcing UN resolutions, combatting global terrorism, and contributing to the post-war reconstruction of Iraq were dismissed in Palazzos report as mandatory rhetoric.

Eventually, Prime Minister Howard and the then Chief of the Australian Defense Force (ADF) General Peter Cosgrove were unwilling to accept the prospect of high casualties among the soldiers deployed to Iraq.

The government was uncomfortable with the prospect of losses due to the possible negative effect on the domestic political environment, the report said.

Australia, nonetheless, deployed a very limited number of troops and assets, which were often incapable of carrying out any noteworthy combat action. However, sending a sustainable and combat-capable contingent was secondary to the vital requirement of it just being there. Ultimately, such policy made some US military officers ridicule the Australian commitment, calling it a series of headquarters.

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The US wanted the Australians to provide a reconnaissance battle group consisting of light armored vehicles. Lieutenant-General Peter Leahy, who was then chief of Australian army, actually pushed for them to be sent to action at the time, but Cosgrove pushed back, finding the manpower requirement too large. Consequently, the only significant Australian force on the ground in Iraq was the SASR, Australias equivalent of the famous British Special Air Service, because the Army was not prepared to fight against even a mildly competent opponent, Palazzo wrote.

However, even the deployment of SASR got off track, the report stated. ADF dispatched several CH-47 Chinook helicopters to transport the special forces, but the pilots lacked experience and simply could not conduct aerial refueling or night insertion tasks, which were essential for the Iraq mission. Moreover, the aircraft had no electronic warfare equipment for evading Iraqi missiles.

The SASR were deployed in Iraq by US helicopters, the paper said, adding it is not possible to explain the rationale behind the CH-47s allocation to the war. In addition, the mission became even messier when some troops arrived without weapons. Hot meals were not available at this point either, so the Australian troops had to live on US combat rations during the four-month deployment, leading to an average weight loss of six kilograms per soldier.

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The lack of a clear mission was one of the factors negatively affecting troop morale. Numerous rotation commanders were convinced of the failure of the organization to inform them of what they were supposed to achieve in Iraq, the report said.

It was enormously frustrating, an Australian commander wrote. Another called the mission flag waving and feared the coalition allies would conclude that the ADF was a pack of posers. Another was angered when the Middle East commander accused him of mission creep though no mission had been defined in the first place.

In a telling statement to Palazzo, one of the officers said that the unstated policy of Operation Catalyst [was] that no mission was worth dying for.

Australias military contribution was relatively small in proportional terms, around 2,000 personnel in total, or 2.42 percent of its military compared to the US 4.85 percent and the UKs 12 percent. Aside from the special forces, Australia deployed two frigates, as well as refueling and combat aircraft.

Australias Defense Ministry has dismissed Palazzos report as unofficial history, which only represents the authors own opinion.

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Australia joined 2003 Iraq War solely to boost ties with Bush army think-tank - RT