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If the Coalition government falls in the upcoming NSW state election, there will not be one Liberal in state or federal power on mainland Australia, says Sky News host Chris Kenny.

Its the utter folly of the Liberals endless drift to the left, Mr Kenny said.

Driven by their own left faction the so-called moderates and by a nave desperation to win plaudits from social media and much of the mainstream media, the Liberals have continually learnt the wrong lessons.

Instead of reasserting their values of small government, low taxes, personal responsibility and economic strength theyve chased political fashion, the stuff of the Left.

So instead of favouring affordable and reliable energy, theyve destroyed our electricity grid and pretended theyre saving the planet.

The Liberals have surrendered their product differentiation voters have been left to choose between Green Left, Labor Left, Teals Left and Liberal Left.

Without core values the Liberals are nothing.

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'Utter folly': The Liberal party's 'drift to the Left' is their downfall - Sky News Australia

In 1989, Francis Fukuyama predicted that the human species had reached the end of history. Throughout the world, elites had recognized that liberalism, characterized by political democracy and free markets, was the only ideology capable of addressing humanitys problems. To Fukuyama, this suggested that eventually, whether it took a year, a decade, or a century, at some point in the future, all of humankind would embrace technocratic liberalism.

It was unclear, though, what the end of history would mean for US foreign policy. Since liberalisms advent in the era of the French Revolution, the ideology was connected with empire. Throughout the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, liberalism served as a primary justification of empire, as states from the British to the French to the American insisted that it was right and good to promote liberal values at the barrel of a gun. The word liberal itself was spread across Europe by Ur-liberal imperialist Napoleon Bonaparte.

The modern American empire was part of this proud tradition. During the Cold War, the United States became the global hegemon, and like previous hegemons, it constantly undertook military interventions abroad. To justify their nations wars, US elites claimed that they were defending liberalism against communists who wanted to destroy it.

But in the late 1980s and early 1990s, the imperialists faced a problem: as the Cold War wound down and the Soviets, per Fukuyama, began to accept liberal capitalist principles, the US empire started to lose its raison dtre. If the United States no longer faced an existential communist enemy, there was no justification for a globe-spanning empire. What were the imperialists who were still bent on maintaining that empire to do?

The answer: go on the offensive. Instead of waiting for history to end abroad, the United States would force its end with missiles and troops, if necessary.

The US invasion of Iraq in 2003 was part of this postCold War liberal project. (While the term neoconservative has the word conservative in it, neocons are basically just Cold War liberals with a different name. Moreover, in a technical sense, both Democrats and Republicans embody different species of liberalism.) The military-industrial complexs profit-seeking motives and the never-ending US thirst for oil were key causes of the invasion, but leftists should be careful not to downplay its ideological origins. Not every imperialist is as nakedly and unabashedly power-hungry as Dick Cheney; some need to imagine that they are good people carrying out a noble cause. They are able to do so by persuading themselves that their efforts are righteous and necessary for human progress.

The war and occupation that followed the March 2003 invasion, though, failed to realize imperialist dreams. It turned out that democracy could not be exported with weapons and that the promises of liberal imperialism were a fantasy. The Iraq War put the kibosh on the idea that democracy promotion was a viable political project. Today, one rarely hears it invoked by those trawling the corridors of power.

From the perspective of 2023, the Iraq War fiasco was the first of many events that suggested that the end of history might be less stable than Fukuyama imagined. Since Iraq, weve witnessed the Federal Emergency Management Agencys inability to save a drowning New Orleans; experienced a Great Recession from which many in the United States never fully recovered; a humanitarian mission in Libya that wound up destroying the state and reviving that nations slave trade; and the repeated collapse of seemingly legitimate businesses, from Theranos to FTX to Silicon Valley Bank. End-of-history liberal hegemony, it seems, might not have been all it was cracked up to be.

But this leads to a question: Why havent these manifold disasters engendered a coherent and broad-based ideological response to such liberalism? Though weve seen the reemergence of reactionary populism on the Right and democratic socialism on the Left, neither has proven capable of seriously challenging Fukuyaman liberalism. For all his bluster, Donald Trump was a one-termer who basically governed like a typical Republican, while Bernie Sanders was unable to defeat Joe Biden. Tragically, liberalisms continued dominance suggests we remain at historys end.

This is the problem that socialists must confront on the twentieth anniversary of the Iraq War, a war that killed and deracinated millions of innocents. Why has this blundering and imperialist liberalism proved so resilient? And more importantly, what can we do about it?

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Twenty Years After Invading Iraq, American Liberalism Is Discredited ... - Jacobin magazine

Kean, who took over as deputy Liberal leader after over the John Barilaro trade appointment saga, has long been considered a replacement to Premier Dominic Perrottet if the Liberals do not prevail in the tightly contested poll.

Treasurer Matt Kean is the most likely contender to replace Dominic Perrottet if he steps down in the event of an election loss. Ben Symons

A senior moderate said Kean would not be able to resist the chance to be NSW leader, and he had significant support after his efforts in the campaign, including a major fundraising push and shoring up seats at risk from a teal takeover in Sydneys north.

Although a polarising figure within the Liberals, Kean would have the most support in the parliamentary party to become opposition leader, but several sources have confirmed that Henskens, from the right faction, would be eager to nominate.

Ayres, who is fighting to save his ultra-marginal seat of Penrith, may also want to run, one senior moderate party source said. Attorney-General Mark Speakman could also emerge as a leadership contender, although it is unlikely he has enough support.

Kean said on Thursday that his only focus is the election and serving the people of NSW.

NSW Premier Dominic Perrottet with Sports Minister Alister Henskens. Janie Barrett

Perrottet and Labor leader Chris Minns have both promised they would serve out their four-year terms regardless of the election outcome, but it is likely that neither would stay in the top job if unsuccessful on Saturday.

One long-term Liberal Party insider said the make-up of a minority government could determine whether Kean would be elected leader, including if One Nations Mark Latham holds the balance of power in the upper house.

Latham clearly hates him and may refuse to do a deal with an opposition led by Kean and that could damage his leadership numbers, the source said.

The source said if Latham emerged as a kingmaker and followed through with his anyone but him threats towards Kean, the Liberal Party room would be nervous about backing him.

Penrith MP Stuart Ayres and Attorney-General Mark Speakman. Louise Kennerley, Edwina Pickles

Federal aspirations could also stop the treasurer from nominating if Perrottet decides to step down, allies close to the moderate powerbroker said.

Several Liberal insiders, speaking on the condition of anonymity, said Kean was exhausted from the drawn-out state campaign and was eyeing a move to Canberra, possibly contesting the seat of Bradfield when it becomes available, or more likely North Sydney.

North Sydney was lost to teal MP Kylea Tink, ending the political career of Keans colleague and friend Trent Zimmerman, but the Liberals hope to win it back at the next federal election.

There are also likely to be other leadership positions up for grabs, including the leader in the upper house, currently held by former minister Damien Tudehope. He resigned mid-campaign after it emerged that he held undisclosed shares in tolling giant Transurban.

Roads Minister Natalie Ward is a likely contender to replace Tudehope, as one of the most senior women in the party. , which would have paved a possible path to her becoming party leader.

Tudehope would likely return to cabinet if the Coalition wins, as would Ayres.

The Morning Edition newsletter is our guide to the days most important and interesting stories, analysis and insights. .

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Who will lead the Liberals if Perrottet loses the election? - Sydney Morning Herald

Gladys Berejiklian was back for the Liberals this week.

Her emergence in the NSW election campaign may have been low key, but it certainly attracted attention, which could both help and hinder Dominic Perrottet.

The former premier was in Penrith to help the former minister Stuart Ayres.

He resigned from cabinet at the height of the John Barilaro overseas trade post scandal, and is now attempting to stave off Labor in his marginal seat.

Read more of our coverage at the ABC's NSW Election 2023 page.

If he wins and the Coalition is re-elected, he will be returned to the ministry.

The Penrith MP posted a selfie with Ms Berejiklian and his partner, Liberal Senator Marise Payne, outside a Chinese restaurant this week.

The trio go back a long way, and, Mr Ayres'decision to document his visit from the party's former leader was undoubtedly a considered one.

He knows the power of Gladys.

Some within her party refer to it as the "rockstar" effect.

Even though she resigned from the top job under a corruption cloud, and the watchdog is yet to hand down its findings, Ms Berejiklian attracts support like almost no other Liberal.

It was her first sighting during the campaign, just days after her noticeable absence from the party's official launch.

And, she wasn't the only leader, past or present, missing.

Other former premiers Mike Baird and Barry O'Farrell who is now Australia's High Commissioner to India were absent.

The party's federal leader Peter Dutton wasn't there, nor were former prime ministers Scott Morrison, Tony Abbott or Malcolm Turnbull, despite NSW being their home state.

Former prime minister John Howard was there, and got the welcome from Liberal Party members you'd expect pure excitement and adulation.

So, Ms Berejiklian suddenly showing up on the hustings was a surprise.

When asked, her successor was welcoming of her involvement.

"It's great to have Glad as part of the campaign," Mr Perrottet said.

"She was a great premier of New South Wales and to see her campaigning in Penrith I know will make a real difference."

But when pressed on her continued role in the campaign, and, whether he'd like to have her join him in his seat in Epping, the premier became flustered.

"If Gladys came to Epping that would say something," he said trying to laugh it off, referring to the fact that, unlike Penrith, his seat isn't marginal.

It was a slightly awkward moment.

He went on to say Ms Berejiklian had been a "great supporter of mine" and that they grew "close" during the pandemic.

But privately, it is known that their professional relationship (or friendship, if there ever was one) has not continued after her resignation.

Mr Perrottet was clearly uncomfortable talking about his predecessor publicly.

During a televised debate the day before, the Premier and Labor leader Chris Minns were both asked whether they thought Ms Berejiklian had been treated unfairly by the Independent Commission Against Corruption (ICAC).

There was no pause for thought. Both leaders emphatically answered: "No".

The Premier's stance is certainly different to some other Liberals and is in stark contrast to Mr Morrison's.

In 2021, the then-prime minister declared Ms Berejiklian had been "done over" by the state's corruption watchdog.

"What was done to Gladys Berejiklian, the people in New South Wales know was an absolute disgrace," Mr Morrison said at the time.

Back then, he was arguing against a push for a federal ICAC.

He also wanted the former premier to run in the federal seat of Warringah, on Sydney's northern beaches, to try to take it back from independent Zali Steggall.

Ms Berejiklian chose not to be the candidate, and, she is still waiting for the corruption watchdog to hand down its findings, maintaining she's done nothing wrong.

It's been two-and-a-half years since the bombshell revelation at ICAC she was in a secret relationship with the former Wagga Wagga MP Daryl Maguire, who was under investigation for corruption.

And, it's been almost 18 months since Ms Berejiklian resigned as premier when ICAC announced it was also investigating her conduct over failing to disclose the relationship and the ramifications of that fact.

So, voters are going to the polls not knowing the outcome.

Mr Perrottet has always been steadfast in his support of the state's corruption watchdog.

It's also politically smart at this point.

He can't afford to ignite thedebate over integrity and corruption that played out during last year's federal campaignwhen there are "teal" independents challenging Liberals in Sydney's north.

Ms Berejiklian is set to pop up in at least one of those seats, in an unofficial capacity, before people head to the polls next Saturday.

The question is: will voters bask in her glow, or, does she cast a shadow?

It also draws inevitable comparisons between Ms Berejiklian as premier and Mr Perrottet, and it is indisputable that, at her height, she enjoyed far more popularity than the current leader.

For some voters, Ms Berejiklian may have the star power, but she is no longer the star of the show, and her presence isn't without its problems.

And, a problem-free campaign is key, one week out from polling day.

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Gladys Berejiklian's star power could be Liberals' NSW election trump card - ABC News

This week, Conservative Party deputy leader Melissa Lantsman joins John Ivison to talk about her political journey and the prospects for the Pierre Poilievre-led party in the next election.

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Lantsman says her involvement in politics started before she was a teenager, sparked by vigorous debates around the family dinner table.

Two years ago, Lantsman decided she wanted to make the move from working behind the scenes to federal Conservative candidate. She says she was fortunate to be able to get nomination endorsements from every type of Tory, including Stephen Harper and Pierre Poilievre and Rona Ambrose.

Just weeks into her career as a politician, Justin Trudeau accused the Conservatives of standing with people who wave swastikas in response to a question from the rookie MP about the Freedom Convoy. Lantsman now calls the comment unbecoming of a prime minister of a G7 country.

This week, Lantsman strongly criticized Trudeaus choice for special rapporteur to look into Chinese election interference. She referred to David Johnston as a Trudeau Foundation insider, but says it is a knock against how Trudeau is mishandling the issue not a criticism of Johnstons character.

I think its incumbent on the prime minister to name somebody that the Canadian population would see has no bias and no conflict whatsoever.

On whether Conservative leader Pierre Poilievres uncompromising approach will resonate with disenfranchised Liberals, Lantsman seems positive.

Our coalition may not look like the traditional Conservative coalition but it doesnt mean that people arent going to look for an alternative when it comes to a better future.

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Ivison: Deputy Tory leader says new Conservative coalition is building to bring down Liberals - National Post