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When President Joe Biden gave his first foreign policy address two weeks ago, he didnt once mention the words Iraq or Afghanistan. But events in those two countries over the past 24 hours have offered a stark reminder to the administration that it cant forever ignore Americas forever wars.

In Iraq, rockets seemingly launched by an Iranian-backed militia on Monday killed a non-American civilian contractor at a military base in Erbil. Nine others were injured, including four US contractors and one service member, according to Col. Wayne Marotto, the spokesperson for the US-led coalition against ISIS.

And in Afghanistan, the Taliban has closed in on major cities just a few months before the scheduled departure of US forces on May 1. The insurgent group released an open letter to Americans on Tuesday, basically asking the Biden administration to trust the Taliban to lead the nation and respect human rights after the troops leave a dubious claim at best.

Even as Biden would prefer to spend most of his time addressing the coronavirus, China, and climate change, its clear that, like every president since George W. Bush, hell continually have his attention diverted toward Afghanistan and Iraq.

Its not that he and his team have neglected those countries. Defense chiefs from NATO nations are meeting over the next two days in large part to discuss plans for Afghanistan and Iraq. The administration is also reviewing its policies in the two countries, weighing what to keep from the past four years and what to change.

But recent events have added an extra sense of urgency, with US troops under threat in an increasingly unstable Iraq, and a tough decision looming for the president in Afghanistan: leave the country to almost certain ruin, or stay and face another deadly fighting season against the Taliban?

In normal times, those would be tough issues for any administration to handle. In this era, theyre extra difficult.

It does seem like the bandwidth for Afghanistan and Iraq is limited, said Andrew Watkins, senior analyst for Afghanistan at the International Crisis Group. Its not that theres no interest; its just that there are other priorities.

Iran has long used its ties to Shia militia groups in Iraq, many of which are funded and directed by Tehran, to expand its influence in the country and thwart the US war effort there, including through attacks targeting US, Iraqi, and other international troops. Mondays attack, then, was a lethal continuation of that standoff.

Its unclear why the rocket attacks happened now. The most likely explanation experts have offered is that Iran is trying to pressure the US to lift sanctions on it and reenter the nuclear deal. Whatever the reason, the assault makes clear that Iraq remains a battleground between the US and Iran meaning it will continue to be a problem for the Biden administration as long as US forces remain in the country.

Iraq is going to keep rearing its head, said Randa Slim, a senior fellow at the Middle East Institute in Washington, DC. It will put itself on the agenda.

Some analysts I spoke to said their hope is that the Biden team wont view its Iraq policy solely as an extension of Iran policy. Indeed, beyond the Iranian proxy problem, Iraq is suffering from a deep governance crisis as millions go hungry due to a collapsing economy. Experts fear an Iraq in decline could prove fertile ground for ISISs resurgence.

For the moment, though, experts arent overly pleased by what they see from Bidens team.

During the Obama administration, [Iraq] policy was crafted to not aggravate Iran and sometimes work indirectly together, whether to guard the nuclear deal or fight ISIS, with little regard to Iraq itself, said Rasha Al Aqeedi, senior analyst at the Newlines Institute for Strategy and Policy in DC. Under Trump, Iraq was merely a front to confront Iran. It appears the Biden administration is readopting the formers policy.

Not considering an independent Iraq policy has had an awful outcome in the past, she concluded.

The White House didnt respond to a request for comment. But the administration has been saying the right things, at least so far. A summary of a Tuesday call between Defense Secretary Lloyd Austin and his Iraqi counterpart noted that the United States remains committed to supporting our Iraqi partners in their efforts to defend Iraqs sovereignty and the reaffirmation of the strategic partnership between the two countries.

But whether Biden can sustain the needed time and attention for such complicated, long-term problems in Iraq with all thats already going on in the world remains an early question.

By May 1, Biden must make a crucial decision: withdraw all 2,500 US troops from Afghanistan, or stay involved in the 20-year war?

Such a choice was forced on this administration by the last one. The US and the Taliban last February struck a deal: All American troops would leave the country by early May, and in the meantime the Taliban wouldnt attack US or NATO coalition troops. Both sides have held their ends of the bargain, as roughly 10,000 service members have left the country while the US has suffered no combat deaths.

Biden has promised to bring home US combat troops from Afghanistan, but he never committed to doing so right away, giving himself until the end of his first term. He also said he would still potentially keep a small US military presence in the country to continue counterterrorism operations against ISIS and al-Qaeda. That meant it was always possible Biden wouldnt abide by the terms of the Trump-era deal.

His administration has signaled as much. In January, chief Pentagon spokesperson John Kirby said the Talibans violence against Afghans and continued ties to al-Qaeda cast doubt on Americas scheduled departure in May, and the New York Times reported this week that the Defense Department has requested more military options for the country including an increase of troops.

Administration officials and experts tell me Bidens team is deep into its Afghanistan policy review. Some worry, that its a plodding process that could run up to the May 1 deadline. They seem pretty set on taking their time, said the International Crisis Groups Watkins. Meanwhile, two US officials told me the review is nearly complete, well ahead of schedule.

Still, that the review hasnt wrapped may explain why the Taliban put out a letter Tuesday pressuring the US to get out sooner rather than later. The Islamic Emirate of Afghanistan is aware of its obligations, other parties must also discharge their own obligations, read the statement by Mullah Abdul Ghani Baradar Akhund, chief of the Talibans political office, using the groups preferred name for its political organization.

Of course, Biden faces a near-impossible decision. If he commits to the withdrawal, many analysts fear the Taliban will exploit the resulting vacuum to push for another complete takeover of the country. The New York Times reports that the insurgent group has taken military outposts outside major cities like Kunduz and Kandahar, perhaps in preparation for such a fight.

But if Biden chooses to keep US troops in the country, its likely the US will see more Americans killed, adding to the 2,400 already lost since the US invaded the country in 2001. Whats more, violating the terms of the US-Taliban agreement might end any near-term chance for peace. It could be a generationally defining moment in the Taliban where they decide talking isnt worth it, Watkins told me.

There are other issues that will come up during the NATO meeting this week, and discussions there might inform what Biden will do. But the looming deadline might be cause for the administration and the president in particular to prioritize Afghanistan policy more than it has already.

Originally posted here:
Why Biden cant ignore Iraq and Afghanistan - Vox.com

BAGHDAD - From afar, the sprawling complex of the newly inaugurated American University in Baghdad appears like a floating mirage.

Encircled by blue waters of a human-made lake, former Saddam Hussein-era palaces have been converted to university departments promising a U.S.-style education to meet the needs of Iraq's growing youth.

Higher education has lagged in Iraq since the 2003 U.S.-led invasion that toppled Saddam. Government officials maintain that the American University in Baghdad, which opened this week, is critical to shoring up the country's flailing state of higher education.

The campus is a sight rarely seen in Baghdad's urban sprawl: Ducks float by peacefully, as a handful of students, backpacks slung over their shoulders, head to class. Glossy new buses take others across a winding road.

"I feel more like a mayor of a big city than a university president," AUIB President Michael Mulnix said in an interview with The Associated Press on Monday, a day after the university officially opened its doors.

Critics have raised alarm over the university's funding scheme, which is reliant on one influential Iraqi businessman, while the twin threats of coronavirus and attacks by armed groups threaten to add further delays.

Still, university administrators are forging ahead with plans to expand.

Of the 14 colleges that Mulnix hopes will one day be brimming with avid learners, just three opened this week: Arts and Sciences, Business and International Studies. Five more, including Health Sciences and Law, are planned for the fall.

Also in the works are plans for an international school offering kindergarten through Grade 12, a teaching hospital, even a movie theater. A deal with U.S. fast-food chain Hardee's is close to being inked. Starbucks could be next.

As president, Mulnix's long list of duties befits the ambitious scope of the university, from overseeing mammoth reconstruction efforts of Saddam-era palaces three years ago, to hiring staff, managing food services and paying utility bills.

The university is located on the site where Saddam commissioned the construction of a resort. The project included the grand al-Fao Palace and numerous villas and smaller palaces in the 1990s to mark Iraq's retaking of the al-Fao peninsula during the Iran-Iraq conflict. A lake was formed by diverting water from the Tigris River and filled with a special breed of fish dubbed "Saddam bass."

The initials of the deposed dictator are still etched on the walls, columns and ceilings. Following his capture by U.S forces, he was imprisoned in one of the palace buildings. It was later used as a headquarters of the U.S.-led coalition force and called Camp Victory.

"His presence is here, everywhere," said Mulnix. "It's kind of interesting to take that legacy and transform it into what we are doing."

The dream, he said, was to bring an American-style university with a core liberal arts program to Baghdad. It is not just his vision, but that of the university's chief Iraqi financier, influential businessman Saadi Saihood, whose holdings began with a laundromat in the Green Zone servicing U.S. forces after 2003.

For now, the university is "American" in name only. It will be years before it might be accredited in the United States. They must first produce an initial graduating class, Mulnix said.

So far, the Saihood family has spent $200 million to renovate and refurbish the campus, prompting criticism of too much reliance on the personal wealth of a single businessman.

Mulnix brushed off allegations launched by critics of the university, including some Iraqi and other higher-education officials, that the family was seeking to make money.

"This is 100% a non-for-profit university. All the money made via tuition goes back to the university, not to repay the family that started it."

AUIB is the first American-style university in federal Iraq. Two American-style universities are located in Dohuk and Sulimaniyah in the northern Kurdish-run region.

An American approach to education, which encourages a diverse curriculum, will take time to gain popularity in Baghdad, where high school exam scores determine career paths, and degrees in engineering and medical sciences are favored. Liberal arts is a novel concept in Iraq, Mulnix said.

That might explain why enrollment has not met expectations.

Fewer than 300 students were admitted to AUIB in its inaugural year this year, far short of the 10,000-30,000 its founders hoped for. The majority went directly to the school's English Language Academy to improve their English skills before embarking on a baccalaureate program.

Most of the students have very basic English skills, not enough to meet the rigorous demands of the university, Mulnix said.

"We are having to take over from the very beginning. ... The students coming here really have quite the job because it will take a year or a year and a half for some of them when they are starting at a basic level to get through the English program."

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American University Hopes to Fill Higher-Ed Gap in Iraq - Voice of America

Erbil The International Organization for Migration (IOM) and Toyota Iraq Corporation recently signed a partnership agreement to provide vocational training and improve employability for young people in Iraq.

Iraq is grappling with the cumulative effects of past conflicts on its development, which has left the country vulnerable to renewed conflict. The COVID-19 pandemic and falling oil prices further exacerbated the existing economic and political challenges in the country, pushing vulnerable populations into even more delicate situations. IOM supports the Government of Iraq in promoting stabilization in some of Iraq's most vulnerable communities, including through livelihoods opportunities.

Through this partnership with Toyota Iraq, 10 young people will receive training as part of efforts contributing to long-term economic recovery; individual and community resilience; and community stabilization in areas affected by the ISIL crisis.

IOM and Toyota Iraq will work together to expand the scope of potential work or training opportunities available to young jobseekers. Beginning in February 2021, youth from Najaf governorate will receive up to three months of training in three specialized programs: Automotive Technician Development Program; Auto Parts Development Program; and Customer Relations Development Program.

"IOM has long supported the Government of Iraq in finding solutions to economic recovery, including through individual and community-level livelihoods assistance programmes," said IOM Iraq Chief of Mission Gerard Waite. "The partnership with Toyota Iraq will further mutual efforts in support of vulnerable populations and seek to improve private sector capacity to accommodate local labour market demand."

The sessions will be led in Erbil Governorate, by Toyota Iraq staff. Through this program, the trainees will learn about the Toyota Way, Kaizen (continuous improvement) and the Toyota Production System; they will also gain technical knowledge and professional skills related to the auto industry and sales. They will learn transferrable skills for the automotive industry and be better equipped to access job opportunities that will lead to sustainable income. At the end of the sessions, some trainees may join a Toyota Authorized Service Centre or set up their own businesses as automotive technicians.

"This is part of our [support of the] Sustainable Development Goals and Corporate Social Responsibility --- to share our expertise and technology with Iraq youth, so that they can gain equal opportunities for employment," said Toyota Iraq President Sardar Al Bebany.

The partnership with Toyota Iraq is part of a larger project, "Leveraging the Security Development Nexus in Iraq: Support for Community Stabilization in Conflict Affected Communities", supported by the Government of Japan.

For more information please contact IOM Iraq's Public Information Unit, Tel: +964 751 402 2811, Email: iraqpublicinfo@iom.int

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IOM and Toyota Leverage Public-Private Partnership in Support of Vulnerable Populations in Iraq [EN/AR/KU] - Iraq - ReliefWeb

Baghdad, February 15, 2021: Within the framework of the joint cooperation between the Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations (FAO) and the Iraqi Government for the achievement of sustainable agricultural development, and in an effort to support coordination and joint cooperation between relevant ministries and FAO, the organization provided video conference systems and a license for voice/video call program (Zoom) in addition to ICT tools to the Ministry of Agriculture. This step will enable continuity of coordination and virtual meetings as a way to overcome the restrictions imposed due to the spread of COVID-19 virus on social gatherings. The provision of these equipment is a paradigm shift in the way in which FAO and its partners are responding to the emerging COVID-19 pandemic, while at the same time provide modern equipment in a convenient and cost-effective manner.

From his side, Dr. Salah El Hajj Hassan, FAO Representative in Iraq, confirmed that the organization is working in partnership with the Ministry of Agriculture and local partners to understand and address the social and economic impacts of the pandemic and reduce its effects on the agricultural sector and farmers, in addition to finding ways to mitigate it in innovative ways through the use of modern technologies, in order to ensure FAO goals are met in ensuring food security and sustainable agricultural development.

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FAO provides the Ministry of Agriculture with information technology tools - Iraq - ReliefWeb

ISTANBUL -A Turkish operation in northern Iraq ended in a bloodbath after special forces failed to rescue 13 elite intelligence and police officers who had been kidnapped by Kurdistan Workers' Party (PKK) militants.

Turkish Defence Minister Hulusi Akar said that soldiers carrying out an operation against PKK militants in northern Iraq found the bodies of 13 Turks who had been kidnapped and executed in a cave.

Although Akar did not reveal the identity of the dead individuals, a high-ranking security source confirmed to Reuters that the identity of nine of the dead whose bodies were found in the cave had been ascertained. They include members of the Turkish intelligence, army and police.

Later, the governor of Malatya (eastern Turkey), where the bodies were taken, said that 10 of the victims, most of whom were police officers, had been kidnapped by the PKK in 2015 and 2016

Turkey had announced that Operation Eagle Claw - 2 was aimed at attacking PKK militants, but the intelligence and police officers' deaths showed that it was intended as a rescue operation.

The Turkish foreign minister declared in 2017 that Ankara was working to bring home citizens kidnapped by the PKK. Turkish media had previously reported thatKurdish militants had captured two Turkish intelligence officers in Iraq.

Turkey's confused reactions reflect the operation's failure. Senior officials, including presidential spokesman Ibrahim Kalin, first asserted that civilians had died, before it was revealed that those killed were Turkish intelligence and police elite forces, and that Operation Eagle Claw - 2 was designed to save them.

Statements by Turkey's Chief of General Staff Yasar Guler did not lessen the impact of the operation's failure. Guler argued that Operation Eagle Claw - 2 was based on "very good evidence" on where the Turkish prisoners were being held.

According to Guler, Turkish forces reached the cave in question on the third day of the operation. Turkish reporter Fehim Isik expressed doubt about the defence minister's account that prisoners were executed by the PKK.

Isik tweeted, "The prisoners were held for years by the PKK which did not kill them. Why did they kill them now?"

He added, "Hasn't Turkey in the past managed to get back members of its forces following negotiations with the Workers' Party? Why did it prefer that the prisoners die this time? Who benefits from their death?

Turkish-supported Islamist groups previously claimed that civilians had died, before news spread that the dead were Turkish intelligence and police officers.

Akar said that Turkey launched a military operation against the PKK in the Kara region in northern Iraq on February 10 to secure its borders and find two kidnapped nationals.

A statement published by a website linked to the PKK said that some of the prisoners it was holding, including members of Turkish intelligence, police and army, died when Turkey bombed the the area, and denied harming any prisoners.

The statement added, "Among the prisoners were two directors with the Turkish intelligence agency, and nine police officers and soldiers."

In a previously posted video, one of the captured soldiers questioned whether the Turkish army was really working to save the prisoners, saying "I do not know if anyone is working for our liberation."

The PKK, which is designated as a terrorist organisation by Turkey, the United States and the European Union, began an armed insurrection in the majority-Kurdish south-east region of Turkey in 1984. The conflict has claimed more than 40,000 lives.

Over the past two years, Turkey's campaign against the party has increasingly focused on northern Iraq, where the group maintains a stronghold in the Qandil Mountains on the border with Iran.

Turkish operations have fueled tensions with the Iraqi government, as Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan asserts that his country intends to solve the issue of the PKK in northern Iraq if Baghdad is "unable to."

Iraqi intelligence sources previously revealed that the Turkish forces deployed to a number of locations in northern Iraq have expanded the scope of their reconnaissance missions in preparation for Operation Eagle Claw - 2.

The sources told The Arab Weekly that the Turkish air force carried out a large number of reconnaissance operations over northern Iraqi cities.

Erdogan had vowed that his country's forces would "suddenly launch an operation one night in northern Iraq."

Erdogan made his statement just days after Defence Minister Akar was dispatched to both Baghdad and Erbil to convey messages that were not completely friendly, according to well-informed political sources.

The sources said that the Turkish defence minister threatened Iraqi Kurdistan that Ankara would follow through with building a Turkish border crossing with Mosul that would deprive Iraqi Kurdistan of revenue if the region did not cooperate with it in the fight against the PKK.

Ankara's failure to rescue the intelligence and army personnel showed that Turkish pledges on this issue, including Erdogans threat that we will come one night," have turned into a disaster for the Turkish army.

Erdogan's phrase was repeated before Turkish military operations in the battles between Azerbaijan and Armenia. This time, the outcome was catastrophic for Ankara.

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Turkish operation to rescue intelligence operatives in Iraq ends in catastrophic failure | | AW - The Arab Weekly