Archive for the ‘Liberals’ Category

Secularists revealed as a unique political force in America, with an intriguing divergence from liberals – PsyPost

Over the last few decades, America has witnessed a substantial decline in religiosity. Although the United States remains relatively religious compared to other nations, it is markedly less religious today than it was thirty years ago. However, a recent study published in Advances in Political Psychology uncovers an important nuance: secularism is distinct from mere nonreligiosity. The findings reveal that secularists form a unique group within the American electorate, suggesting a more nuanced understanding of secular trends is essential for grasping contemporary political dynamics.

While the increase in nonreligiosity, often termed the rise of the nones, has been widely documented, the new study sought to delve deeper into the distinctions between secularism and nonreligiosity. By doing so, the researchers aimed to clarify the political implications of these trends and how they might shape the future of American politics.

The researchers drew on data from several large-scale surveys, including the General Social Survey, Gallup Poll, Pew Research Center, and the Public Religion Research Institute. These data sources provided a robust foundation for examining trends in secularization and religiosity in the United States over the past several decades.

The studys findings provide evidence that secularism is not simply the absence of religion but a distinctive identity characterized by specific beliefs and orientations. Unlike nonreligiosity, which denotes a lack of religious affiliation or belief, secularism involves an active identification with principles grounded in empirical evidence and rational thought. Secularists, therefore, are defined by what they believe in rather than what they lack.

For instance, secularists exhibited strong opposition to conspiracy theories. The researchers found that secularists are less likely to believe in various conspiracy theories compared to nonreligious individuals. This skepticism towards conspiracy theories is consistent with secularists reliance on empirical evidence and rational thought.

By contrast, nonreligiosity did not show a consistent relationship with opposition to conspiracy theories. This highlights the importance of the affirmative secular identity, which actively seeks evidence-based explanations and rejects unsubstantiated claims.

One of the most significant findings of the study is the strong association between secularism and liberal political attitudes. Secularists are more likely to support Democratic candidates and align with liberal policies compared to their nonreligious counterparts. This tendency is evident across various policy areas, including social welfare, environmental protection, and immigration.

The study also reveals that secularists are staunch supporters of core democratic values. Secularists exhibit strong support for participatory democracy, advocating for the inclusion of all individuals in the political process and the removal of barriers to voting. They also emphasize the importance of freedom of expression, opposing censorship and supporting the right to express even unpopular or controversial ideas.

We suspect that having traditionally been the subject of political intolerance, secularists particularly atheists are highly supportive of extending political rights and civil liberties to other groups, even groups they dislike, the researchers remarked.

Interestingly, the researchers found that liberals, particularly those identifying as very liberal, are generally unsupportive of allowing disliked groups such as MAGA supporters, racists, or Muslim extremists to hold rallies, teach, or have their books in local libraries. On the other hand, secularists, despite having similar disliked groups, are more likely than nonsecularists to extend civil liberties to these groups, demonstrating a higher level of political tolerance.

It is striking that when the American right accuses secular liberals of trying to censor it or cancel it for expressing ideas they find distasteful, they are only half right. Ideological liberals do appear to support censoring and limiting the expression of some types of ideas and certain kinds of groups, the researchers explained.

However, when ideology and partisanship are held constant, secularists are just the opposite. They oppose censorship and limits on freedom of expression, and they support allowing all groupseven groups they find dangerous or distastefulto have a societal forum for expressing their perspectives.

Despite their strong secular identity and political engagement, secularists exhibit relatively low levels of participation in organized secular activities. The study found that while religious individuals often engage in regular communal activities, such as attending services and participating in church-related events, secularists do not have a comparable level of organized social engagement.

This finding suggests that secularism functions primarily as a psychological and ideological identity rather than a social movement with formal structures and regular communal activities. The lack of organized secular behavior highlights the individualistic nature of secularism, where personal beliefs and identities take precedence over collective action.

In American politics, religion has long mattered, the researchers concluded. The contours of American public opinion have been shaped by the nuances of religiosity, and religious appeals by candidates are commonplace. Now, secularism matters tooalthough its presence in the electorate remains largely hidden. However, as current trends continue, secularism will only be ignored at politicians peril. No understanding of the American electorate is complete without attention to the secular voter.

The study, The secular voter: Secularism and political attitudes in the United States, was authored by Geoffrey C. Layman, David E. Campbell, and Levi G. Allen.

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Secularists revealed as a unique political force in America, with an intriguing divergence from liberals - PsyPost

Kamala Harris instantly ignited the Democrats. Will a leadership change do the same for the federal Liberals? – Toronto Star

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Kamala Harris instantly ignited the Democrats. Will a leadership change do the same for the federal Liberals? - Toronto Star

Supreme Court Reform is Code for Putting More Liberals on the Bench – Daily Citizen

The names change but the same challenges remain.

A president arrives in office during a time of great tumult and uncertainty, pledging to use the power of the government to solve problems the Founders intended the free market to manage and navigate.

Nevertheless, as promised, with resolve and even congressional cooperation, the chief executive muscles through the proposed legislation.

One problem: A conservative Supreme Court majority balks, blocking many of the major policies and declaring them unconstitutional.

The presidents response?

We have, therefore, reached the point as a nation where we must take action to save the Constitution from the Court and the Court from itself, the president tells the nation. We want a Supreme Court which will do justice under the Constitution and not over it. In our courts we want a government of laws and not of men.

President Franklin Roosevelt uttered those words from the White House on March 9, 1937 his first Fireside Chat since beginning his second term. Unshackled from reelection worries, FDR ignited a controversy that would continue for months.

In short, President Roosevelt was frustrated by the number of conservative justices on the High Court. Knowing he couldnt fire them from lifetime appointments, he proposed to do the next best thing: dilute their authority and vote by packing the court with more justices.

The proposals name was the Judicial Procedures Reform Act.

Sound familiar?

FDR explained his rationale:

What is my proposal? It is simply this: whenever a Judge or Justice of any Federal Court has reached the age of seventy and does not avail himself of the opportunity to retire on a pension, a new member shall be appointed by the President then in office, with the approval, as required by the Constitution, of the Senate of the United States.

That plan has two chief purposes. By bringing into the judicial system a steady and continuing stream of new and younger blood, I hope, first, to make the administration of all Federal justice speedier and, therefore, less costly; secondly, to bring to the decision of social and economic problems younger men who have had personal experience and contact with modern facts and circumstances under which average men have to live and work. This plan will save our national Constitution from hardening of the judicial arteries.

Only those werent his reasons at all. In truth, FDR was desperate to continue rolling out his New Deal proposals many of which taxpayers today are still paying for. The nine-member Court assured the president they were well capable of handling the caseload in an efficient matter. And the president wasnt looking to save the Constitution he was trying to expand and reshape it to accommodate his own plans to enlarge the governments role.

In the end, FDRs scheme was rejected, and the American people saw it for what it was a gross overreach of executive power. The Senate Judiciary Committee wrote:

The bill is an invasion of judicial power such as has never before been attempted in this country. It is essential to the continuance of our constitutional democracy that the judiciary be completely independent of both the executive and legislative branches of the government.

It is a measure which should be so emphatically rejected that its parallel will never again be presented to the free representatives of the free people of America.

We know efforts are underway in liberal circles to likewise reform the High Court but how and to what degree remains to be seen. If history is any guide, though, we know the word reform is just another way of calling for fewer conservative justices and more liberal ones. Lets hope and pray that when it comes to such a campaigns conclusion, that history will once more repeat itself.

Image from Shutterstock

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Supreme Court Reform is Code for Putting More Liberals on the Bench - Daily Citizen

With Calls To Expand Supreme Court, Liberals Hope To Skirt the Rules | Opinion – Newsweek

The American people expected Franklin D. Roosevelt to bring an end to the Great Depression. But his administration struggled to do so and like most politiciansand FDR was shrewder than mosthe found ways to blame others for his failure.

One particular bogeyman was the United States Supreme Court, which kept finding FDR's recovery measures unconstitutional and was, therefore, easy to blame for the continued economic difficulties.

By 1937, FDR had had enough. He proposed a plan to "pack the Court" with new Justices he would appoint and whom the Senate would confirm to serve alongside those already on the Court.

In the short run, this gambit failed. The public reacted to it adversely and, at election time, gave the Democrats their worst electoral results in nearly a decade. Voters recognized that changing the number of Justices on the Court to change the thrust of their decisions was cheating. The Constitution, as they understood it then and as is still true today, says what it means and means what it says. FDR's attempt to load the Supreme Court with members who would rubber-stamp his legislative program, regardless of its constitutionality, violated the precepts on which the nation was founded.

In the long run though, FDR won. The Justices who stood in the way of New Deal reforms started to retire, and were replaced by men who found the market interventions at the heart of the New Deal more constitutionally consistent than their predecessors had.

History does have a way of repeating itself. The progressives who've now seized control of the Democratic Party see the current Supreme Court as standing in the way of what they want to accomplish. To them, the Court is a bastion of conservatism and originalist thinking that will use its power to defeat all efforts to expand the size and scope of the modern American welfare state.

The only way around that obstacle is to pack the Court with liberals who agree that the Constitution is a living, breathing document open to interpretations that must change with the times.

There are two ways progressives can do that. One is to enlarge the Court, as FDR tried and failed to do. The other is to discredit the Court or at least enough of its sitting Justices to force resignations or impeachments.

That's why Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez (D-N.Y.) has promised to file articles of impeachment against the Justices who sided with the majority in the Court's limited ruling on presidential immunity from criminal prosecution. She and her allies have distorted the impact of that ruling to the extreme so they can argue the Court has abandoned its responsibilities or has become hopelessly corrupt.

If they can do this, Ocasio-Cortez and others likely reason, then they can open up a few seats Joe Biden can fill with new Justices who will vote to overturn Dobbs v. Jackson, District of Columbia v. Heller, Loper Bright v. Raimondo, and all the other decisions they don't like.

We've seen this before, too. Conservatives didn't like Chief Justice Earl Warren and often talked of impeaching him. They even wrote songs about it, but none of that went anywhere. The Court finally changed, adopting a more originalist philosophy, but only after a long and arduous process that took decades.

Liberals can't wait that long. They feel they have a moral imperative that allows the ends to justify the means. Rewriting the rules is okay, just like rewriting the Constitution through judicial decisions rather than using the amendment process is okay. It's quicker and easier, and they do it well, while going through regular channels often doesn't get them where they want to go.

Don't be surprised if you soon hear crowds of leftists calling for Chief Justice John Roberts' resignation. One way or another, count on them to subvert existing democratic norms to try and get their way. They'll either drive public confidence in the Court down to a point where they believe the public will demand the appointment of three or four new Justices, or they'll try to follow through with their threats to remove Justices Thomas, Alito, and Roberts so they can establish a liberal majority with new Justices of Biden's choosing.

They can try, but most Americans who are not part of the coastal elite still value things like rules and fair play. They'll recognize these efforts to change the Court's composition for what they are. In this country, we don't let people win by cheating.

Newsweek Contributing Editor Peter Roff is a veteran journalist who appears regularly on U.S. and international media platforms.

The views expressed in this article are the writer's own.

Newsweek is committed to challenging conventional wisdom and finding connections in the search for common ground.

Newsweek is committed to challenging conventional wisdom and finding connections in the search for common ground.

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With Calls To Expand Supreme Court, Liberals Hope To Skirt the Rules | Opinion - Newsweek

Opinion: What Liberals and Conservatives can learn from the French and British elections – The Globe and Mail

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People celebrate after the second round of the French legislative elections at Place de la Republic in Paris, on July 7.DMITRY KOSTYUKOV/The New York Times News Service

Canadian politicians watching the elections in France and Britain have seen three strategies of attack and defence on display, and three horses for politicians to ride, or to force their opponents to ride.

They are Incumbency, Fear and Competence.

Incumbency weighs like a millstone around the neck of every government these days, be it left, right or centre. The opposition, in contrast, starts with a lot of helium in its balloon.

But public fear of how the opposition would govern can puncture the balloon.

And competence? An opposition party must overcome voters fears, and persuade them that it offers safe hands. As for a government, it has a more difficult task, namely persuading voters that it has governed successfully, or is at least better than the fearful alternative. The longer in government, the harder the climb.

In Britain, the Conservative Party had been in power for 14 years, with a record of missteps and worse. Fear of Labour was a Tory trump card in past elections, but this time around Labour inoculated itself against that, via a leader who publicly went to war with his own left wing. It was part of the strategy to beat the Conservatives, and Sir Keir Starmer is now Prime Minister.

In France, in contrast, the right-wing National Rally failed to persuade enough voters that it is no longer an extremist entity with the result that Marine Le Pens crew, who a week ago were on the verge of winning a parliamentary majority, now find themselves relegated to third place in the seat count.

Which brings us back to Canada.

Pierre Poilievres Conservatives are running on the unpopularity of the incumbents, along with a claim that the Tories represent common sense and competent administration. If the things eating at you are the carbon tax, housing, crime and the dire state of the budget (which is in fact not so dire, but I digress), then Mr. Poilievres slogan Axe the tax. Build the homes. Fix the budget. Stop the crime. is laser-focused on your concerns.

The U of T occupation was illegal. Why? Because it was an occupation

What is Prime Minister Justin Trudeau running on?

At a press conference last week in Montreal, when repeatedly asked why he wanted to lead the Liberals into the election scheduled for 2025, he kept reaching for one word: continuing. He said it was all about continuing to deliver for people and continuing to be there for Canadians and continuing to deliver for Canadians.

In an era of fury against incumbents not always deserved, but so it goes thats the best the Liberal brain trust has come up with: a pitch based on incumbency.

You can see why some voices within the party are urging the opposite.

The Liberals cant win on incumbency. And while fear is always going to be part of the Liberal arsenal and its perfectly reasonable to ask voters to ponder what a Conservative administration might do or might cut it likely wont be enough this time. Vote for our unpopular government, because the other guys will be even worse is awfully weak tea.

What would be a better pitch? The Liberals could promise competent administration and could spend the next year demonstrating it. Thats much harder than Mr. Poilievres job, but so it goes. Thats the incumbents burden.

However, it can also be the incumbents advantage. Governments have the power to do things. That includes undoing previous doings that they didnt do very well.

The biggest issue for the Liberals, and the country, is the extreme unaffordability of housing. Thats the inflation whammy that socked millions of people, particularly the young, new Canadians and the middle class and those working hard to join it.

The Liberals have put forward a rhetorically aggressive plan that positions itself as addressing that just like Mr. Poilievre, they promise to somehow spark huge levels of new home building. But even under the most optimistic scenarios, such plans will take many years, even decades, to deliver.

That means the Liberals need to steal a page from Mr. Starmers Labour. To have a shot, theyve got to show Canadians that they have changed. Which means running against their own record, at least on this issue.

Housing unaffordability is partly the result of an unprecedented and unplanned jump in non-permanent immigration, far above anything Canada has ever seen, and far above Liberal immigration plans. It was a case of severe government incompetence, and its still unclear to what extent the Trudeau administration is actually addressing the mess, as opposed to crafting a comms strategy to fuzzy it. Statistics Canadas latest estimate of the non-permanent population is 2.8 million, up from less than two million a year ago.

Closing the gap between housing supply and housing demand, by greatly increasing housing supply, will take a long time. It calls for hundreds of thousands more construction workers and hundreds of billions more dollars. It risks bringing other economic distortions. In contrast, closing the gap by reducing population growth can be done quickly.

The Liberals may or may not need a new leader. They wont win on fear. They cant win by pitching more of the same. They definitely need a better record to run on.

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Opinion: What Liberals and Conservatives can learn from the French and British elections - The Globe and Mail