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Prime Minister Justin Trudeau, Finance Minister Chrystia Freeland and cabinet ministers speak before tabling of the federal budget on Parliament Hill in Ottawa, on April 16.Justin Tang/The Canadian Press

For nearly a decade, the Liberals have been a borrow-and-spend government, going so far as to preach the absolute virtue of debt financing.

But the party of borrow and spend is no more, with the government venturing in the 2024 budget that it would be irresponsible and unfair to pass on more debt to the next generations.

Unfortunately for Canadians, the upshot of that thought is not a move to restrain federal spending in order to limit the rise in debt.

Instead, Ottawas spending spree will continue but will now be financed with hefty new taxes, totalling $21.9-billion over five years.

The borrow-and-spend Liberals have been replaced by the tax-and-spend Liberals.

In a very limited way, that is good news: the Liberals will hit the fiscal marks that Finance Minister Chrystia Freeland promised last year in the Fall Economic Statement. Tax increases will offset some of the inflationary impact of higher federal spending. Even so, debt charges are forecast to rise to $64.3-billion by fiscal 2029, up from $35-billion in fiscal 2023, as the outlook for interest rates ticks up. That trend underscores the fiscal dangers lurking later this decade.

More broadly, Canada faces a productivity crisis (although that is not among the many crises enumerated in the budget) that threatens to erode this countrys living standards and erase the hopes for a more prosperous future. In fairness, the budget does sound the alarm over Canadas prosperity problem: Looking forward, we have an urgent need to increase productivity to grow the Canadian economy.

The Liberals then proceed to attempt to ignore those concerns. The recent decline in GDP per capita? That is a temporary phenomenon, driven by a surge in immigration, that will fade as newcomers integrate into the Canadian economy, the budget ventures. An interesting thesis and one at least partly at odds with the governments plan to ramp up permanent immigration this decade.

Acknowledging the extent of the problem would require doing something about it: reducing regulatory barriers to investment, bolstering the profit incentive for private investment and loosening Ottawas grip on the economy.

The Liberals head in the opposite direction, in the name of fairness. Program spending is slated to rise to 16 per cent of GDP in the current fiscal year, up from 15.6 per cent last year.

There are no broad-based tax cuts, but rather a significant increase in the taxation of capital gains, by boosting the inclusion rate to two-thirds, up from 50 per cent, for gains above $250,000. Those higher taxes are only slightly offset by boutique tax credits and investment incentives, yet another way for the government to intervene in the market economy.

The program allowing for accelerated capital cost allowances for corporations is still being phased out, even as a program targeted at information-technology expenditures is introduced. Too bad if a companys plan for boosting profits, productivity and pay doesnt centre on computers. Similarly, there is favourable tax treatment for entrepreneurs capital gains but only in favoured sectors.

And yet, there are nuggets within the federal budget that could have been the start of an ambitious agenda to jump-start the Canadian economy.

The information-technology tax break could be a good start to spurring an investment surge. The government is, wisely, taking aim at the lengthy process for regulatory approvals for major projects. Returning fuel charge revenue to small businesses, while long overdue, is preferable to an overly intricate grants program.

There are hints of what a push to roll back the public sector might look like: Ottawa will sell off a big chunk of its office space. The public service will shrink through attrition (although not by nearly enough to offset the hiring spree under the Trudeau government). Most intriguingly, the Liberals are opening the door to private sector investment in airports, which would be an elegant response to the calls to boost pension fund investment in Canada.

That could have been the nucleus of a pro-growth budget, one that would have been far less worried about income redistribution and much more concerned about creating wealth in the first place.

Fairness is a fine thing, but all the fairness in the world wont fix Canadas prosperity problem.

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Globe editorial: The Liberals move from borrow and spend, to tax and spend - The Globe and Mail

Uri Berliner, a journalist of a certain age, has been feeling some heartburn over what has been transpiring at his longtime employer, National Public Radio.

In a nuanced and thoughtful essay on the website The Free Press, founded by Bari Weiss and Nellie Bowles, Berliner detailed what he has seen as egregious liberal bias at his employer. Among Berliners most notable charges: the networks refusal to admit that its oft-told story of the Trump presidential campaign colluding with Russia was a canard, even after Robert Mueller found no evidence of collusion; NPRs determination to keep ignoring the clearly relevant Hunter Biden laptop story, even in the face of evidence that it contained politically relevant details of Biden family business dealings; and its stubborn refusal to take the lab leak theory of COVID origin seriously, clinging to the idea it was a right-wing conspiracy theory, even as more and more evidence was pointing in that direction.

In essence, looking back at the last presidential campaign, Berliner argued that the station had unethically refused to run anything that it thought might help Trump. And, therefore, NPR had thus changed from a neutral news outfit, following the facts, to a cabal of advocates for one side of the political divide.

We suspect few of our readers would be surprised to hear evidence that NPR has a liberal bias, both nationally and within its local affiliates. And well point out that in all three of the cases cited above, the issue perhaps wasnt so much political bias so much as a reluctance to admit mistakes had been made in past coverage or follow up sufficiently when theres new evidence. We journalists hate to fess up as a breed; only the best of us do so in a timely and complete way. In all three cases, those same charges also have been credibly leveled against The New York Times and others. Even many progressive journalists in many newsrooms quietly acknowledge those errors. The pendulum swung too far, and its swung back only a little.

But Berliner, whose point of view is shared among veterans of many newsrooms, was actually defending a particular brand of journalistic thinking: Its true NPR has always had a liberal bent, but during most of my tenure here, an open-minded, curious culture prevailed, he wrote. We were nerdy, but not knee-jerk, activist, or scolding. In recent years, however, that has changed.

Hes right, of course. So what happened? Part of the answer is the chicken-and-egg segmentation of the audience: the reason all the late-night comedy hosts are progressives is that like-minded viewers are watching TV at that hour. The Times has mostly urban liberals as its subscribers, so it fiscally behooves it to super-serve them.

Part of the answer has to be the rise of critical race theory and the George Floyd-induced reckoning, wherein old-line centrism came to be seen by many on the left as unhelpful at best or a continuance of historical racism at worst. And a big part of the blame goes to Donald J. Trump, who convinced plenty of young journalists he was such a threat to democracy that refusing to write a story which might help him win the presidency was a patriotic act. Of course, that only backfired, as we all now can see. But plenty of smart, leftist journalists still openly decry both-sidesism, once a defining ethos of journalists in a free society.

And then, of course, there is the media mogul Rupert Murdoch, whose outlets became so conservative that the old centrists worried they were falling into the same trap that snared Democrats at the 1991 Anita Hill/Clarence Thomas hearings: Hill faced Republican prosecutors, cautiously neutral Democrats and had no defense counsel. It was crushingly unfair. Lots of newspeople, especially women, dont want to see that happen again on their watch. Not with Trump around.

So what to do? The idea that were going to see a sudden resurgence of open-minded thinking and ideological de-emphasis is probably pie in the sky, as helpful as that would be for those of us who dislike Americas political extremes. Take, for example, CNN reporter Oliver Darcys coverage of a piece he clearly hated: Regardless of the questionable merits of Berliners sweeping conclusions, Darcy wrote, ironically confirming the premise of the article he was critiquing, his piece has been nothing short of a massive gift to the right, which has made vilifying the news media its top priority in recent years.

If thats CNNs response to a thoughtful critique, thats a problem. As a journalist, Berliner shouldnt be worrying about what a political movement could, or even will, do with his piece: his job is to state the evidence and make his point. Of all organizations, CNN should see that. We certainly do.

We commend Berliners courage in taking a stand that probably alienated him from many of his colleagues. We think it has good lessons for all news organizations, and its equally applicable to those on the right. Journalism has become a lot like nuclear proliferation and deterrence; someone has to have the courage to disarm. For the sake of the country.

Theres a business case to be made here too. The best news outlets, columnists and editorializers have the capacity to surprise readers and viewers, and dont hesitate to do so. Predictability is a turnoff for readers and listeners. If you know what someone is going to say about something in advance, youre more inclined not to bother finding out.

Journalists are doing a lot of fretting these days about AI and a possible dystopian future in which that technology eliminates their jobs. One way to ward off that threat is to surprise people. Its easer to replicate a publication and its writers if theyre beating the same drum all the time.

Still, were optimists when it comes to our profession. We see some wise newsroom heads, not all of them old, who realize that foregrounding ideology or political mission doesnt help report the news or summon the courage to stand up to journalists who are activists in disguise. Plenty of courageous newsroom stands are taken, often with little notice, as facts lead in inconvenient directions, as they so often do.

The Chicago Tribune

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Other voices: Liberal bias at NPR, old-school journalism and the reluctance to admit a mistake - St. Paul Pioneer Press

Next Tuesday, the European Parliament will vote on its mandate to negotiate the new European rules on retail investment with EU member states. The vote will take place because the Socialists and Democrats challenged the harmful mandate agreed on by the conservatives and liberals, who joined forces with the far right.*

The S&Ds contest the mandate for being overly industry-friendly and for failing to protect small investors, which should be the purpose of this new law. Instead, it goes against consumers' interests and undermines the capital markets union, which is unacceptable for our Group.

Eero Heinluoma, S&D negotiator on the EU retail investment legislation, said:

Europeans should be able to save for their own pension, not for the pension of their bankers. That is why the S&Ds contest the harmful deal on the new retail investment rules brokered by the conservatives and liberals in collaboration with the far right. This deal would seriously harm small investors and undermine the capital markets union.

The choice is simple protect small investors, or side with the far right and protect bankers interests. We urge the liberals and conservatives to make the right call and protect consumers, give a clear no to conflicts of interest in financial advice and be true to their vow to not cooperate with the extreme right.

Jons Fernndez, S&D spokesperson on economic and monetary affairs, said:

For a long time, the S&Ds have been calling for retail investment rules focused on people to ensure the protection of small investors when seeking financial advice to secure their life savings and put money aside for their retirement or for a rainy day.

The new EU retail investment legislation could have been an opportunity to put citizens' interests first. Unfortunately, the final deal, brokered by the liberals in collaboration with the far right, will not lead to a fundamental change in existing business practices. Even minor improvements proposed by the Commission, such as the partial ban on inducements, have been completely discarded. For our political family, this is unacceptable." **

Notes to editors:

* In March, the European Parliaments committee on economic affairs adopted the report and the mandate on the new retail investment rules with the majority obtained by conservatives and liberals, joining forces with the far right. Unless contested by at least 71 MEPs, the committees outcome becomes the Parliaments position. The S&D Group contested the mandate, which led to the plenary vote expected next Tuesday.

**Most financial advisers in Europe receive inducements or 'sales commissions when recommending investment products to clients, instead of charging a transparent advice fee. This leads to biased financial advice, with advisers recommending products that offer higher commission payments for them.

The S&Ds have long been advocating for a full ban on biased financial advice, or an inducement ban, as already implemented in the Netherlands and the UK. This would have been the most effective measure to end potential conflicts of interests, protect small investors and ensure that financial markets truly work for people. This is also supported by the Commission's own impact assessment.

Last May, following extensive industry lobbying, the European Commission proposed at least a partial ban on inducements in case of non-advised sales, which would be a bare minimum to improve the damaging status quo.

However, the liberal rapporteur on this file, Stphanie Yon-Courtin, supported by the conservatives and the far right, fully removed this partial ban from the Parliaments mandate and weakened many other safeguards introduced in the proposal.

Even Commissioner for capital markets, Mairead McGuinness, who presented the legislative proposal, publicly expressed her disappointment with the outcome in the European Parliament.

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S&Ds contest harmful deal on the new EU retail investment law, brokered by liberals in cooperation with the far right - Socialists & Democrats

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Iona Campagnolo waves to a group of chanting protesters prior to the Speech from the Throne at the B.C. Legislature in Victoria on Feb. 13, 2007.Deddeda Stemler/The Canadian Press

With her inexhaustible energy, captivating presence and scrappy demeanour, Iona Campagnolo cut a vivacious swath through Canadas often staid political landscape. A freewheeling cabinet minister in the administration of Pierre Elliott Trudeau and perhaps the most headline-grabbing president the federal Liberal Party ever had, she radiated a star quality that, at its peak in the 1980s, had many promoting her as the Liberals future political leader, entreaties she rejected. During a long career that began in the isolated West Coast outport city of Prince Rupert and ended with six high-profile years as lieutenant-governor of British Columbia, she earned a reputation for getting things done in every post she held. And she was never dull.

Her outspoken, no-holds-barred style wasnt always appreciated, leading some on Parliament Hill to brand her the Lady with the Hobnailed Boots, a nickname that delighted her. But once the political dust she raised had died down, she became known, appropriately, as the Woman of Firsts. Ms. Campagnolo was Canadas first minister of fitness and amateur sport, the first female president of a major political party, the founding and first chancellor of the University of Northern British Columbia, and the first woman to serve as B.C.s viceroy.

Despite this record of achievement, however, nothing attracted more national attention than the time Liberal Prime Minister John Turner gave the striking Ms. Campagnolo, then party president, a friendly pat on the posterior while on the campaign trail in 1984. Captured on camera, it was the bum pat felt around the country. Unoffended, Ms. Campagnolo quickly returned the gesture, saying it was womano a mano, and Mr. Turner blustered afterward that it was just like slapping a guy on the back. But the damage had been done. At a time when feminism was on the rise, the highly publicized incident reinforced a perception that Mr. Turner, newly returned to politics, was out of touch. It exacerbated the Liberals cascading fortunes that led to the landslide victory by Brian Mulroney and the Progressive Conservatives.

The event was unfortunate for Ms. Campagnolo, as well. The resulting notoriety, which had nothing to do with her, was demeaning for someone who had championed feminism and blazed a trail for women in politics. It also detracted from her own extraordinary story.

A single mother with Grade 12 education and a stopgap Liberal candidate in the 1974 federal candidate, she upset the NDPs venerable Frank Howard, who had held the Skeena riding in north-west B.C. for 17 years. They thought I was from Mars, Ms. Campagnolo recalled of coming from a riding as remote from the corridors of power as any in Canada. Two years later, the rookie MP found herself in cabinet. Mr. Trudeau had taken a shine to Ms. Campagnolo for her moxie in expressing views on controversial issues that did not adhere to government policy. She was an ardent supporter of a womans right to choose, while opposing the abolition of capital punishment and a proposed gun-control measure.

Iona Campagnolo in Montreal in June, 1985. Ms. Campagnolo was Canadas first minister of fitness and amateur sport, the first female president of a major political party, the founding and first chancellor of the University of Northern British Columbia, and the first woman to serve as B.C.s viceroy.Ryan Remiorz/The Canadian Press

Her potential had also been spotted by no less than former prime minister John Diefenbaker, who noted her capabilities at a treaty signing in Saskatchewan. She was there in her initial government role as parliament secretary to the Minister of Indian Affairs. Mr. Diefenbaker told those assembled: It wont be long before shes a minister.

Though she had never even been to a hockey game, Ms. Campagnolo, who died April 4 at the age of 91, was appointed Minister of State for Fitness and Amateur Sport in the fall of 1976. It was considered a minor post, but she approached the new portfolio with characteristic gusto. Taking dead aim at the proverbial 60-year-old Swede, famously reputed to be more fit than the vast majority of Canadians, she toured the country, preaching the gospel of physical fitness, startling one citizens group, by proclaiming: I cant give you pablum. Ive come to provoke you!

She also increased government funding for amateur sport, charging sports organizations with producing elite athletes to improve Canadas performance in international competition, before professional athletes were allowed.

Calgary organizers considered her early support and government financial help key to the citys successful bid for the 1988 Winter Olympics. When Ms. Campagnolo visited a winter training camp for Canadian athletes in Cuba, a bemused Fidel Castro showed up, boasting of his own athletic prowess. Ms. Campagnolo invited him to the West Coast for a spot of salmon fishing.

Dazzled by her looks, stylish wardrobe and refreshing candour, male reporters couldnt stop objectifying and writing about her. The unfortunate fact has been that she is a good-looking woman in a glamour-starved House of Commons, one columnist reflected.

Her meteoric rise came crashing down in 1979, when Ms. Campagnolo lost Skeena to the NDPs Jim Fulton and the Liberals lost power, nationally. She returned to politics three years later with a bold run for presidency of the Liberal Party, pledging to reform the party by bringing its affairs out of smoke-filled back rooms and into the open.

Touring virtually every riding in the country, Ms. Campagnolo became one of the best-known political figures in Canada. But she couldnt stem the tide of public opinion running against the Liberals, who had recaptured government in 1980. After Mr. Trudeau resigned, Ms. Campagnolo presided over a raucous leadership convention, famously declaring candidate Jean Chrtien first in our hearts, before announcing John Turner as the winner.

Iona Victoria Hardy was born in Vancouver on Oct. 18, 1932, but spent her childhood on Galiano Island in the Straight of Georgia, where her ancestors first settled in 1882. Her father, Kenneth Hardy, was a maintenance foreman at North Pacific Cannery on the Skeena River. He returned south to his family when the fishing season ended. Her mother, Rosamond, inspired Iona at an early age to forge her own path, regardless of what was expected from women in those conservative times.

After a few years, the family moved up north to the string of fish canneries outside Prince Rupert known as Cannery Row. Ionas playmates were Indigenous and Japanese-Canadian children, whose parents worked in the canneries. The experience implanted in her a strong sense of anti-racism and respect for Indigenous rights she maintained throughout her life.

As a young teenager, Iona began working summers in the canneries, earning 42 cents an hour gutting fish. After the family moved into Prince Rupert, she quickly immersed herself in community activities. As a high-schooler, she fundraised for the Red Cross, standing outside the local movie theatre and imploring patrons to donate. She was secretary of the Haida chapter of the charitable organization IODE, senior class president and an eager participant in a junior citizens program that allowed students to learn the workings of city hall.

Ms. Campagnolo returned to the public eye in 2001 as B.C.s lieutenant-governor, putting her personal stamp on yet another public position.RICHARD LAM/The Canadian Press

Also passionate about theatre, she became a driving force behind the Prince Rupert Little Theatre, designing costumes for most of their productions and winning a best actress award in British Columbias yearly one-act play festival.

Her poise and good looks did not go unnoticed. She modelled swimsuits, and was chosen as high school prom queen, Miss Prince Rupert and the citys contestant for the crown of Miss PNE at the annual Pacific National Exhibition in Vancouver. A few months shy of her 20th birthday, she married local fisherman Louis Campagnolo. The couple had two children. They drifted apart and eventually divorced as Ms. Campagnolo became increasingly embroiled in politics.

In 1967, she spearheaded a group of women known as the Marching Mothers who confronted union picket lines with fierce protests during a bitter, complicated strike by the United Fishermen and Allied Workers Union. The women preferred a local union over the UFAWU and denounced its Communist Party-affiliated leadership. In his memoir, union president Homer Stevens said he had never seen such looks of hatred in all his years in the labour movement. In the end, the UFAWU was decertified at the local fishermens co-op.

Ms. Campagnolo was first elected as a school trustee in Prince Rupert in 1966. She spent the next six years as chair of the school board. In 1972, she won a seat on city council for the first time, and two years later found herself in Ottawa as MP for Skeena.

Before that, she had been working as a broadcaster on the citys private radio station, CHTK, hosting a popular current affairs show, selling ads and devising station promotions. In 1973, she was recognized as B.C. Broadcaster of the Year. The same year, before her foray into federal politics, her ongoing community activism resulted in her appointment as a member of the Order of Canada for wide-ranging services in organizing, promoting and conducting community projects in Prince Rupert.

Ms. Campagnolos surprise election victory in 1974 did not come without a cost. The grind of commuting 10,000 kilometres virtually every weekend to go home to Prince Rupert then back to Ottawa and her punishing work habits had friends concerned. Yet nothing seemed to slow her down, not even three broken ribs and a cracked vertebra, suffered when her car flipped over three times after hitting an icy patch on a dark mountain road in 1975. She kept her speaking engagement the next day. Forced by the accident to curtail her jogging, she took up weightlifting, wowing reporters by bench-pressing 85 kilograms.

She acknowledged she could play it tough when she had to, once confessing admiration for the fight-prone hockey player Tiger Williams. He plays hockey like I play politics.

When her political career was over, Ms. Campagnolo wasted little time tacking in different directions. She resumed broadcasting for a time with the CBC, fundraised, consulted and travelled abroad for Third World development agencies such as CUSO and CIDA, and, during her six years as the first chancellor of University of Northern British Columbia, she played a formative role establishing the fledgling school. Mr. Trudeaus historic Dear Iona letter to Ms. Campagnolo as Liberal Party president announcing his resignation, is now in the UNBC archives.

Ms. Campagnolo returned to the public eye in 2001 as B.C.s lieutenant-governor, putting her personal stamp on yet another public position. She visited every nook of the province, from tea in tiny Vavenby to glittering banquets in Vancouver. She maintained her strong support and respect for Indigenous people, and did not shy from expressing her views. In a passionate speech on International Womens Day in 2003, she denounced the rollback of womens rights by the Taliban in Afghanistan, and decried the lack of women in political leadership. Determine for yourself the dimension of a civilization making decisions day after day affecting the lives of women for their children all around the world, without womens participation, all done in the name of sweetest democracy!

She was promoted to officer of the Order of Canada in 2008.

In 2014, Ms. Campagnolo broke her neck in a horrendous fall at her home on Vancouver Island, leaving her a partial quadriplegic, physically confined to a wheelchair. She adapted beautifully, said her daughter Jennifer Campagnolo, as she did with so much that happened in her life.

Ms. Campagnolo was predeceased by her brother Harold; sister, Marion; and ex-husband. She leaves her brother John; daughters, Giana (Jan) Logan and Jennifer Campagnolo; three grandchildren and three great-grandchildren.

You can find more obituaries from The Globe and Mail here.

To submit a memory about someone we have recently profiled on the Obituaries page, e-mail us at obit@globeandmail.com.

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Outspoken Liberal cabinet minister Iona Campagnolo earned a reputation for getting things done - The Globe and Mail

The Liberals will force Canadian banks to identify the carbon rebate by name when issuing direct deposits to Canadians.

Finance Minister Chrystia Freelands federal budget contains various amendments to the Financial Administration Act.

In Budget 2024, the government proposes to amend the Financial Administration Act to provide regulation-making authority to prescribe labelling requirements by financial institutions for government payments accepted for deposit in customer account statements and online banking records, reads the budget.

Environment Minister Steven Guilbeault said that about 80% of Canadians receive their rebates through direct deposits, the other 20% of whom receive it via mail.

Were working with financial institutions to make sure that its labelled properly so that people actually know what it is, he said. In many cases, it was very difficult for people to actually see that they were getting it.

True North previously reported that the Liberals rebranded what was previously known as the Climate Action Incentive Program to the Canada Carbon Rebate in February.

The name change was only that, with no changes to the federal carbon pricing scheme or size of rebates.

Federal director of the Canadian Taxpayers Federation Franco Terrazzano called the rebrand putting lipstick on a pig.

Trudeaus real problem isnt that Canadians dont know what his government is doing; Trudeaus real problem is that Canadians know his carbon tax is making life more expensive, he said in a statement.

Alberta Premier Danielle Smith said the rebrand would not save the Liberals from its dwindling poll numbers.

Canadians will see it for what it is: a tax on the fuel they use to drive their kids to school, a tax on the food they buy, a tax on the businesses that they run, a tax on everything, said Smith.

Conservative MP Shannon Stubbs echoed Smiths concerns in a post to X.

No matter what they call it, Canadians know that the carbon tax is just that another tax, she said.

She added that the Parliamentary Budget Officer showed that Albertans pay $1,000 more than they receive in rebates.

The Department of Environment and Climate Change Canada has been disputing with banks for the past two years about how carbon rebates are labelled when they are deposited into users accounts.

The fact that they havent been doing it now for many years led us to take this position, said Guilbeault. I think we took it for granted that since people were receiving it, people knew they were receiving it, he added.

Weve come to discover over the last few months that it wasnt the case, in part because the way it was labelled, or mislabelled, I should say, by most financial institutions, said Guilbeault according to the Canadian Press.

Some banks have already changed the rebate label to Canada Carbon Rebate, whereas otherbanks have yet to implement any changes.

True North previously reported that the Conservatives passed a non-binding motion, compelling Prime Minister Justin Trudeau to convene an emergency meeting with Canadas premiers to discuss the carbon tax.

The motion followed 70% of Canadians and 70% of provincial premiers asking Trudeau to spike the hike.

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Liberals force banks to identify carbon rebates by name in direct deposits - True North