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Liberal Senator Alex Antic has spent the last 18 months working to stem the leftward drift of Australias traditionally centre-right Liberal Party.

The South Australian senator is fighting at the grassroots level to grow the partys membership and steadily steer the party back to its roots.

They are people who are concerned about the direction of the state and the nation, and who believe in the partys founding principles such as freedom of speech, religion, and association, and the freedom to choose their own way of living and of life, he told The Epoch Times.

These people are now having a say in the election of party office bearers, the formulation of future policy positions, and ultimately, will have a say in the selection of strong principled candidates for parliamentary elections at both state and federal level.

Trying to right the ship of a political party is no small task.

The work begins at the grassroots with the recruitment of members to local party branches.

Generally, members are given the right to vote at Annual General Meetings, join the pre-selection process of candidates to contest upcoming elections, and vote for the position of office bearersthe president, the vice-president, treasurer, and secretary of the state party.

Having enough votes from a particular bloc can have a major influence on the direction of the party.

For example, having more right-leaning voters in a local branch will generally ensure that a candidate with similar values is selected for upcoming elections. Meanwhile, having enough office bearers can influence the partys operation and direction via voting at the State Council, which also votes for the State Executiveequivalent to a board of directors.

However, over the years, the influence of left-leaning or moderate factions has become more prevalent across the Liberal Party, which has had an impact on the type of policies the party adopts.

Some commentators have argued that the trend is pulling the Liberal party further away from the vision of founder Robert Menzies, who espoused a party built on the values of classical liberalism, anti-communism, and upward mobility of the middle-class via private enterprise.

In South Australia, policies under former Premier Steven Marshall have galvanised religious voters to join the party, including support foreuthanasia and late-term abortion laws.

Thus far, the campaign by Antic has paid off with over 1,000 new right-leaning members joining the Liberal Party organisation in the state, bringing the total membership base to over 5,000.

Last year, Antics campaign hit a hurdle when the partys state executive tried to stonewall the onboarding of 500 new Christian members.

The individuals had to undergo an audit and agree to support the objectives of the Liberal Party and ensure they were not aligned with any alternative political entities,' according to a letter seen by The Advertiser newspaper.

The state President, Legh Davis,responded to the incident by saying: Those who clearly support the partys constitutional objectives and endorsed candidates will be welcome as members.

Antics campaign to encourage classical liberals and conservatives into the partys ranks would not have been welcomed by the then-dominant moderate faction of the Liberal Party.

In fact, for 30 years now, the state branch has been headlined by leading moderate political figures, including former Defence Minister Christopher Pyne, former Finance Minister Simon Birmingham, and recently defeated South Australian Premier Marshall.

For a long time, the South Australian division of the party has been controlled by the partys left-wing faction, and of course, any period of change brings with it a degree of resistance, Antic said.

Having said that, we are now seeing the many new members actively participating in events and meetings, and the influx has revitalised sections of the party which were struggling for enthusiasm, Antic said.

In the Australian context, moderatesgenerally advocate for free market economicsNew South Wales Senator Andrew Bragg (a moderate) has been a vocal supporter of dismantling the compulsory superannuation systembut are socially progressive on issues such as legalising same-sex marriage, abortion, and euthanasia.

Meanwhile, those in the right faction (like Antic) have focused more on social policy, including individual freedom, religious rights protection, and opposing the onset of progressive leftist causes such as gender fluidity and climate change.

Climate change has also been a major flashpoint between the right and moderate factions, which played out during the May 2022 federal election.

Moderates were concerned that failing to push for more ambitious climate change targets would lose the Liberal Party several inner-city electorates. In contrast, right faction members have criticised the climate change movement pointing out the lack of consensus around climate science, as well as the feasibility and enormous cost of transitioning to net-zero.

In a move to try to appease both factions and their voting blocs, the centre-right Prime Minister Scott Morrison adopted a net-zero by 2050 target in October 2021, and stuck to a 26-28 percent emissions reduction target for 2030.

The move was interpreted by some as neither here nor there and confusing to the electorate. As a result, the election saw the Liberal Party bleed votes on its left and right political flanks, with the party recording its lowest primary vote in recent times at 35.7 percent (the then-opposition Australian Labor Party won just 32.58 percent).

On its left flank, the Liberal Party lost several inner-city seats to Teal and Greens candidates who promised major climate change initiatives, including more ambitious emissions reduction targets. It also lost votes to the Drew Pavlou Democratic Alliance. Then on its right, the party continued to bleed votes to One Nation and new freedom parties like the United Australia Party, and Liberal Democrats.

One senior Liberal Party staffer told The Epoch Timeson condition of anonymitythat the election result was a wake-up call and that the former party of Robert Menzies needed an urgent rebuild.

Theres still very influential factional elementsresponsible for the recent past and where we found ourselves todaythat are still trying to cling to power and reshape things in a way that will suit them, the staffer said.

He revealed that members of branches in New South Wales have been restricted from being able to vote, a situation holding back better candidates.

Weve become less and less reflective of the people we are representing, and that comes down to not being democraticit is an elitist type of approach, he said.

Its a real fight to democratise and create transparency, he added. [As for] the public, they see it translating into people they dont really relate to or trust. We have to produce more grassroots community-driven people and get them through the process.

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Daniel Y. Teng is based in Sydney. He focuses on national affairs including federal politics, COVID-19 response, and Australia-China relations. Got a tip? Contact him at daniel.teng@epochtimes.com.au.

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Senator's Grassroots Campaign to Revive Founding Values of Australia's Liberal Party - The Epoch Times

Liberal frontbencher Karen Andrews wouldnt be alone among her colleagues in believing Scott Morrison should quit parliament.

Andrews, home affairs minister in the former government, on Tuesday declared the Australian people were betrayed by Morrisons installing himself in five portfolios, including hers, in secret arrangements.

She was one of the ministers not told hed moved in. Nor, most remarkably, was treasurer Josh Frydenberg (who a few months later stayed at The Lodge) informed he had a ministerial bedfellow. Likewise finance minister Mathias Cormann.

Andrews has another reason for a heightened sensitivity to Morrisons willingness to flout conventions and propriety.

When an asylum seeker boat was intercepted on election day, Morrison was determined to try to exploit it politically. The pressure coming from his office onto Andrews office to urgently publicise the incident has been documented in a recent inquiry.

While Andrews defended her actions after the report was released, she lost skin.

Without doubt the parliamentary Liberal Party would be better off if Morrison quit.

Even before this weeks revelations, there was nothing he could contribute he sits as a failure from the past in a party that will have immense trouble adjusting to the future. Now he presents a live target for Labor. Anthony Albanese on Tuesday wouldnt rule out Labor moving a censure against him.

He enjoys minimal respect among his colleagues. As long as he hangs around, hell be a distraction.

Former prime minister John Howard advanced the one pragmatic argument against Morrison quitting it would create an unwanted and expensive by-election for the Liberals.

Apart from anything else it is not in the interests of the Liberal Party to have a by-election at the moment in a very safe seat, particularly as in the state of New South Wales we will face a state election in the early part of next year, Howard said bluntly, interviewed on the ABC on Tuesday night.

Some would add that in these volatile political times no seat is absolutely safe.

Morrison hasnt been expected to see out the parliamentary term. But presumably he needs a job to go to. This weeks stories will have done nothing for his employability.

The disclosure of Morrisons behaviour has put heat on Governor-General David Hurley.

Hurley was quick to issue a Monday statement setting out how he had acted in accordance with the Constitution. He said it was up to the government whether the arrangements were made public.

To suggest Hurley should not have done what he was asked totally misunderstands his role. He must act according to government advice, assuming what it proposes is legal. (It might be added, however, that a wise governor-general also questions and counsels when circumstances require.)

University of NSW law professor and constitutional specialist George Williams suggests the convention should be put into law that all ministerial appointments be announced to parliament.

On Tuesday Morrison made a belated effort to explain himself. He began on 2GB his favourite radio roost but it was a fiasco. He didnt recall any portfolios other than those initially mentioned (health, finance, resources) into which hed inserted himself.

It fell to Albanese to add home affairs and treasury. To have apparently forgotten you have made yourself treasurer is really something.

Later Morrison issued a long Facebook post, in which he invoked the extraordinary times of COVID that required extraordinary measures to justify his actions.

I took the precaution of being given authority to administer various departments of state should the need arise due to incapacity of a minister or in the national interest. This was where ministers had specific powers under legislation not subject to cabinet oversight. Health was the major example.

Morrison said treasury and home affairs were added as a belts and braces precaution in May 2021.

He explained his lack of memory of key portfolios by saying there was a lot going on at the time and the powers hadnt had to be used.

Why not inform all the relevant ministers, the cabinet, the public? (Health Minister Greg Hunt knew and Morrison did think Cormann had been told, but there was some glitch.) Morrison said he didnt want ministers second guessing themselves, or for their authority to be diminished.

The one area where Morrison used the power hed acquired was in the resources portfolio, and this had nothing to do with COVID and everything to do with votes. There he became minister so he could overrule the publicly designated minister, Keith Pitt, on the issue of gas exploration off the NSW coast.

Once having been given the authority to consider this matter I advised the minister of my intention to do so, Morrison said. This was the only matter I involved myself directly with in this or any other department.

Morrison ended his post with an apology for any offence to my colleagues. But he showed little sign he comprehended why they would be so deeply offended by his lack of respect, represented by his unwillingness to take them into his confidence.

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View from The Hill: The Liberals would be better off with Morrison out of parliament - The Conversation Indonesia

Search for talent

On Mirabellas analysis, social media is near the core of the problem. It wasnt that MPs needed necessarily to create TikTok accounts. Rather, he posited that social media and its creation of information silos had accelerated the pace of attitudinal changes more quickly than the Liberal Party could adapt to them.

The ALP and Liberal parties posting the same joke format on Facebook at the Federal election.Credit:Facebook

It had allowed progressive movements to harness new platforms to mobilise support and sway opinion, while the Liberals used [social media] as a tool to try and win elections, in a reactive fashion, without really dealing with the strategic dimension.

The major public issues being enculturated by social media are finding no policy solutions in the Liberal Party, he wrote.

Presciently, another problem foreshadowed in the Mirabella document before Zali Stegall or Monique Ryan became national figures was the threat of independents.

This process has been happening for a while, Mirabella says. His wife, Sophie Mirabella, lost to the mother of the community independents movement, Cathy McGowan, in 2013.

The Mirabella family in 2016.Credit:Meredith OShea

Elections are largely publicly funded in Victoria. And with a strong flow of funds from the Cormack Foundation, a Liberal-affiliated investment company permitted to transfer cash to the party, it means its problems centre around personnel rather than money.

Victorias last Liberal premier, Denis Napthine, who spent 27 years in Parliament, believes Australians are unfairly discouraged and abused for supporting major parties. These days you wouldnt dare say you were a member of a political party, he said, adding that, as a consequence, the partys membership base has been narrowed, making it more difficult to represent its diverse voter base.

Part of the advantage the teals had was being able to choose the most impressive people from the community to become candidates. Conversely, major parties are picking from a shrinking pool of party members, where factional skulduggery is rewarded ahead of experience and achievement outside politics.

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As a solution, Napthine believes the Liberal Partys administrative committee should consider supplementing preselections with high achievers in circumstances where there is a narrow field. In recent weeks the party has picked three religious conservatives to top Victorian Liberal Party upper house tickets.

Unless there is 200 to 500 members selected, it becomes too easy for narrow interest groups and factions to pick candidates that are less effective at representing broad interests, he says.

Mirabella explains that many membership-based organisations, such as Rotary clubs and even the Labor Party, are struggling for members in the digital age. Movements that still attract followers tend to be focussed on climate and social justice. The Greens and Labor at least have the support of environmental groups and unions respectively, while the Liberal Party does not. According to Mirabella, it therefore needs to be malleable and find new causes to attract members and voters.

We are the everyman party, he says. The Liberal brand isnt travelling very well because it isnt clear what we are selling.

Mirabella grasps the talent problem and says all parties are struggling to lure talented people with life experience to run. The incoming president wants more women in parliament and thinks the party must assess options that make it more likely a woman would be preselected.

Matthew Guy with his supporters when he took the leadership of the Liberal Party last September.Credit:Justin McManus

Internally, some senior Liberal MPs and officials who have long opposed quotas as a way of boosting female representation are now open to new ways to manipulate the preselection process to improve the chances of women winning.

We have driven women out of the party and we need to do something drastic to fix it, one former Liberal MP said.

A senior party source who spoke anonymously to discuss internal party matters describes the Liberal Partys lack of talent at a state level as a human resources problem borne of perennial opposition.

Being in opposition between 1999 and 2010 meant the party was not attracting top-level staffers and MPs. At the same time, junior MPs and staffers including Daniel Andrews and Tim Pallas went on to be key players in the Andrews government. The period of opposition since 2014 has only compounded the problem.

For years, the source said, standout young Liberals chose to become staffers in Canberra and then took up jobs in the corporate sector. When he was opposition leader, Michael OBrien hoped gun advisers would come back to Spring Street should the Morrison government lose. This migration never occurred.

We havent had transformational leadership since the Kennett cabinet. Our leaders and frontbenchers are not people who resonate with Victorians, one Victorian MP said.

The Victorian Liberal Party is something regarded as not to be touched with a 10-foot barge pole. Also, Labor people tend to be more interested in social policy rather than national security or economics, so state politics is a more natural home for them.

Tim Wilson, a self-styled modern Liberal who lost the Brighton-based seat of Goldstein to teal independent and former journalist Zoe Daniel, argues Australian Liberals are confronting the same deep-seated quandaries as counterparts in New Zealand, Britain and other comparable nations.

Centre-right parties, he explains, spent much of the last century acting as a counterbalance to authoritarianism and communism. This instinct spurred last centurys centre-right parties, and the market-driven Hawke-Keating government, to pursue free market reforms. But the mission has failed to shift in response to the problems of contemporary politics, Wilson argues, leaving the Liberal Party fighting yesterdays battle and unable to find the field for todays.

Liberal Tim Wilson conceding defeat to Zoe Daniel in May.Credit:Penny Stephens

The partys attachment to the aspirational class of voters is almost hackneyed, but Wilson says the modern Liberal party has forgotten who fits into this group.

We are the party of aspiration, but that means your policy has to be geared toward those aspiring young people, new Australians are aspiring not just older Australians that are after security, he says. Instead we are putting forward policies that entrench power.

Menzies was talking about forgotten people, not forgotten ideas.

Wilson, whose book The New Social Contract outlines his ideas for the future foundations of the Liberal Party, says conservatives need to embrace policies that decentralise power and give people control over their financial and familial security. He cites the proposal to allow people to use superannuation to buy a house an idea he championed that was eventually pledged by Morrison during the election campaign.

Conservative writer and commentator Gray Connolly agrees. The biggest problem facing centre-right parties is that younger voters, and those not yet of voting age, hold conservatives responsible for the absolutely dismal sense that they will never own a home, delaying their path to family life and financial security.

The barrister says too many Coalition MPs are attached to Reagan-era and Thatcherite economic policies.

You cant hope to get anywhere until you break the boomer death grip, he says. No one on the right gives the impression to people under 50 that they actually care about improving their circumstances.

Another former senior federal MP, who didnt wish to be named, said the party had failed to explain its philosophy to an entire generation of voters who view the Liberals as simply social conservatives and not championing classic liberal ideas such as free enterprise, individual freedoms, freedom of speech and smaller government.

The teal independents ravaged the Liberal Party in their most traditional seats.Credit:Joe Armao

The so-called teal candidates, who ended the career of Josh Frydenberg and other Liberals, pitched themselves as fiscally responsible, socially liberal professionals the very people the Liberal Party used to attract. While there are Liberals who question whether some teals truly held these values, it is clear it must win back these voters if it is ever to regain its old seats.

While some Liberals, including outgoing Kew MP Tim Smith, have called on the Liberal Party to abandon inner-city voters, describing them as loud, entitled and privileged, Napthine argues that Victoria often considered the most progressive state needs to represent these people.

Napthine, who has never called himself a conservative, believes that the Victorian branch has always been a broader church [than] other jurisdictions.

Guy agrees, refusing to concede state seats such as Kew, Caulfield and Brighton to teals. Where we hold seats, I expect to hold all of those and go forward, thats our aim, thats our goal, he said on Friday.

With fewer than 100 days until the state election, polls indicate the Coalition is currently facing its third consecutive election loss against the backdrop of rampant factionalism, low membership and a damaged brand. Sources across the party say infighting leads to poor decision-making and generates a toxic atmosphere that turns talented people away.

Connolly calls for US-style open preselection contests, where anyone can run to be a Liberal Party candidate and locals who are not members of the party get a vote.

Instead it is hush-hush and you end up with a quite incestuous and strange party room and the political ranks dont really represent the base of your party, he says.

Mirabella is a pragmatic farmer who doesnt spend Friday afternoons in the Melbourne or Australian clubs, where many members of Victorias Liberal elite mingle. He thinks he can build bridges and rebuild trust within a branch that, for the best part of this century, has been characterised by rolling factional warfare.

If we spent as much time campaigning and fighting our opponents as we do fighting each other, wed be doing a lot better, Mirabella says.

Matthew Guy at the 100 Days to Change the Government State Campaign Lunch on Friday.Credit:Eddie Jim

Off the back of a disastrous fortnight which saw Guy lose his chief of staff to a donor scandal, the Coalition has had its best week in months thanks to a policy announcement: a promise to shelve the Suburban Rail Loop, which the independent budget office revealed would probably cost far more than anticipated.

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Instead, Guy wants to invest the money in the states overburdened health system. Labor, which has lost grip on its narrative around the mega project and the health system looked rattled.

The opposition has flirted with scrapping or amending the project since before the last election, party sources said. These same sources said Guy who has rebranded as Matt and his new chief of staff, Nick McGowan, reached for the rail loop policy to get the opposition out of the rut caused by a donor saga revealed in this newspaper.

But with the Coalition needing 18 seats to govern in its own right, few Liberal MPs deny the grim state of the broader party and the monumental task Guy faces to win.

Guy declared health will be the key issue of the campaign, but he will also deliver new policies on cost of living, which pollsters in both parties believe to be voters top priority with interest rates rising and real wages falling. To turn these concerns into seats, Guy probably needs to win them in the western and outer south-eastern suburbs, where his party has little presence or history.

In inner-eastern Malvern, the Liberal Partys state branch has about 500 members. In the western suburb of Werribee, it has about 60. The average age of members is in the 60s. Thats a measure of the challenge that confronts it.

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The prescient Victorian document that foretold the Liberal Partys crisis - The Age

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Five of Canada's nine women premiers have been conservatives, as well as its only woman prime minister

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First Reading is a daily newsletter keeping you posted on the travails of Canadian politicos, all curated by the National Posts own Tristin Hopper. To get an early version sent direct to your inbox every Monday to Thursday at 6:30 p.m. ET (and 9 a.m. on Saturdays), sign up here.

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In slightly more than two weeks, it seems likely that the United Kingdom will be swearing in its third-ever woman prime minister. And just like the other two, this ones going to be a Conservative.

Liz Truss, the U.K. foreign secretary, currently enjoys a commanding 22-point lead in the Conservative Party leadership race to replace Prime Minister Boris Johnson. If this lead holds when results are announced on Sept. 5, she can expect to be sworn in immediately as the U.K.s head of government.

Trusss elevation to 10 Downing Street would further highlight a unique political quirk shared between the United Kingdom and Canada. When it comes to breaking gender glass ceilings in electoral politics, the role has been disproportionately filled by women representing right-leaning parties.

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To date, the only two women to reach Britains highest elected office were leaders of the Conservative Party: Margaret Thatcher and Theresa May. Kim Campbell, Canadas first and to date only woman prime minister similarly headed the Progressive Conservatives.

Meanwhile, the leading centre-left parties in both Canada and the U.K. the Labour Party and the Liberal Party are both conspicuous for having never once elected a woman leader.

While the U.K. Labour Party has seen the occasional woman serving as interim leader, a woman has never won a party leadership race. The Liberal Party of Canada remains the only major Canadian party that hasnt even had a woman as acting leader. Although the Liberals last leadership election in 2013 was dominated by women, all of them were steamrolled by the candidacy of Justin Trudeau.

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In Canada, the trend of conservative women beating progressives to high office even holds up at the provincial level.

Canadas first-ever woman premier represented the right-leaning B.C. Social Credit Party. Rita Johnston got the job after the 1991 resignation of Bill Vander Zalm, and would later switch her allegiance to the upstart B.C. Conservative Party after the Socreds collapse.

Of the nine women who have ever headed a Canadian provincial government, slightly more than half have represented a right-wing option in the legislature. In addition to Johnston, the first woman premiers in both Manitoba (Heather Stefanson) and Newfoundland and Labrador (Kathy Dunderdale) were Progressive Conservatives. Christy Clark, who was B.C. premier for six years, headed the B.C. Liberals, a party that despite its name is the provinces main centre-right option.

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A fifth is Albertas Alison Redford, who headed the ostensibly centre-right Progressive Conservative Party of Alberta, but thanks to a quirk of Alberta politics ended up being the progressive option in the 2012 provincial election she fought against the more conservative Wildrose. Although, that election broke its own Canadian glass ceiling by being the first in which both primary party leaders were women: Redfords main opponent was Wildrose leader Danielle Smith.

Canadas other four female provincial leaders consist of two Liberals (Ontarios Kathleen Wynne, P.E.I.s Catherine Callbeck), one New Democrat (Albertas Rachel Notley) and Quebecs Pauline Marois, who headed the Parti Qubcois.

There are other countries whose first national leaders represented centre-right options, most notably Germany with Chancellor Angela Merkel, and New Zealand, with Prime Minister Jenny Shipley. But Canada and the U.K. are basically the only major democratic countries where it is the norm.

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While the United States has not elected a female president, the only woman ever nominated for a major party candidacy was Hillary Clinton for the Democratic Party. A Democrat was also the first female state governor.

Israels Golda Meir, one of historys first women to serve as prime minister, represented the countrys Labor Party. Indias Indira Gandhi, still the countrys only female prime minister, headed the left-leaning Indian National Congress. Norways first woman prime minister, Gro Brundtland, represented Labour. So did Australias first woman prime minister, Julia Gillard.

And while Canadian conservative parties may be comfortable with putting women in the top job, its a whole different story when it comes to basically any other electoral first.

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The first Canadian women to win office at the municipal, federal and provincial levels all represented progressive parties. Similarly, Canadas first LGBT politicians are represented almost exclusively by either Liberals or NDPs, a rule that also holds up for Canadians from Indigenous groups or other ethnic minorities.

The only real exceptions to this rule are Lincoln Alexander, Canadas first Black MP, and Douglas Jung, Canadas first-ever Chinese-Canadian MP: Both were elected as Progressive Conservatives.

Theres yet another case of Canadian hospital staff seeming to nudge a chronically ill patient towards killing themselves. Global News interviewed a Canadian Forces veteran suffering from PTSD who was casually offered the option of euthanasia during a conversation with a Veterans Affairs Canada employee. The story comes only days after a widely circulated Associated Press feature broke revelations about a patient in London, Ont., with a severe brain disorder being offered medically assisted death by a hospital ethicist who first reminded him that his treatment was costing the system north of $1,500 a day.

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ArriveCAN the mandatory COVID-screening smartphone notable for once sentencing 10,000 innocent Canadians to mandatory house arrest has garnered another enemy. A coalition of Chambers of Commerce representing border communities from Manitoba to New Brunswick has come out to urge the federal government to scrap the app, saying it kneecaps tourism, worsens supply chain problems and is bafflingly ineffective at preventing the spread of COVID ArriveCANs sole justification for existing. The coalition joins a diverse field of official ArriveCAN haters, including politicians on both sides of the border representing both left and right-wing parties. The government has lost all credibility on this app, and people dont trust it, says a recent web video by the extremely mustachioed Conservative MP Martin Shields.

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ArriveCAN has been glitchy, invasive, and added to the hold-up at airports. Not to mention it cost taxpayers $25 million. The government has lost all credibility on this app, and people don't trust it, but they insist on keeping it around. It's time to scrap the app. #cdnpoli pic.twitter.com/c7LPoJzRTK

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FIRST READING: Why Tories (and not Liberals) are way better at putting women in high office - National Post

Every day, Canadians lose their lives because of the toxic drug crisis its destroying communities and families. This week, the British Columbia Coroner released a report showing that the toxic drug crisis is escalating 10,000 people have lost their lives in B.C. alone since 2016.

We need to take immediate action to stop the devastation and grief that this public health crisis is causing. It is not about numbers; this is about preventing more loss and protecting the lives of our loved ones.

Instead of acting, the Liberals sat by and watched for seven years while people died it's appalling. Now, the Liberals have decided to take a patchwork approach to a national crisis by decriminalizing personal possession in B.C. It is unacceptable that the Liberals, after taking so long to act, have delivered a lackluster plan that does not address the severity of the crisis or help anyone outside of the Rockies.

There are solutions available that must be rapidly scaled up and developed not just provincially but nationally so that no more preventable deaths happen. New Democrats have called on the Liberals to introduce a national health strategy for fighting the toxic drug emergency. We need education and prevention, safer supply, harm reduction and treatment and recovery services.

Despite mounting losses and evidence, the Liberal government has doubled down on an incremental approach that is costing lives. New Democrats know that this is wrong thats why we proposed real solutions. But instead of listening, the Liberals teamed up with the Conservatives to follow the status quo. We know that the time for pilot projects has well passed.

The NDP will keep fighting so that parents stop prematurely burying their children. We will push the Liberals to adopt a comprehensive emergency response to turn the tide on this crisis."

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10000 lives lost in a single province but the Liberals still refuse to fight the drug crisis - New Democratic Party