Archive for the ‘Liberals’ Category

To save the welfare state, liberals need a new narrative about personal responsibility – Vox

A few weeks ago, Rep. Mo Brooks (R-AL) told CNNs Jake Tapper that he favored the GOPs recent health care bill because it reduces the costs to those people who lead good lives, to those who keep their bodies healthy.

Setting aside for the moment that many health crises are not self-inflicted, Brookss logic is simple: If a person makes poor decisions, no one especially the state is obliged to help them. Or, more fundamentally, every individual is responsible only for themselves.

Liberals typically reject this logic. To the extent that they support health care or other social safety nets, they do so because they believe the state has a moral obligation to care for its citizens, especially the needy.

This divide animates almost every political dispute.

A new book titled The Age of Responsibility: Luck, Choice, and the Welfare State is challenging both the conservative and liberal narratives about choice and responsibility. The author is Yascha Mounk, a lecturer in political theory at Harvard University and a nonresident fellow at New Americas Political Reform Program.

Mounk argues that the left and the right have embraced a narrow and misleading conception of personal responsibility.

I sat down with him last week, and we talked about what a positive conception of responsibility looks like, and why punishing people for bad choices is a mistake. We also discussed what a properly constructed welfare state looks like, and why the left has failed to convince the right that stronger social safety nets are in everyones interest.

Our conversation has been lightly edited for length and clarity.

Maybe the best way to start is to have you explain how you define and think about responsibility.

How we think about responsibility has changed over time. Part of the problem is that it's really narrowed over time. When you think about what associations people had with the word responsibility in the '50s or '60s, I think they often would have thought about the duties we have toward other people. JFK's famous speech, "Ask not what your country can do for you; ask what you can do for your country," doesn't have the word responsibility in it, but it's a way to think about responsibility responsibility that goes beyond yourself, to your town, your community, your family, your country.

How has the concept of responsibility narrowed over time?

What we mean by responsibility has changed, so that now when we talk about responsibility, what we mean is that you have this sort of obligation to account for your own actions. It used to be that, "Look, you have responsibility outside yourself," and now it's like, "Well, look you have to acquit yourself of your own needs. You have to make sure that you have enough money to eat, that you don't ask things of the state or of others because you've made some bad choices, because you failed at something." Responsibility has become this really narrow and punitive idea not of what you owe to others, but of you making sure that others won't owe anything to you.

So now when we talk about responsibility, we tend to leave out the ways in which each person has duties to a society at large. This is more or less what Im talking about when I refer to this as the age of responsibility. Its an age in which responsibility has come to mean only personal responsibility.

I think a lot of this reduces to a core problem with libertarianism or classical liberalism: These are philosophies of rights, they give us a language of rights, but they dont give us a language of duties or obligations. Its all about what the state cant do to us (which is important, obviously), but theres nothing about what we owe our community, our neighbors, etc.

Yeah, I think thats right. There's this way of thinking about responsibilities and obligations that is all about, "Well, are you a good human being? Have you made the right choices or not? Are you yourself to blame for being in need?" It doesn't really think about the objectives of what we're trying to achieve as a society or what we may have in common.

When you're thinking about larger questions of economic policy, it actually winds up being pretty much in everybody's interest to revitalize parts of cities or to make sure that people who have made bad choices in the past are able to enter the workforce and become productive members of society.

The thing we should all be able to agree on is that this very, very narrow conception of responsibility and of our rights actually blinds us to all of those important considerations of public policy.

Then theres a sort of deeper question that you were raising: How do we think about what our rights are and what our duties are? How do we think about our institutions?

I guess that raises the obvious question: How can we get our institutions to reflect a view of responsibility that obliges us to care about other people and not just ourselves?

The move that I tried to make in the book is to say, "How do we think about something like the law of the state?" At the moment, we have this pre-political conception of rights and duties. It says, "Well, if you're in need for reasons beyond your own control - because you've had a car accident or because you were born with some disability - then we owe you something. But if, on the other hand, you're in need because you've made choices, then we don't owe you anything." " and, "If you're in need because you've made choices, then we don't owe you anything." Then the idea becomes that the institution of a welfare state is supposed to track that preexisting, pre-political set of ideas we have about who you are, what your character is, what choices you've made.

I think that gets it the wrong way around. I think there are political purposes that together, as a society, we're pursuing, and we should be setting up welfare state institutions in order to serve those purposes.

What would a properly constructed welfare state look like? What are the guiding principles?

I think then you get into a complicated discussion where there's a lot of trade-offs, but that captures to me what the truth of the matter is. I cant say, "This is the one principle that applies, and everything else doesn't matter," but that's how we think about it at the moment. We tend to think about this in terms of blame and fault. We say, "Well, it depends on if its your own fault or not. If it's not your own fault, then we owe you something. If it is your own fault, well, fuck you."

Instead, I think we should say, no, we want a welfare state that allows us to become a society of free and equal citizens in which we don't have the same amount of money, but in which each of us can appear in public as a true equal participant in our political system, in our democracy. A society in which we think of each other with respect and think of each other as socially equal, where nobody is so poor that the way they walk through the street marks them out as a member of the underclass. That's an important value to me personally.

There are other values that are very important as well. We also want a prosperous economy. We also want a dynamic economy. We also want to reduce suffering, needless suffering. That's an important goal of a welfare state. Sometimes these things will be at cross-purposes. Sometimes we may have to sacrifice a bit of economic dynamism for the sake of a greater moral good. There are always trade-offs and considerations.

How does your conception of responsibility inform some of the issues being contested today? Im thinking of the health care debate in particular, which is weighed down by divergent conceptions of personal responsibility.

Health care is a great example of how the obsession with personal responsibility poisons our political debate. Republicans say that people have a responsibility to take care of their own needs; if healthy people fail to take out health insurance, and then fall sick, that's their own problem. Democrats retort that we owe people health care irrespective of the choices they've made.

Now, I happen to agree with Democrats on this one, but I actually think this way of framing the question is far too narrow both from a philosophical perspective and in terms of just, well, winning the debate. Because the thing is: America pays far more on health care than other industrialized nations. And all that money buys us worse outcomes. So if we focus on this systemic question, rather than the ins and outs of who made which choice and owes what to whom, then we are both addressing more fundamental issues and, paradoxically, might have a better chance of seeing common ground.

Theres a pragmatism to that point that undergirds a lot of what you write in the book. Youre obviously of the left, but this is a pretty even-handed analysis. You argue in the book that both the left and the right are wrong about responsibility, albeit in different ways. The right is mired in this punitive framework, and the left, on your view, tends to deny accountability altogether.

The story on the right is simple, and it's sort of simple why that story is wrong. The right asks, Well, is it your own fault that you're in need? If it is your own fault, fuck you. We don't own you anything." Even if you're suffering a lot, even if we could easily remedy your suffering, even if it might have these good structural consequences if we help you, its not our duty to do that. Somebody might want to do it out of charity, but certainly the state shouldn't do it. I think this is shortsighted, unproductive, and not appealing as a vision for what we want to be as a society.

Now, what's happened on the left is really interesting. A lot of people on the left have taken on board the basic normative premise that the right has advanced in the age of responsibility. They've come to agree that, "Yes, the choices you've made in the past should influence what we owe you today. You've made bad choices. We owe you less." But they still end up arguing for a total welfare state, and they do it by arguing against an empirical ascriptions of responsibility.

To be clear, when you say arguing against an empirical ascription of responsibility, does that mean denying that people can or should be held accountable for those bad choices theyve made?

Yeah, basically. What you hear on the left is that people may have failed to live up to their personal responsibilities but that this isnt actually their fault in any way. Everybody is a victim of structure, a victim of these forces beyond themselves, and a reason why we can't hold people responsible in any way is that they have no agency.

Now, I get why people attempt to make this argument. I get what's appealing about it, but I think it really has proven politically ineffective.

Ineffective because its basically an incoherent argument or ineffective because its just not politically persuasive?

Perhaps both. I just know that it hasnt worked well in practice. When you keep saying, "Look, yes, people in this community are poor, but it's because they're victims of everything, so we should feel sorry for them," thats not effective. People on the other side arent buying that argument. So if you want to preserve or strengthen the welfare state, thats not the way to do it.

The way I think about it is that most people are capable of agency, and most people want to take responsibility for their own lives. They want to take responsibility for their loved ones, for their communities, for all kinds of things. So we should think again about how we can actually empower people who are disadvantaged to take on responsibility and find this more positive notion of what we mean when we say responsibility, rather than the instinctual left response of just denying that people who are in need have agency.

Well, I think this is a bit of a caricature of the smarter arguments on the left, but its probably not useful to debate that here. Let me ask you this: What do you say to someone who straightforwardly makes a normative libertarian argument that if someone consciously makes bad decisions, or if they simply refuse to work hard, they ought to pay a price for that and if they dont pay a price for that, we undercut the incentives for other people to work hard and apply themselves?

I think thats a pretty pragmatic argument. Again, I believe there are going to be trade-offs between having a really generous welfare state that helps people no matter what the circumstances, that strives to reduce suffering, and one that ensures we have the money we need in order to have a welfare state in a sustainable way, that ensures we have a dynamic economy. Those things could be in conflict, and I dont deny that.

Well, this is why we end up with an intractable value problem. Ultimately, people have to buy the moral argument that reducing suffering is a humane and just thing to do, irrespective of the economic benefits or costs.

Oh, absolutely. There are practical reasons to care about these things as well, as I mentioned earlier, but there is definitely a moral dimension to this argument. A lot of this depends on context too. Maybe in some countries, the culture is such that work is more prized and people are more desperate to work anyway, so the incentive isn't as important. Maybe in some countries, there's just more money to spend on a welfare state, so theres less of a competition with other kinds of political goods you might get from spending that money. You will get a range of outcomes depending on the empirical circumstances and depending on the values of a people or culture.

Your book sort of walks the line between a moral argument and a utilitarian argument.

I'm making a moral case that the punitive conception of personal responsibility is really cruel to people, really unfair to people in many circumstances. I'm also making a pragmatic case, especially to the left, that the way we tend to talk and think about responsibility, the way we've tended to play defense against this right-wing conception of personal responsibility, isn't working very well. If we actually want to have a productive conversation about the future of work, about the future of a welfare state or social entitlements, and if we want to win elections, we should think about it in very different ways. We should think about how to empower people by making them capable of real agency rather than making excuses for people by saying that theyre victims of structure.

Im more interested in the pragmatic case youd make to someone on the right, because thats ultimately who youre looking to persuade here. The left will buy any argument that advances a more generous welfare state, but the right has to be convinced that doing so will materially improve society.

Okay, lets take this example: How should we treat somebody who has lost their job for their own fault? They turned up late to work too many times and [are] now stuck in a very poor neighborhood far from employment opportunities. One question is, do we owe them assistance of transport? We could take the personal responsibility view and say, "No, we don't owe it to him because he made bad choices and thats why he lost his job, so we why should we care?

Now, we could take a more pragmatic view here and say, "Well, look, he actually needs access to a car in order to get the next job, and he actually wants a job, so it's in our interest to help him get access to that transportation because that means he will earn money, pay taxes, and contribute to the community rather than sinking further into desperation or crime or drug use or whatever. When that happens, society ultimately pays the price. So these are practical considerations that people on the right should be able to recognize.

My sense is that all the normative and philosophical arguments about responsibility are super interesting to weirdos like us who are into that kind of thing, but most people dont give a damn. If theres a politically persuasive case to be made for a more generous society, its got be less abstract and more concrete.

I totally agree. Look, you can either have this incredibly complicated and interesting debate that philosophers have had literally for thousands of years that ultimately devolves into intractable questions about whether people have free will or you can recognize that almost everyone wants to lead a life in which they consider themselves responsible for their own actions. Most people want to take control of their lives, want to take responsibility for others. We need to be thinking about how to help them do that.

So to the person on the right who says that Im only responsible for myself and my actions, and I dont care about the fate of other people, you respond not by saying, "Here is some abstract moral notion that I derived through amazing logic that you'll understand only if you, too, study philosophy for 20 years." A) I don't think that actually works philosophically, and b) it's not going to work practically anyway. What you can say is, "What does the world look like when you really think we have no obligations toward other people whatsoever? What kind of political, moral world do you enter, and is that a world you actually want to live in?"

I think for most people, if they really consider this, the answer is no.

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To save the welfare state, liberals need a new narrative about personal responsibility - Vox

Liberals Need to Get Ready for a World Without Trump – VICE

Just a few months into his presidency, Donald Trump has done wonders for the progressive movement. Anti-Trumpism has generated an unprecedented nationwide outpouring of anger, resistance, and mobilization. Protests and marches have attracted crowds in the hundreds of thousands. Calls have flooded congressional offices. Grassroots organizations are multiplying, and more Democratic women are running for office than ever before. Most of these actions are responses to specific issuesthe Women's March and the March for Science come to mindbut it's not hard to view fear and contempt of Trump as the motivating factor underlying everything.

And that could be a problem for Democrats.

Even as the party's base and legislators begin to unify around the idea that this erratic president should be impeached and removed as soon as possible, progressives ought to start thinking about what a post-Trump landscape might look likeand what principals unite them beyond the urge to drive their foe out of the White House.

Any Republican president would encounter resistance, but Trump offends progressives' sensibilities in a way other Republicans don't. Many consider him vulgar, narcissistic, and self-serving, a pathological liar who seems unprepared for, even incurious about, the office he's holding. He brazenly flouts ethics laws. The rationale to see him ousted is understandable on some level: Everyone, from Bernie Sanders supporters to more moderate Democrats to a faction of breakaway conservatives to a good chunk of the media, would love to see Trump fail.

The good news for them is Trump is notoriously erratic, and his administration's lack of discipline and experience is both stalling its agenda and making Trump's removal more likely.

But if progressives get their wish and Vice President Mike Pence takes over, those distractions aren't likely to endure. Policy differences between moderate and conservative Republicans might persist under a Pence presidency, but without the daily breaking news of scandal to distract them, the right would have more space to iron out their differences with a president who understands how Congress works.

Watch: British people are betting on impeachment

I reached out to three large progressive organizations in the country to get their read on whether their leaders thought progressive activism has become too closely aligned with anti-Trumpism, and whether they are thinking about a world after Trump.

Charles Chamberlain is the executive director of Democracy for America, a group that has called for impeachment. "Calling on the House to start impeachment hearings and remove Trump from office isn't a partisan political strategy, it's a moral imperative to protect the foundations of democracy and prove that even the president isn't above the law," he told me.

He added that removal, when it comes, would be an unambiguous defeat not just for Trump but the whole GOP: "When Trump resigns or is impeached, whatever Republican administration replaces him will be a badly wounded lame duck president unable to accomplish anything against a relentless resistance that won't give up until the Republicans who supported his extreme policies are swept out of office."

Ben Wikler, the Washington director of MoveOn.organother pro-impeachment liberal groupechoed Chamberlain's optimism: "If you look at polling, the number of Republicans who strongly support Trump is small and shrinking, and so right now, I don't anticipate that Trump will engender greater enthusiasm on the Republican side, so you wind up with a progressive movement that continues to surge with fighting spirit and a deflated conservative movement, which is a recipe for a landslide on our side."

"We need to have an alternative aside from 'we don't like trump' or 'vote for us, we're not in league with Russia.'"

Both Wikler and Chamberlain also pointed out that the battle over the Republicans' American Health Care Act was about policy, not just Trump. That view was echoed by Ezra Levin, co-executive Director of Indivisible. "The reaction to Trumpcare was a reaction to the House bill," he said. "In the event that we would have some other president who was pushing these policies, I think we would see similar pushback."

Still, Levin conceded that progressives need to come up with a game plan. "I do think there is a need for a bold progressive vision for the future. We need to have an alternative aside from 'we don't like Trump' or 'vote for us, we're not in league with Russia.' You know, that's not enough I think it's going to be pretty clear when folks are running this year in the special elections and next year in the midterms."

Complicating any efforts to assemble a vision is the multifaceted scandal over Russia's efforts to influence the 2016 election, Trump's firing of FBI director James Comey, and any wrongdoing by current or former White House officials. Seemingly every day brings fresh news about these issues, and they rightly alarm many progressives.

But alarming headlines in the Washington Post and the New York Times haven't done anything to change the minds of Trump's voters. His approval rating remains stubbornly high among Republicans, a fact that likely confounds liberals far more than conservatives. And by 4638 percent, more voters in a recent Politico poll are against starting impeachment hearings than for them.

Related: This Short, Terrifying Book Explains How the West Could Collapse

The Russia affair also means the media is spending little time focusing on other issues that may be of great concern to progressives. Case in point: Just this past week, Trump essentially killed Dodd-Frank, effectively gutting Barack Obama's signature attempt at Wall Street reform. In another week, under a different president, this would have been much bigger news.

One danger of focusing so much ire on a single personalityeven one as deserving of contempt as Trumpis that once that person is defeated, or even neutered, the anger may dissipate, or become much harder to harness. Progressive organizations might find that without Trump to kick around, some of their less committed members might think the battle has been won, when in fact it may just be beginning.

Another problem of anti-Trumpism is that there's no proof it wins elections. Just ask Hillary Clinton, whose campaign is remembered far more for its unrelenting anti-Trump message than it is for a governing vision based on policy. A surprising statistic about Trump's election is that voters may have been less duped by his cult of personality than many liberals would like to think. A great deal of Trump supporters were turned off by him personally and voted for him anyway. Even if Trump's actions eventually sink his presidency, that won't necessarily bring progressives back to power.

The question for progressives isn't whether to push for impeachmentit's about what happens after that.

Will Democrats be ready to lead the country with a clear vision for the future, or will we again see the kind of intraparty squabbling between the Bernie Sanders and Clinton wings that so dominated the primaries, the same kind of divide between centrists and hard-liners that is currently plaguing the Republicans?

For now, however, Democrats are stuck in reactive mode, with little option but to push back. Until the midterms18 months away, which might as well be an eternitythe party isn't going to be able to do much of anything beyond protest, fundraise, and dream.

"The hard truth is that right now, at the federal level, progressives don't have the House, Senate, or presidency," Levin told me. "What we have is the power to respond, and quite frankly, what we're responding to is an awful, regressive, often racist or misogynistic agenda that this administration and Congress is pushing. We hope that in the not too distant future we'll be able to set the agenda again, but that's not where advocates on the ground are right now. It's just not where our power lies."

Eric Sasson is the author of Margins of Tolerance and the forthcoming novel Admissions. He is a regular contributor to The New Republic and GOOD magazine. Follow him on Twitter and visit his website.

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Liberals Need to Get Ready for a World Without Trump - VICE

Liberals to introduce legislation banning private cash-for-access fundraisers – CBC.ca

The federal government is poised to introduce legislation today that will put an end to exclusive, private fundraisers featuring cabinet ministers, party leaders and leadership contenders.

The Liberals have already adopted new rules requiring that all fundraisers featuring ministers be advertised in advance, conducted in publicly available places and open to the media. The party has promised to publicly disclose within 45 days the names of all those who attended and other details.

The new rules were put in place earlier this year after Prime Minister Justin Trudeau was roasted for months last fall over his attendance at exclusive fundraisers in private homes, where wealthy individuals paid up to the maximum donation of $1,550 to rub shoulders with the prime minister.

Today's legislation will make those rules the law and extend them to opposition party leaders and all candidates for any party's leadership.

In the midst of controversy over so-called cash-for-access fundraisers, Trudeau says he was willing to consider other options for resolving the problem, including reducing the donation limit and reinstating the per-vote subsidy for political parties, thereby reducing their need to raise large sums of money.

However, Liberal insiders say those options have since been rejected in favour of simply requiring more transparency.

Trudeau signalled the introduction of such a bill in January, in the mandate letter given to his newly appointed democratic institutions minister, Karina Gould.

"Sunshine is the best disinfectant to concerns about our political process," he said in the letter.

He instructed Gould to "significantly enhance transparency for the public at large and media in the political fundraising system for cabinet members, party leaders and leadership candidates."

"Fundraisers should be conducted in publicly available spaces, advertised in advance and reported on in a timely manner after the fact."

During the 2015 election campaign, Trudeau promised to impose limits on how much money political parties can spend between elections, not just during campaigns. Reducing parties' expenditures would also lessen their need to focus so heavily on fundraising.

However, fulfilment of that promise is not expected to be included in today's bill.

Opposition parties have dismissed the Liberals' new fundraising rules as smoke and mirrors, arguing that having Trudeau and his ministers attend fundraisers whether open to the public or not still violates the prime minister's own ethical rules against appearing to give preferential access in return for donations.

They've also questioned the value of extending the same rules that apply to cabinet ministers to opposition leaders and leadership contenders, who are in no position to influence government policy.

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Liberals to introduce legislation banning private cash-for-access fundraisers - CBC.ca

BC Liberals deposit close to $1 million in donations three days after election – Calgary Herald

Nearly $1 million in contributions were deposited into the B.C. Liberal partys bank account just three days after the May 9 election, reinforcing the perception that this province is the wild west when it comes to its unfettered political donations.

The most recent donors are the whos who of corporate B.C. with real-estate developers leading the way followed by construction and forestry companies, big oil, big banks and big law firms.

And, amid a slew of $25,000 donations, theres one from an unnumbered company. A corporate search turned up no information on the B.C.-registered company, not even a mailing address.

No doubt, Liberals are anxious to restock their campaign war chest before the new government rewrites legislation governing both contributions and campaign spending.

Campaign financing reform was one of the non-negotiable demands of the B.C. Green party, which holds the balance of power and has agreed to support a minority New Democratic Party government.

The other reason is that a government with a one-seat majority is at daily risk of toppling, despite the brave words from John Horgan and Andrew Weaver that their alliance is intended to last 4 years.

Its unlikely that the Liberals bank account was empty post election. By the end of 2016, it had already raised $7.6 million more than enough even with B.Cs unusually high spending limit of $4.9 million. Of course, individual candidates are also allowed to spend up to $77,675.

Still, its clear from the Liberals online donor disclosures that in the past month Christy Clarks party has been doing what it does best raising money.

May 12 was a bountiful day for the bank account, according to the Liberals disclosure for the week ending May 19. Just over $900,000 from 437 donors was deposited. Of those, 84 donors gave more than $1,000.

Seven of the 10 largest donations came from developers, led by Richmonds Rick Ilich at $100,000. Norman Cressey gave $75,000 in $25,000 increments through three numbered companies, while Wesgroup Properties (owned by the Weesik family) also donated $75,000.

Maple Ridge Plaza Properties gave $50,000 and three other developers donated $25,000 each BlueSky Properties, Bosa Properties and Reliance Properties. Shato Holdings gave $20,000.

Other notable donors are: law firms Fasken, Martineau, DuMoulin LLP and Farris, Vaughn, Wills and Murphy LLP, Seaspan, Neptune Terminals, Toronto-Dominion Bank, CIBC Head Office, Chevron Canada, Encana, Enbridge, Canadian Pacific Railways, Buron Healthcare (which runs care homes in partnership with Interior Health) and the B.C. Professional Fire Fighters Association.

The following week, there were more deposits 856 in all. Most were under $100, which added up to roughly $60,000. The exception was a $5,000 donation from A&W Canada CEO Paul F.B. Hollands.

Its not clear whether these reported donations were made before or after the election. Party spokesman Emile Scheffel said contributions are only recorded by deposit date.

He noted in an email, All contributions we receive of more than $250 are reported to Elections B.C. as part of our Annual Financial Report and, if applicable, our Election Financing Report, which covers contributions deposited during the writ period up to and including May 9.

Aside from that reporting requirement, there is no rule about how much can be raised either during a campaign or between campaigns.

While the Liberals voluntarily disclose their donations online, the other parties dont. So, well have to wait to see how they fared in the money sweepstakes.

Still, what we do know is that as soon as the NDP forms government, it will likely put at least as much energy into ending 16 years of the Liberals pay-for-play system and reforming the election spending laws as it does raising money.

Exactly how theyll do that hasnt been determined. But it will be one of the first issues that the Green-backed New Democrats will tackle.

Meantime, it bears pointing out that for a political party to deposit a million bucks a few days after an election is impressive at anytime and especially following a defeat. But in the coming weeks, there may be fertile ground for the Liberals to raise even more among the free-enterprisers who are deeply suspicious of socialist New Democrats, let alone tree-hugging Greens.

Those fears were likely stoked with the release of the NDP and Greens ambitious and sweeping alliance agreement that includes: doing everything possible to stop construction of Kinder Morgans Trans Mountain pipeline expansion; a review of both Site C dam and a Massey tunnel replacement; increasing the carbon tax; potentially raising the minimum wage; and adding new social programs including $10-a-day child care.

That potential for raising even more money may help explain why Christy Clark is in no hurry to hand over government. Her decision to recall the legislature and force the alliance to defeat the Liberals in the legislature buys the party more time for fundraising.

It may also buy Clark time. Shes a superb fundraiser, a skill that may keep the knives of disaffected Liberals sheathed at least for the short term.

dbramham@postmedia.com

twitter.com/daphnebramham

B.C. Liberals contributions of $1,000 or more in the week ending May 19

AmountDonor

100,000Rick Ilich

75,000Norman Cressey (through three numbered companies)

75,000Wesgroup

50,000Maple Ridge Plaza Properties

30,000Burnco Rock Products

25,000BlueSky Properties

25,000Bosa Properties

25,000Reliance Properties

25,000318219 BC Ltd.

24,000Fasken, Martineau, DuMoulin LLP

20,000Laurmel Holdings Ltd

20,000Shato Holdings

15,000Progressive Waste Solutions Canada

15,000Seaspan ULC

15,000The Arrow Group of Companies

15,000The Toronto-Dominion Bank

10,000Pacific Customs Brokers Ltd

10,000Quantum Properties

10,000Landcor Data Corporation

10,000Lake Excavating

10,000James A Allard

10,000In Re Capital Inc.

10,000Farris Vaughan, Wills & Murphy

10,000Chevron Canada Limited

10,000Buron Healthcare Ltd.

10,000BC Professional Fire Fighters Assoc

9,875North Shore Studios Management Ltd

9,500Horizon Construction Management Ltd

8,500London Air Services Ltd

8,000Intracorp Projects Ltd

7,500Carrier Lumber

7,500Joey Restaurant Group

5,000BA Blacktop

5,000Bayshore Healthcare

5,000Berezan (Juniper) Entrerprises Ltd.

5,000Burke Mountain Ltd Partnership

5,000Canadian Pacific Railway

5,000Canoe Forest Products

5,000Cascade Aerospace Inc

5,000Chalk Hill Investments Ltd.

5,000CIBC Head Office

5,000 Downie Timber Ltd.

5,000Encana Corp Ltd.

5,000Gorman Brothers

5,000Inwest Investments Ltd.

5,000Kirmac Automotive Collision

5,000Neptune Terminals

5,000Pageant Holdings Ltd.

5,000Persis Holdings Ltd.

5,000Steve Evans

5,000Triple E Ventures

5,000Wesbild Holdings

4,000Steelhead LNG

4,000Harbour Air

4,000Centra Construction Group

3,500Barry Marsden

3,400Wazuku Advisory Group

2,500Progressive Holdings Ltd

2,500Arin Industries Inc

2,500Sharon E White Law Corp

2,000Geoffrey Cowper

2,000BC Fresh Vegetables Inc

1,800William B. Fox

1,750Boralex Inc

1,500Yaletown Brewing Co.

1,150Bobleeco Family Holdings Ltd.

1,150Pencor Capital Corp

1,150Blue Grass Holdings Ltd.

1,150361036 BC Ltd

1,150502178 BC Ltd

1,000Portrait Homes

1,000Randy F Bartsch

1,000Nelson Management & Construction

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BC Liberals deposit close to $1 million in donations three days after election - Calgary Herald

USA Today: Trump Driving Liberals to Yoga – NewsBusters (blog)


NewsBusters (blog)
USA Today: Trump Driving Liberals to Yoga
NewsBusters (blog)
This news comes to us by way of the May 29 USA Today in which Paul Singer reports that the election of Donald Trump has driven many liberals to take up yoga as a means of escape or to energize themselves for the "resistance" ahead. So perhaps those ...

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USA Today: Trump Driving Liberals to Yoga - NewsBusters (blog)