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Michael Diamond, Community columnist 7:33 a.m. CT Feb. 4, 2017

The Statue of Liberty stands in New York Harbor on Jan. 31. With President Donald Trump's executive order on immigration, the subject of who can come to America has once again become a hotly debated topic.(Photo: Spencer Platt/Getty Images)

Last week, the only noise louder than jet engines at large U.S. airports were the raucous demonstrators protesting one of President Trumps recent executive orders, this one suspending immigration from seven majority Muslim countries, along with potential changes to the vetting process for newcomers.

Among the many concerns about the policy is the issue of local interpreters in these countries.These men and women are usually locals who greatly assist U.S. forces and are given preferential treatment when it comes to immigration.Many of them put themselves in great danger sometimes much greater danger than the military personnel they assist.

Many in the military have raised the concern that this executive order will not only create barriers for those who should gain immediate entry, but will also reduce the likely pool of new interpreters. This is a valid concern.After all, if we were in their situation, we would almost certainly avoid risking our lives on behalf of a country that doesnt appear to want us to live there.

I spent approximately six months in Kuwait and Iraq in 1991, and although the current interpreter issue is more closely tied to the post 9/11 wars in Iraq, Afghanistan and elsewhere, I thought Id introduce you to two of the interpreters I spent the most time with during Operation Desert Storm, where I was in Kuwait City, and Operation Provide Comfort, where I was in northern Iraq.

Although I worked with a few interpreters in Kuwait City, the interpreter I spent most of my time with was Mohammad. Mohammad was part of a really smart program someone in the government thought of (and how often can we say that?).The military had a need for interpreters who were familiar with Kuwait City, and they figured out where a lot of potential candidates were hanging out: on the campuses of American universities.Mohammad was a faculty member at Kansas State, and everywhere I went, he was with me.

People usually only think about the language translation when they hear the word interpreter,but in reality their knowledge of local geography and customs is every bit as important.During the Iraqi occupation, one of the many ways that the local Kuwaitis harassed the occupying troops was by pulling down all the street signs.This was a great idea until we arrived.This was the pre-GPS era, so we had to use satellite maps and vector our way toward our various objectives.Mohammad was indispensable as he knew how his boyhood city was laid out, which somewhat helped compensate for his unending singing of the first lines from the song The Age of Aquarius while we were together.

But the closest relationship I had by far was with Ahmed, my Kurdish interpreter while we were in northern Iraq as part of the humanitarian relief effort after Desert Storm. I dont remember how Ahmed acquired his language skills since I know he hadnt been anywhere other than Iraq, but he and I spent most of our waking hours together.He helped me in a number of ways, from establishing a working relationship with the various elders and power brokers in the Kurdish culture, to helping track down the parents of a lost child (something I learned: its easy to get lost in a refugee camp when youre 6).

Ahmed had relatives in Sweden and I know he was trying to figure out how to escape Iraq.

When I left, I wrote a note for Ahmed to present to any State Department or U.S. military officials he might encounter in hopes he could parlay that into a good job, or even a ticket to U.S. citizenship. It felt like a cheap and insufficient thank you from our nation, but it was the only option available at the time.

I often think of the many interpreters that have made vital contributions to our country since 9/11.Although most of them have never been to the United States, in many ways they are some of the finest Americans you could hope to meet. I expect our country to loudly and clearly honor our immigration commitments to them and their families.

Michael Diamond is a Combined Locks resident. He can be reached atmed@michaeldiamond.com.

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Immigration order hits home after Iraq duty - Appleton Post Crescent

Al-Bawaba

Iraq: Third Phase Of Raqqa Assault Begins STRATFOR The SDF will focus now on taking areas east of the city and cutting off the highway into Deir al-Zor province, which borders Iraq and is largely held by the Islamic State. The campaign to retake the city began in November with support from coalition ... Daesh lashes out in Syria following Iraq set backsAl-Bawaba all 67 news articles »

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Iraq: Third Phase Of Raqqa Assault Begins - STRATFOR

Crain's Detroit Business

Family finds local help after fleeing Iraq Crain's Detroit Business Seeing his barber shop burned because he was the wrong religion was bad enough, but when his 5-year-old daughter was kidnapped, Odai Alaaneri knew it was time to leave his native Iraq. Thankfully, he and his wife were able to get their daughter back ...

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Family finds local help after fleeing Iraq - Crain's Detroit Business

BAGHDAD Iraq's prime minister has squashed a move by pro-Iranian factions in his government who wanted to retaliate against President Donald Trump's travel ban. The struggle shows the difficult position the Iraqi leader finds himself in pulled between his most powerful neighbor and the United States under Trump.

For Haider al-Abadi, the situation had looked difficult on Sunday night. At a meeting of the most powerful Shi'ite leaders and their representatives, he faced calls to respond in kind to the ban affecting seven mainly Muslim nations, including Iraq.

Trump's order had triggered angry reactions among Shi'ite politicians in Iraq. Those who are closest to Iran were insisting that Iraq should retaliate with a ban on U.S. nationals, just like Tehran did the day before.

But matters were resolved smoothly in Abadi's favor. The prime minister warned the Shi'ite leaders that a ban on Americans would jeopardize U.S. support for the war on Islamic State. So they were prepared for the time being at least to reject the demands of the pro-Iranian lobby.

While the Shi'ite leaders agreed that the U.S. order was unfair, it was understood that Iran's allies had no alternative plan on how to finish the battle in Mosul, the last major city under the control of IS militants, without U.S. help.

Abadi said at a news conference on Tuesday that Iraq was best served by preserving the U.S. alliance. "We are ... in a battle and we don't want to harm the national interest."

Iran's allies are, nevertheless, preparing to press their cause again should relations deteriorate further between Washington and Iran after the battle of Mosul, said Ahmed Younis, a professor ofinternational relations at the University of Baghdad.

SYMBOLIC VOTE

One prominent Shi'ite member of parliament warned the situation could change if the ban was extended.

"The Americans promised to review the ban in three months," said Hassan Khalati, a lawmaker close to Sayyid Ammar al-Hakim, a prominent Shi'ite cleric and politician who hosted Sunday's meeting. "If it is maintained, there will be (further) pressure" on the government to retaliate, he said.

In a sign of lingering dissatisfaction a show of hands in parliament on Monday signaled that the majority of lawmakers would have preferred a retaliatory travel ban. The show of hands was symbolic because Shi'ite leaders had backed down at the meeting the day earlier.

The new American president has indicated a cooling of relations with Iran, unlike the previous administration of Barack Obama which reached a deal providing for curbs on the Iranian nuclear program in return for easing international sanctions.

Washington on Friday ratcheted up pressure on Iran, putting sanctions on 13 individuals and 12 entities days after the White House put Tehran "on notice" over a ballistic missile test.

Iran's dominant influencein Iraqi politics was eroded after IS routed the Iraqi army commanded then by Prime Minister Nuri al-Maliki, who was a close ally of Tehran. This forced Maliki to seek U.S. help to fight the IS militants.

But the U.S. travel curbs - which bar the admission of people from Iraq, Syria, Iran, Libya, Somalia, Sudan and Yemen -

fueled the arguments of pro-Iranian political factions who seek to bolster Tehran's influence at the expense of Washington.

Iranian officials state their support for Iraq in the war on Islamic State but make no public comments on U.S.-Iraqi affairs to avoid causing embarrassment for Baghdad.

AT ARM'S LENGTH

Unlike Maliki, Abadi has kept Iran at arm's length. Iranian Major-General Qassem Soleimani, who oversaw the formation of the Popular Mobilisation units receded from public view mid-2015.

But several policy-makers and analysts said the travel ban was changing the dynamic, in particular by empowering the pro-Iranian factions.

"Why should we trust the new American administration?" asked Iskandar Witwit, a lawmaker from Maliki's bloc, the biggest in parliament. "We have the right to get closer to Iran as a secure ally in order to preserve our national interests."

Trump's travel ban has "definitely muddied the waters"between the two nations, Witwit added.

One veteran Iraqi politician, who declined to be named, also pointed out that Baghdad's relationship with Washington was not a direct reflection of the assistance that has poured into Iraq.

"When you look at the level of military and financial support Iraq gets from Washington you would expect it to be as close an ally of the U.S. as Jordan or Morocco," he said.

"And yet, Iraq appears like a reluctant ally of the U.S.; we rarely hear Iraqi officials praising the Americans when talking to an Iraqi audience," he said.

RESISTING PRESSURE

For now, however, Abadi has pushed back the pro-Iranian factions.

At the meeting on Sunday, Abadi won the argument over those who wanted retaliation with the critical backing of Hakim, who chairs the National Alliance, an umbrella for the main Shi'ite groups.

Hakim was unavailable for comment but one of his aides said the influential leader was convinced of the pressing need to defeat IS with American military might.

In particular, Hakim's critical support allowed Abadi to resist pressure exerted by representatives of the most radical groups within Popular Mobilisation, paramilitary units trained mainly by Iran to fight IS, who wanted Iraq to follow Iran's lead in imposing a retaliatory ban on American travelers.

"Iraq should not become a ground where Iran and the U.S settle scores," said MP Khalati, explaining the opinion of Hakim, the heir of one of a revered clerical dynasty whose members suffered under former dictator Saddam Hussein.

"Iran is supporting Iraq and the U.S. is supporting Iraq, our interest is to get rid of terrorism," he said.

After the meeting, Iraq's Foreign Minister Ibrahim al-Jaafari asked the U.S. ambassador to Iraq to convey a request to reconsider the ban, arguing for the need to cooperate against IS and saying no Iraqi was involved in attacks on U.S. soil.

(Editing by Peter Millership)

WASHINGTON The Trump administration on Friday imposed sanctions on Iran, which it said were just "initial steps" and said Washington would no longer turn a "blind eye" to Iran's hostile actions.

Francois Fillon clung to his role as France's conservative presidential candidate on Friday amid worsening opinion poll ratings and speculation about his ability to carry on after accusations his wife got public money for work she did not do.

BUCHAREST Romania's ombudsman has challenged in the Constitutional Court a cabinet decree passed earlier in the week decriminalizing some graft offences, in an apparent watering down of an anti-corruption drive that sparked mass protests and international condemnation.

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Abadi fends off calls by Iran allies in Iraq to react to Trump travel ban - Reuters

Shiite fighters from the Hashed al-Shaabi (Popular Mobilisation) paramilitary units advance towards the village of Shwah, south of the city of Tal Afar on the western outskirts of Mosul, on December 13, 2016, during an ongoing operation against Islamic State (IS) group jihadists. (Ahmed Al-Rubaye/AFP/Getty Images)

Its been a week since U.S. President Donald J. Trump temporarily banned travel to the U.S. from seven Muslim-majority countries. Over those seven days, Trump has tried to downplay the consequences of what some members of his own administration have called a poorly thought out and implemented policy.

But Trump, as weve all come to expect, has doubled down, tweeting on Jan. 30 that all is going well with few problems.

But things are going anything but well. Since the ban was put in place, a growing chorus of world leaders, U.S. diplomats and experts have warned of the unforeseen and potentially catastrophic consequences it could trigger. The war against the so-called Islamic State, which relies on coordination with some of the countries on the list, could be under threat. Perceptions in other parts of the Muslim world, where anti-American sentiment remains entrenched, could plummet even further and lead to an increased threat for Americans.

The inevitable is already coming to pass here in Iraq where the ban has sparked fury and outrage. On Jan. 30, three days after the ban was imposed, the Iraqi parliament voted on a motion urging Prime Minister Haider al Abadi to put in place a reciprocal ban on Americans. One would have expected the Iraqis to come out strongly in favour of such a ban. But the result, according to one Iraqi politician, wasnt as clear-cut.

Around 180 parliamentarians voted in favour, Majed Shangali, a Kurdish member of parliament, told Macleans. That represents approximately 55 per cent of parliamentarians, enough for the motion to pass.

The dissension, Shangali added, wasnt surprising. Since its inception, the post-Saddam Hussein Iraqi parliament has been riven by factions, each with their own interests. Shia parliamentarians with strong ties to Iran voted overwhelmingly in favour of the ban while Kurds, who enjoy a close relationship with the U.S., voted against it, or abstained. Sunnis were split while supporters of Abadi, who opposes any move that would risk the ongoing Mosul offensive, heavily reliant on U.S. airstrikes and American advisors embedded with Iraqi forces, opposed it as well.

In the end, Abadi overruled the parliament, sparking anger among his opponents. Moqtada al Sadr, an influential Shia cleric who led a powerful militia that fought U.S. forces in Iraq in the mid-2000s, came out strongly in favour of kicking Americans out.

It would be arrogance for you to enter freely Iraq and other countries while barring them the entrance to your country, he wrote on his website. And therefore you should get your nationals out.

The ripple effects spread from there. On Jan. 29, the spokesperson for the Popular Mobilization Units (PMU), a loose alliance of Iranian-trained Shia militias, including one that is on the U.S. list of foreign terrorist organizations, echoed Sadrs demand.

Shangali warned the ban would strengthen Irans hand if it wasnt modified to reflect the sacrifices Iraqis have made in the fight against the Islamic State. The PMU is increasingly making its presence felt in and around Mosul, despite promises that it would not enter the city. Human rights organizations have warned that its forces have engaged in widespread abuses against Iraqs minority Sunnis.

After Daesh is defeated, Shangali added, using the Arabic acronym for the Islamic State, the problems will come. Because of this ban, the U.S. has made it harder now to counter Iranian influence in Iraq. Beyond the Kurds, it has few friends left, but even Kurds are upset because the ban affects them as well. If there was any goodwill from the help the American military has given the Iraqi army, it is gone.

More worryingly, he added, U.S. civilians in Iraq now face a more hostile local population, particularly American journalists covering the Mosul offensive who regularly come in contact with the PMU. Shangali pointed out the special hatred for Americans that elements in the militia harbour, and that hatred is now likely to increase.

For the time being, American journalists who spoke to Macleans said they are not changing the way they work or limiting their contact with PMU fighters, though the ban has sent a chill through their community.

The travel ban, Trump has said, is meant to keep Americans safe. In a memorandum signed on the same day, instructing the Pentagon to draft a more aggressive plan to defeat the Islamic State, Trump named four Americans the group has murdered, including journalists James Foley and Steven Sotloff. His policies could very well lead to the deaths of more.

Originally posted here:
Donald Trump is destabilizing Iraq - Macleans.ca