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George, it wasnt geography and demographics that kept your party out of government, it was poor policy and incompetence. Scotty from Marketing didnt help either. John Bailey, Canterbury

The Liberal Party in the doldrums has less to do with geography and demography and more to do with ideological shifts within the party. The proud party of Menzies was never as conservative as it is today. Yes, it supported business but also ordinary families, which is why he was so admired and successful as PM. My suggestion would be the Liberals of today do a lot of reading up on Menzies, his thoughts and plans for a new Liberal Party. Glenys Quirk, Forster

Federal Opposition Leader Peter Dutton. Photo: Alex Ellinghausen

Brandis may appear to be taking a reasoned view of the state of the Liberal Party, but his bias is showing. Despite his many excuses, the Libs have simply lost touch with a large part of their voter base. They dont appear to be prepared to admit that their drift to the right is not popular with voters. Their negativity on a number of issues, particularly climate change, has ensured that better informed voters have left them behind. Derrick Mason, Boorowa

Brandis makes some accurate comments about the geography and demographic shifts that are detrimentally affecting the Liberal Partys electability. However, he fails to address the elephant in the room and that is the quality of the Liberals and indeed the Coalitions front bench team. They are clearly not fit for purpose as a viable alternative government. It is difficult to see how this issue can be improved in the short to medium term, no matter what analysis of voter demographic is undertaken. David Boyd, Bondi Beach

Dutton is dog whistling to an older, conservative regional group. In doing so, he is alienating himself and his party from the rest of Australia. The next election will be a lay-down misere for Labor. Nicholas Triggs, Katoomba

The premiers quest for public land for homes misses the point. In the inner city there is still public land available, but for private, not public, housing (, May 15). In Pyrmont, the previous government proposed to hand over the current Sydney Fish Markets site at Blackwattle Bay for private development, involving 36-storey residential towers above bulky podiums. It is not too late for the new government to require 30 per cent of any development on this site to be public and/or affordable housing, owned and managed by public government agencies. There are similar opportunities to reduce the huge waiting list for public housing by making available publicly owned land in the Bays West Precinct in Rozelle, plans for which have not yet been finalised. Elizabeth Elenius, Pyrmont

Illustration: Matt Golding Matt Golding

There appears to be no limit to the contempt that the Coalition has for the poor and disadvantaged. We now learn that the previous state government managed to flog off 7628 public houses to wealthy buyers, but only built 4500 replacements (, May 15). Thus, the new Labor government faces a huge housing backlog before it even begins to build for the hundreds of thousands of planned new tenants, not to mention homes for urgently needed frontline workers who need affordable housing right now. The current housing crisis will get even worse - expect even more homelessness, skyrocketing rents, increased social inequality and declining mental health. John Mackay, Asquith

Once again the Coalition shows their contempt for anything with the word public in front of it. Whether its housing, transport, health, education or broadcasting, the only conclusion that can be drawn is that the Coalition is a public menace. Phil Bradshaw, Naremburn

The Heralds expose into the rapacious flogging of billions of dollars of public housing stock invites the question - how many public houses were built using the proceeds of the 2019 Sirius building sale for $150 million? Mark Paskal, Austinmer

While it may be true that removing tax benefits for rental properties would lead to many being sold, thus causing a drop in property prices (May 15) I wonder if that would be an entirely bad thing. If property prices reduced substantially then many people currently locked out of buying would be able to get into their own property and property investors would do so with a more long-term view. That could mean more entry-level housing at affordable prices and maybe not so much difference to the rest? Or possibly since the price of buying was less, even slightly lower or at least stabilised rents? Sheryl Black, Coffs Harbour

Your correspondent sees negative gearing of residential property as preventing homelessness. This is an interesting take on this vexed and contentious issue. When budget week has come and gone like last weeks news, and sources of revenue vital for the ongoing maintenance of society highlighted, to allow residential property investment costs to be claimed against all sources of income to avoid tax, is favouring a few to the detriment of many. John Kingsmill, Fairlight

The news of a net loss in public housing is dispiriting. It is one thing to fail to make a difference on homelessness, its another to bank the money and go home to a warm house full of food. David Gunter, Surry Hills

Go bigger and go better, Premier. Increase the target to 50 per cent of all new homes on public land to be social, affordable or community housing. Geoffrey Williamson, Woollahra

Minns is set to rezone existing public green space to house the migrants under Albaneses plans. The alternative is to clear new land. Neither is an option to my liking.Jenny Greenwood, Hunters Hill

Which came first? The housing shortage or the tradie shortage? Eric Sekula, Turramurra

Louise Herron (, May 15) rightly claims the Sydney Opera House was an unlikely miracle; so much so that Utzon was surprised when it proceeded. But the design miracle she keenly boasts about lies hidden from view underfoot beneath the floors of the Concert Hall and Opera Theatre. The roof sails heavy thick concrete rib vaults are not remotely like the ones proposed in the Red Book of 1959 which used parabolic geometry, echoing Eero Saarinens Jefferson Memorial arch in the mall at St Louis, Missouri. Almost nothing is known about the origin of the Utzon design, beyond the fact that it was a late entry completed in a rush at the last minute with collaborator and Swedish architect Erik Andersson. After 50 years, isnt it time the Opera House supported a genuine research effort into the origin and inspiration of Utzons design? Before any further tampering and improvements are undertaken, should we not have answers to fully understand its essence? Philip Drew, Annandale

When I attended a test concert at the recently completed Sydney Opera House on April 1, 1973, the current valuation of $6 billion would have been inconceivable. After an initial budget of $7 million, the final cost was more than $50 million and everyone was just glad to see it finally finished. Back then, after so much controversy, the interior seemed gloriously luxurious. Photography was permitted and I still have slides of the sparkling pink seats, the soaring concrete arches overhead, the tall flutes of the organ, the harbour view from the North Foyer, even the glass doughnuts over the stage. Its the Sydney icon beloved by Australians and what all tourists want to see and photograph. Its recognised all over the world. Who could possibly put a valuation on that? Judith Rostron, Killarney Heights

Its a tough ask, Louise Herron, to encourage today the same adventurous spirit that brought us the Sydney Opera House. Today were ruled by the dollar, not the spirit. Greg Baker, Fitzroy Falls

My father never taught me all that much about women, but he did impart one crucial lesson to me when I was a teenager: women are people, not meat (, May 15). Ive never forgotten that conversation. Even if pornography is teaching teenage boys the wrong lessons about sex, the bigger problem is ineffectual fathers failing to teach their sons the right ones instead. Children should be learning from their parents, not from the internet, and the onus should be on the adults responsible for their upbringing. James Short, Belmore

Pornography is poorly regulated, and no doubt wishes to remain so. Five billion accessing porn per month, or 62 per cent of the worlds population, is BIG business. Now the evidence is out that porn harms children and women and regulation left to parents and schools is ragtag. It sounds like a job for government to introduce legislation to minimise harm to our population. Anne Matheson, Gordon

What is this obsession that the ABC has with appealing to younger audiences (, May 15)? Does it not realise that there were good reasons for why my generation stayed loyal to the ABC from the time we were teenagers? None of those programs we enjoyed then were particularly targeted at young people, apart from the rock station 2JJ, and GTK and Countdown on TV, but they were appealing simply because they were innovative, challenging, intelligent and well-made. The ABCs focus now should be on content attracting talent in programming, journalism and broadcasting, producing the best in local content, buying quality overseas programs or imitating their formats. It should avoid the slickly commercial, the superficial appeals to a wider audience and the tedious self-promotion. Only then will it differentiate itself in the marketplace by being a consistently high-quality service that justifies its existence and contributes richly to Australian society. Lyndall Nelson, Goulburn

Its good to see at least one ABC person commenting on the loss of ABC radio dedicated listeners. What has driven us away? Ads, ads, ads ad nauseam. ABC, if youre going to promote the ABC, promote it on commercial radio and TV. Your dedicated listeners are already listening: well, we were. Music programs filled with endless chatter instead of music. Two, or even three, announcers having a talkfest among themselves, instead of announcers who know how to genuinely talk to the audience. On TV, a truly disturbing voice that, within milliseconds of program credits rolling, shouts mindless inanities at us. Usually something about an explosive forthcoming episode. What has exploded is ABCs quality. Peter Thompson, Grenfell

The article on the ABCs declining ratings in radio is interesting but fails to address a core problem with the ABC generally in the minds of mainstream Australia it is Sydney-centric. A former Victorian ABC News director observed in 2018 that the news bulletins in all states are directed by the newsroom in Ultimo. The diminishing group of ABC radio listeners in the other state capitals have tired of this Ultimo provincialism and bulletins that lack relevance to the 21 million mainstream Australians. The problem extends to television news services (particularly the news channel 24) which, in their contents and tone, are even more markedly driven by an Ultimo perspective. A capacity to produce a balanced federal news service that is relevant to the 80 per cent of the nation that lives beyond Sydney seems to be impossible. Sydney listeners and viewers may not see this the ABC is producing a product for them, instead of Australia. Whatever the outcome of Ultimo navel-gazing, I suspect nothing will change, other than for the worse and ratings will decline further. That the ABC is proposing to relocate some operations to Parramatta, says it all really. Brian Kidd, Mt Waverley

I dont care what John Howard thinks. He probably doesnt care what I think. But to say sports people should not comment about the Voice is bloody political censorship. He always was out of date and out of time. Witness same-sex marriage, the rise of feminism and the struggle of transgender people. Howard and his band of conservatives always back the wrong horses. I wouldnt take him to the races. John Rome, Mt Lawley

Sean Kelly says Opposition Leader Peter Dutton has benefitted from the oddity of when an MP becomes leader of a major party we let them start again (, May 15). However, cannot the same be said of Anthony Albanese who has reincarnated to a centrist prime minister? Previously, he was a warrior of Labors socialist left who only 11 years ago said I like fighting Tories. Thats what I do. Riley Brown, Bondi Beach

I dont have the intellect to appreciate Pollock. Tim Wynn Jones, Homebush

Perhaps Labor is deferring to a more ancient authority than Keynes (Letters, May 15) in sticking to the stage three tax cuts: Though the sky falls in, we wont change our mind. Meredith Williams, Northmead

Online comment from one of the stories that attracted the most reader feedback yesterday on smh.com.au

From MJ: Tax avoidance is a big deal in Australia. Although Id like to see the ATO chase big corporate offenders who hire people to purposely exploit loopholes.

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Brandis blind to Liberals real problems - Sydney Morning Herald

We must seriously rethink our current trajectory of loosening restrictions on casual gun ownership and engage more deeply about our culture of violence and the supply of guns in our communities.

Lang Wiseman| Guest Columnist

Thousands link arms from Vanderbilt to Capitol to push for gun reform

Thousands gathered and linked arms Tuesday, April 18, 2023 along a route from Monroe Carrel Jr. Children's Hospital at Vanderbilt to the Tennessee Capitol on Tuesday evening in a push for stronger laws.

Kiana Billings, Nashville Tennessean

When I was in grade school, we had tornado drills. These days, my children our children have active shooter drills. Let that sink in.

We demand that our children practice hiding from people we know may come to kill them. And yet when it actually happens, over and over again, even here in our own backyard in Tennessee, we cant seem to break free of the partisan battle lines honed for years by political operatives and media outlets who profit from division and outrage.

I am a longtime conservative who came up through the ranks. I paid my dues and worked closely with elected officials. Ive been in public service myself, and I own guns and wouldnt hesitate to use them to defend my loved ones. Ive been a member of the NRA. But weve reached a point where we must revisit our culture of guns. Enough is enough.

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The issues are complex, and theres plenty of fault to go around. The loud extremes on both sides revel in toxicity that chokes out rational thought and common sense. Liberals seem willing to disregard the Constitution and often display little understanding of the very guns they demand to regulate, making it all too easy for conservatives to dismiss them.

For their part, conservatives refuse even to engage in debate for fear its a trap toward eliminating guns altogether.

Liberals respond with contempt, portraying conservatives as loving guns more than children. Conservatives point out that bad guys dont follow rules anyway, so why make it harder for law-abiding citizens to protect their families? After all, guns dont kill people; people do.

But sometimes bad people do ruin things for everyone else. Mass shootings are now commonplace, and weve reached the point where guns are the leading cause of death of our children. Our society has changed. Our culture has changed. And the mental health condition of our country has changed. We are in crisis, and we cannot ignore the reality of this cultural moment.

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In every other field of study and business we constantly evaluate and measure performance and adapt our approach and policies to key environmental variables in the marketplace. Why should this be any different?

So where do we start? We must first double down on school security and school hardening, which our governor has been prioritizing for some time, both monetarily and programmatically. We need more of that. Now.

But we cant stop there. We need better legal tools to keep and remove guns from people who show warning signs of violence. Some claim we already have mental health laws on the books, but dont be fooled. Our existing laws were never designed to manage these life and death situations. Family and friends often see the warnings signs, and we must reinvent and expand our laws to timely and effectively respond before tragedy strikes. Many will argue that such legal tools are not perfect, but we are well beyond the point of allowing perfect to be the enemy of good.

Beyond that, we must seriously rethink our current trajectory of loosening restrictions on casual gun ownership and engage more deeply about our culture of violence and the supply of guns in our communities. That will require us to embrace the spirit of humility and grace and openness to meaningful dialogue and thoughtful compromise. And that will mean having the courage to stand up to our own political extremes on both sides. Indeed, while it may take courage to stand up to our enemies, it often requires a great deal more to stand up to our friends.

Lang Wiseman is a partner at Baker Donelson law firm. He previously served as deputy to the governor and chief counsel in Gov. Bill Lee's administration.

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Liberals and conservatives must stop fighting and find solutions to ... - Commercial Appeal

One reason often suggested is demography: younger voters are increasingly alienated from conservative parties. Yet, it was ever thus: the Liberal Partys past electoral success was never based on capturing the under 30s. The loss of younger voters is actually a problem common to both major parties. If you are under 25, you are as likely to vote Green as you are to vote Labor; that trend is set to continue.

Peter Dutton meets locals in his north Brisbane seat of Dickson. Paul Harris

At least as important to the Liberals current woes as demography, is geography. The Liberal Party is today less representative of metropolitan Australia than it has ever been. Add to that the proportionately larger influence within the Coalition of the National Party whose electoral base has held firm while the Liberals bled marginal seats in the cities and the opposition today is overwhelmingly a party of regional voices.

This is evident in the makeup of the Coalition leadership. Not one of the six who occupy leadership positions comes from Sydney or Melbourne. The largest city represented in the leadership group is Brisbane (Peter Duttons electorate Dickson is on Brisbanes northern outskirts). The two Senate leaders (Simon Birmingham and Michaelia Cash) come from the smaller capital cities (Adelaide and Perth respectively).

Of the other three (Liberal Deputy Sussan Ley, and the Nationals leaders David Littleproud and Perin Davey) two hail from southern NSW and one from western Queensland. Most of the other senior frontbenchers also live in regional Australia, including Angus Taylor (Goulburn), Dan Tehan (western Victoria), Barnaby Joyce (New England) and Ted OBrien (Sunshine Coast). Of the 24 members of Duttons shadow cabinet, only seven slightly more than a quarter are from Australias three largest cities.

The weighting away from the large cities is even more pronounced in the opposition party room. Of the 56 Coalition members of the House of Representatives, only 16 represent electorates in Australias eight capitals (Sydney, 7; Melbourne, 2; Brisbane, 4; Perth, 2; Adelaide, 1; Hobart, 0; Canberra, 0; Darwin, 0). The aggregate population of the capital cities is about 17.5 million more than two-thirds of Australias 26 million people. Yet the capital city electorates represented by Liberal MPs are barely more than 10 per cent of the House of Representatives. Even taking into account senators, most of whom are capital-city based, the figures do not get a lot better.

By far the largest proportion of Coalition MPs comes from Queensland: 21 of the 56. As I well know, having represented the state in the Senate for 18 years, Queensland is predominantly regional in character. It is the only mainland state where most of the population lives outside the capital city. While the politics of NSW are dominated by Sydney and the politics of Victoria are largely about Melbourne, the politics of Queensland are not, primarily, the politics of Brisbane, which is often radically at variance from the rest of the state.

Modern Brisbane is a progressive city within a conservative state. While regional Queensland is the bastion of One Nation, Brisbane elects more Green MPs than Melbourne. Only four of the 21 Queensland Coalition MPs come from Brisbane. The other 17 more than 30 per cent of all Coalition MPs are from regional Queensland, as are most of the senators.

In Queensland, the Liberal and National Parties merged in 2008 to form the LNP. In that merger, the regionally based National Party was by far the strongest element, the Brisbane-based Liberals very much a minority. The LNPs animating spirit is less Sir Robert Menzies than Sir Joh Bjelke-Petersen.

Although in Canberra, LNP MPs are allocated between the Liberal and National parties, at home they are expected to be unreservedly LNP. Dutton (who supported the merger) is proclaimed not as the next Liberal prime minister but the first LNP prime minister. If one aggregates the LNP MPs with the nine NSW and Victorian Nationals, the number of Coalition MPs who are actually members of the Liberal Party in their home state is fewer than half (26 out of 56).

The strength of regional Queensland in Coalition politics is a mixed blessing for Dutton. Obviously, it presents a mighty electoral bulwark. Yet the very strength of that bulwark steers the Coalition in directions which, while popular in the north, are often unpalatable to voters in southern capitals or in Brisbane itself. Since the Coalition has maxed out on the number of Queensland seats it can win, there is no further electoral dividend there. But the bulwark can be an impediment to reaching swing voters in the metropolitan south.

Barnaby Joyce in his seat of New England. Supplied

The politics of regional Australia are very different from the politics of metropolitan Australia. The average voter is typically older, poorer and more wary of change someone who is more likely to see reform as a threat than an opportunity. Regional Australia is less culturally diverse. Its social attitudes are less liberal. It is more dependent upon the old economy of mining and agriculture than the digital and services economy of the big cities. It often feels disempowered, and that sense of disempowerment can sometimes provoke a defensive parochialism. It represents a shrinking proportion of the population.

Although much has been written about the flight from the Liberal Party of inner-city elites in the context of teal victories in wealthy electorates such as Wentworth, North Sydney and Kooyong, the Liberal Partys deeper problem as was evident from the Aston byelection is its loss of touch with suburban Australia. That has always been the core constituency of successful Liberal governments: Menzies forgotten people, Howards battlers, Tonys tradies.

The domination of the Coalition by conservative regionalism is an important cause of its alarming disconnect from suburban, big-city dwelling, more liberal, multicultural Australia. And increasingly, the Tweed River is replacing the Murray as the key fault-line of non-Labor politics.

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Why is the Liberal Party in the doldrums? Its a question of geography - Sydney Morning Herald

Susan Holt is leader of the New Brunswick Liberal Party. Image: Submitted

New Brunswicks Liberal Party has released a new report with ways it says will help address the housing crisis.

The report includes 25 action items directed at the government under six focus areas, including:

The action items were putting forward are inspired and shaped by folks across the province, and were optimistic that by bringing everyone to the table government, developers, non-profits, and New Brunswickers we can ensure everyone has a place to call home, Liberal leader Susan Holt said in a news release.

The report comes as the province works to develop a housing strategy which is set to be released in June.

Liberal housing expert Benot Bourque says the province is changing and diversifying but our housing sector is not changing with it.

We need to start re-imagining and building housing developments now so that we can be a leader well into the future, said Bourque.

You can read the full report by clicking here.

Regional news director for Acadia Broadcasting's New Brunswick radio stations. A self-described weather geek who wakes up way before the sun to keep you informed.

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Liberals release recommendations to address housing crisis - country94.ca

Testing an out-there idea: Lger was curious what would happen if the Liberals and NDP were to run one candidate between the two parties in every riding an extremely hypothetical scenario. Pollsters asked people for their thoughts on a one-time alliance, not a full-fledged merger.

The results: Although a LPC-NDP alliance would likely to defeat the Conservatives, it would not crush the right-of-center party.

Lgers poll shows that, under current conditions, the Conservatives lead in voting intentions with 36 percent of support nationwide, six points ahead of the Liberals at 30 percent. The New Democrats hover near 19 percent, which is their usual level of support.

The LPC-NDP alliance would collect 41 percent of support across the country, two points ahead of the Conservatives, who would garner 39 percent.

Election math: As separate parties the Liberals and NDP would win the support of nearly half the electorate (49 percent, a share similar to the 2021 election). Together, theyd only pick up 41 percent.

The breakdown: Overall, 89 percent of Liberal voters would back an LPC-NDP alliance; only 75 percent of NDP voters would do the same. The Conservative block would remain intact with 96 percent retention.

The end result: With 41 percent of the vote and favorable regional numbers (see below), this hypothetical alliance would likely beat the Conservatives in a general election.

Using Lgers numbers, the 338Canada model estimates it would win around 175 seats against about 130 seats for the Conservatives. It would be a win for the alliance, but barely above the majority threshold in the seat count.

The short-term gains could well lead to long-term pains, a victory likely to become unstable with the wear and tear of time.

Lets quickly look at the regional breakdown.

Ontario: Lger measures the Conservatives ahead by four points in Ontario (37 percent to 33 percent). When asked about a speculative alliance, 46 percent of Ontario respondents would support it, while 39 percent would side with the Conservatives.

As separate parties, the LPC and NDP would amass 56 percent of the Ontario vote, according to Lger. Together, their share would drop to 46 percent. In that scenario, the Conservatives, Greens and the Peoples Party would fare better by a few points.

Quebec: In Quebec, Lger measures a statistical tie between the Liberals (31 percent) and the Bloc Qubcois (30 percent). The CPC takes a distant third with 19 percent, while the New Democrats amass only 14 percent.

How would Quebec voters react to an LPC-NDP alliance?

The LPC-NDP combo would take first place with 37 percent, but with a proportion of voters dramatically lower than the sum of its parts (45 percent). In fact, given the size of the Quebec subsample, the LPC-NDP alliance would still be in a statistical tie with the Bloc Qubcois (34 percent), which would pick up four points. Seat-wise, the Quebec landscape would be eerily similar to the one revealed after recent elections.

Western Canada: Potential seat gains for an LPC-NDP alliance would be limited. In British Columbia, the alliance would not do better than a tie against the Conservatives. In Alberta and the Prairies, the CPC would retain their dominance in seats and vote totals.

The bottom line: In Canadian politics, the party that wins the center, wins elections. The center may be a moving target, but the point remains that neither of the main parties will benefit by migrating too far to either side of the spectrum.

With Poilievre taking the CPC to the right, appealing to his hardcore base with an anti-CBC and anti-elite stance, Liberals need to be wary of the siren call that is further rapprochement with the NDP. Lgers numbers suggest it could be a one-time hit with limited long-term upside.

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338Canada: What if the Liberals and NDP were to join forces on the campaign? - POLITICO