Archive for the ‘Liberals’ Category

OPINION: Kathy Griffin is just the tip of the liberal violence iceberg – The Hill (blog)

One of the pillars of democracy erodes before our eyes. The ability to disagree with the politically different disintegrates under red and black flags, and hooded rioters obscuring their faces. Its not Donald TrumpDonald TrumpPerez: Trumps allegiance is with Putin Pro-Paris agreement protest planned outside the White House Thursday Bloomberg: '55 percent chance' Trump will win reelection MOREs secret police. Its not something out of a dystopian novel. Its the very real culture of permissive violence exploding from todays left. Bit by bit, this sort of behavior becomes quickly normalized (in the parlance du jour) and escalated.

While theres generally been blackout coverage of these mostly peaceful riots in the legacy media, every once in awhile something breaks through. Such is the case with the ever desperate Kathy Griffins latest sickening stunt. Griffin, who most people arent exactly sure why she is famous, posed for photos featuring the decapitated head of President Trump. Intended for an audience eager for more and more radical action, Griffin jumped over a big red line. Even CNN had to ask: did shecommit a felony?

The real underlying question is why Griffin thought that such an odious action was acceptable in the first place. In the echo chamber of the modern left wing, its obvious. Where is the swift condemnation of the stunt by this comedian? Whataboutisms abounded, said one Twitter commentatorwith 217 followers a random hillbilly once depicted a hanged President Obama!

Some criticism came in from the left, including CNNs Jake Tapper. He hosted a segment where surprise, surprise, his panel said the network hadbetter things to talk aboutthan her. Considering the news network employs her for their New Years I forgot to turn on Ryan Seacrest snoozefest says enough.

Will this incident live past this news cycle? Will there be solemn op-eds calling for soul searching among leaders of the Democratic Party for their tacit support of violent rhetoric and its predictable results? How many Seth Meyers and Stephen Colbert monologues will ridicule Griffin back into obscurity? Unfortunately, such questions are a waste of time. Even violence committed by that side of the aisle gets blamed on the White House.

One of the rioters in Berkeley was finally arrested for assaulting a Trump supporterwith a bike lock. Kellyanne Conway called on Democratic Party leaders toquell the rising violenceamong their supporters. Police againarrested violent protestersduring the Peoples Republic of Seattles May Day. Black clad antifa rioters assault and intimidate citizens and pro-Trump marchers.

Meanwhile, if you turned on the mainstream media, you would think that President Trump was personally leading a campaign of violence from the left wing Oregon hipster district to the Montana congressional race.

Take last weeks terrible attack on passengers in Portland. A mentally deranged man screamed at two Muslim women and slit the throats of their defenders. The media saw its narrative perfectly crafted. Except he was aBernie supporting,Jill Stein voting, Trump hating maniac. The New York Daily News instantly declared Trump ignored the incident. The Huffington Post had to one up or should I say20-upthem. Inverse said that Trumps tweet condemning the attackdidnt even exist.

Iwrote about the issuetwo months ago and it only seems to be getting worse. This isnt some sort of game. Its peoples lives and livelihoods played with to reach the front of TMZ or the Huffington Post. Heck, the latter said that violence was logical and apologized to ... you guessed it, liberals.

Its not funny. Its not edgy. Its just wrong.

Where does the atmosphere of delegitimizing an elected government and brushing violence under the rug get you? Well, it gets youthis(editor's note: graphic image).

Kristin Tateis a conservative columnist and author of the book Government Gone Wild: How D.C. Politicians Are Taking You For a Ride And What You Can Do About It. She was recently named one of NewsMaxs 30 Most Influential Republicans Under 30. Follow her @KristinBTate.

The views expressed by contributors are their own and are not the views of The Hill.

Read the original:
OPINION: Kathy Griffin is just the tip of the liberal violence iceberg - The Hill (blog)

‘Unstable,’ ‘Evil’: Liberals, Journalists Freak Out Over Trump ‘Covfefe’ Typo – Washington Free Beacon

AP

BY: Alex Griswold May 31, 2017 11:44 am

President Donald Trump made aTwitter typolate Tuesday night, tweeting about the negative "covfefe" he was receiving from the press.

Most on the left and the right alike saw the typo as just an amusing mistake. Trump himself joined in the fun Wednesday morning, challenging his Twitter followers to figure out the "true meaning" of the made-up word.

But some saw the "covfefe" tweet as a more nefarioussign of Trump's ineptitude, or declared the tweet was very,very important in the grand scheme of things.

"The U.S. president's half-finished late night tweet is the purest expression of his increasingly floundering presidency. He can't get his messaging right even at the simplest level," the Independent fretted.

CNN declared that "Covfefe' tells you all you need to know about Donald Trump."

"That lack of discipline reveals that there is simply no one who can tell Trump no,'" CNN editor at large Chris Cillizza wrote. "Or at least no one whom he will listen to."

Newsweek tweeted in response to the tweet that "we'll be telling our grandchildren about the covfefe' tweet." The actual headline was equally in awe of the tweet, declaring, "Donald Trump's Covfefe' Will Be the Word of the Yearor Century."

Meanwhile, the reaction on Twitter was equally indignant.

University of Virginia professor and political prognosticator Larry Sabato even suggested that cabinet members should take a look at the 25th Amendment, which allows them to remove the president from office in cases of mental inability or illness.

The rest is here:
'Unstable,' 'Evil': Liberals, Journalists Freak Out Over Trump 'Covfefe' Typo - Washington Free Beacon

Melanie Joly Accused Of Misleading House About Madeleine Meilleur’s Contact With Liberals – Huffington Post Canada

OTTAWA Opposition MPs accused Heritage Minister Mlanie Joly Wednesday of misleading the House of Commons after she told them a former Ontario Liberal cabinet minister had never spoken to Prime Minister Justin Trudeaus office about an appointment something Madeleine Meilleur seemed to confirm publicly herself.

Meilleurs appointment as Official Languages Commissioner, a non-partisan parliamentary watchdog, has drawn opposition fire for two weeks now ever since her nomination was formally announced on May 15.

Heritage Minister Melanie Joly speaks in the House of Commons on May 31, 2017. (Photo: Adrian Wyld/The Canadian Press)

In the Commons, both the Conservatives and the NDP attacked the Grits for nominating Meilleur, an Ontario Liberal MPP since 2003 who donated to the federal Liberals and financially supported Trudeaus bid to be party leader.

The opposition believe Meilleurs partisan leanings make her unqualified to serve as a non-partisan agent of Parliament, such as the information commissioner and the auditor general.

Its incredible to see how the Liberals are completely erasing the line between the independence of agents of Parliament and partisan politics, Conservative Leader Andrew Scheer said. Her donations to the Liberal party and to the prime minister should have disqualified her from the process.

Joly insisted that an independent process was used and that Meilleur was the best candidate of 72 who sought the job. But some have raised doubts.

Madeleine Meilleur is seen at the Ontario legislature in Toronto on June 11, 2013.

Michel Doucet, an outspoken Acadian lawyer specializing in language rights, let it be known that he had applied for the job. The current interim Official Languages commissioner, Ghislaine Saikaley, also applied, HuffPost has learned.

Saikaley issued a statement Wednesday recusing herself from hearing the numerous complaints her office received about the appointment process to avoid a potential conflict of interest.

If the [appointment] process was independent, Conservative MP Denis Lebel asked during question period, why did Ms. Meilleur meet with people in the Prime Ministers Office?

Joly responsed that Ms. [Katie] Telford and Mr. [Gerald] Butts never discussed with Ms. Meilleur the subject of becoming the official languages commissioner.

These discussions never took place, she said.

But that seems to fly in the face of comments Meilleur gave at a committee hearing on May 18.

When NDP Leader Thomas Mulcair asked whom she had spoken to in the Liberal party about wanting to become a senator or a commissioner, Meilleur said she approached Butts, Trudeaus principal secretary, and Telford, his chief of staff.

I spoke to Gerald Butts, she said. I know him well, because he worked for Mr. McGuinty, in Toronto, and I worked with him.

I expressed my interest and was told that now there was a process an open and transparent process. I was told that I had to go through the process. That's what I did.

Later, questioned by Conservative John Nater, Meilleur said she had also spoken to Telford in an unspecific manner.

I had a coffee with Katie and I was asking her if I could offer my service to serve Canadians just that I'd like to continue to serve, she said.

In the House, Conservative MP Erin OToole said the evidence didnt support Jolys comments that Meilleur had never discussed her appointment as official languages commissioner Butts or Telford and he asked Speaker Geoff Regan, a Liberal from Nova Scotia, to make a prima facie finding of contempt in this house because the minister refuses to correct the record.

Regan declined to rule and tried to shut down all the complaints about Joly after more than seven MPs stood up to suggest she was being less than truthful.

Speaker Geoff Regan is seen in the House of Commons.

Conservative MP Sylvie Boucher objected to Jolys suggestion that the opposition was consulted.

That is not true, Boucher said. She should stop saying that.

Joly notified the Conservative and NDP official languages critics but not the party leaders, whom she is legally obliged to consult.

We dont agree with the appointment at all. And she should take responsibility for that, Boucher said.

Mulcair also complained that the Liberals had potentially appointed someone who may not be able to investigate the prime minister because her past political donations might place her in an apparent conflict of interest.

What a crock of nonsense, Mulcair said. How can the Liberals explain appointing a commissioner who cannot even investigate the prime minister?

Conservative Lisa Raitt wondered what it all meant for the appointment of another watchdog of Parliament the ethics commissioner, when current commissioner Mary Dawsons term expires in July. Dawson is currently investigating Trudeaus potential conflict of interest in vacationing at the Aga Khans private island in the Bahamas.

Are we waiting to see how somebody's chat with Gerry and Katie goes before we get someone in this place? Raitt asked.

Subscribe to our podcast Follow us on Facebook

The rest is here:
Melanie Joly Accused Of Misleading House About Madeleine Meilleur's Contact With Liberals - Huffington Post Canada

To save the welfare state, liberals need a new narrative about personal responsibility – Vox

A few weeks ago, Rep. Mo Brooks (R-AL) told CNNs Jake Tapper that he favored the GOPs recent health care bill because it reduces the costs to those people who lead good lives, to those who keep their bodies healthy.

Setting aside for the moment that many health crises are not self-inflicted, Brookss logic is simple: If a person makes poor decisions, no one especially the state is obliged to help them. Or, more fundamentally, every individual is responsible only for themselves.

Liberals typically reject this logic. To the extent that they support health care or other social safety nets, they do so because they believe the state has a moral obligation to care for its citizens, especially the needy.

This divide animates almost every political dispute.

A new book titled The Age of Responsibility: Luck, Choice, and the Welfare State is challenging both the conservative and liberal narratives about choice and responsibility. The author is Yascha Mounk, a lecturer in political theory at Harvard University and a nonresident fellow at New Americas Political Reform Program.

Mounk argues that the left and the right have embraced a narrow and misleading conception of personal responsibility.

I sat down with him last week, and we talked about what a positive conception of responsibility looks like, and why punishing people for bad choices is a mistake. We also discussed what a properly constructed welfare state looks like, and why the left has failed to convince the right that stronger social safety nets are in everyones interest.

Our conversation has been lightly edited for length and clarity.

Maybe the best way to start is to have you explain how you define and think about responsibility.

How we think about responsibility has changed over time. Part of the problem is that it's really narrowed over time. When you think about what associations people had with the word responsibility in the '50s or '60s, I think they often would have thought about the duties we have toward other people. JFK's famous speech, "Ask not what your country can do for you; ask what you can do for your country," doesn't have the word responsibility in it, but it's a way to think about responsibility responsibility that goes beyond yourself, to your town, your community, your family, your country.

How has the concept of responsibility narrowed over time?

What we mean by responsibility has changed, so that now when we talk about responsibility, what we mean is that you have this sort of obligation to account for your own actions. It used to be that, "Look, you have responsibility outside yourself," and now it's like, "Well, look you have to acquit yourself of your own needs. You have to make sure that you have enough money to eat, that you don't ask things of the state or of others because you've made some bad choices, because you failed at something." Responsibility has become this really narrow and punitive idea not of what you owe to others, but of you making sure that others won't owe anything to you.

So now when we talk about responsibility, we tend to leave out the ways in which each person has duties to a society at large. This is more or less what Im talking about when I refer to this as the age of responsibility. Its an age in which responsibility has come to mean only personal responsibility.

I think a lot of this reduces to a core problem with libertarianism or classical liberalism: These are philosophies of rights, they give us a language of rights, but they dont give us a language of duties or obligations. Its all about what the state cant do to us (which is important, obviously), but theres nothing about what we owe our community, our neighbors, etc.

Yeah, I think thats right. There's this way of thinking about responsibilities and obligations that is all about, "Well, are you a good human being? Have you made the right choices or not? Are you yourself to blame for being in need?" It doesn't really think about the objectives of what we're trying to achieve as a society or what we may have in common.

When you're thinking about larger questions of economic policy, it actually winds up being pretty much in everybody's interest to revitalize parts of cities or to make sure that people who have made bad choices in the past are able to enter the workforce and become productive members of society.

The thing we should all be able to agree on is that this very, very narrow conception of responsibility and of our rights actually blinds us to all of those important considerations of public policy.

Then theres a sort of deeper question that you were raising: How do we think about what our rights are and what our duties are? How do we think about our institutions?

I guess that raises the obvious question: How can we get our institutions to reflect a view of responsibility that obliges us to care about other people and not just ourselves?

The move that I tried to make in the book is to say, "How do we think about something like the law of the state?" At the moment, we have this pre-political conception of rights and duties. It says, "Well, if you're in need for reasons beyond your own control - because you've had a car accident or because you were born with some disability - then we owe you something. But if, on the other hand, you're in need because you've made choices, then we don't owe you anything." " and, "If you're in need because you've made choices, then we don't owe you anything." Then the idea becomes that the institution of a welfare state is supposed to track that preexisting, pre-political set of ideas we have about who you are, what your character is, what choices you've made.

I think that gets it the wrong way around. I think there are political purposes that together, as a society, we're pursuing, and we should be setting up welfare state institutions in order to serve those purposes.

What would a properly constructed welfare state look like? What are the guiding principles?

I think then you get into a complicated discussion where there's a lot of trade-offs, but that captures to me what the truth of the matter is. I cant say, "This is the one principle that applies, and everything else doesn't matter," but that's how we think about it at the moment. We tend to think about this in terms of blame and fault. We say, "Well, it depends on if its your own fault or not. If it's not your own fault, then we owe you something. If it is your own fault, well, fuck you."

Instead, I think we should say, no, we want a welfare state that allows us to become a society of free and equal citizens in which we don't have the same amount of money, but in which each of us can appear in public as a true equal participant in our political system, in our democracy. A society in which we think of each other with respect and think of each other as socially equal, where nobody is so poor that the way they walk through the street marks them out as a member of the underclass. That's an important value to me personally.

There are other values that are very important as well. We also want a prosperous economy. We also want a dynamic economy. We also want to reduce suffering, needless suffering. That's an important goal of a welfare state. Sometimes these things will be at cross-purposes. Sometimes we may have to sacrifice a bit of economic dynamism for the sake of a greater moral good. There are always trade-offs and considerations.

How does your conception of responsibility inform some of the issues being contested today? Im thinking of the health care debate in particular, which is weighed down by divergent conceptions of personal responsibility.

Health care is a great example of how the obsession with personal responsibility poisons our political debate. Republicans say that people have a responsibility to take care of their own needs; if healthy people fail to take out health insurance, and then fall sick, that's their own problem. Democrats retort that we owe people health care irrespective of the choices they've made.

Now, I happen to agree with Democrats on this one, but I actually think this way of framing the question is far too narrow both from a philosophical perspective and in terms of just, well, winning the debate. Because the thing is: America pays far more on health care than other industrialized nations. And all that money buys us worse outcomes. So if we focus on this systemic question, rather than the ins and outs of who made which choice and owes what to whom, then we are both addressing more fundamental issues and, paradoxically, might have a better chance of seeing common ground.

Theres a pragmatism to that point that undergirds a lot of what you write in the book. Youre obviously of the left, but this is a pretty even-handed analysis. You argue in the book that both the left and the right are wrong about responsibility, albeit in different ways. The right is mired in this punitive framework, and the left, on your view, tends to deny accountability altogether.

The story on the right is simple, and it's sort of simple why that story is wrong. The right asks, Well, is it your own fault that you're in need? If it is your own fault, fuck you. We don't own you anything." Even if you're suffering a lot, even if we could easily remedy your suffering, even if it might have these good structural consequences if we help you, its not our duty to do that. Somebody might want to do it out of charity, but certainly the state shouldn't do it. I think this is shortsighted, unproductive, and not appealing as a vision for what we want to be as a society.

Now, what's happened on the left is really interesting. A lot of people on the left have taken on board the basic normative premise that the right has advanced in the age of responsibility. They've come to agree that, "Yes, the choices you've made in the past should influence what we owe you today. You've made bad choices. We owe you less." But they still end up arguing for a total welfare state, and they do it by arguing against an empirical ascriptions of responsibility.

To be clear, when you say arguing against an empirical ascription of responsibility, does that mean denying that people can or should be held accountable for those bad choices theyve made?

Yeah, basically. What you hear on the left is that people may have failed to live up to their personal responsibilities but that this isnt actually their fault in any way. Everybody is a victim of structure, a victim of these forces beyond themselves, and a reason why we can't hold people responsible in any way is that they have no agency.

Now, I get why people attempt to make this argument. I get what's appealing about it, but I think it really has proven politically ineffective.

Ineffective because its basically an incoherent argument or ineffective because its just not politically persuasive?

Perhaps both. I just know that it hasnt worked well in practice. When you keep saying, "Look, yes, people in this community are poor, but it's because they're victims of everything, so we should feel sorry for them," thats not effective. People on the other side arent buying that argument. So if you want to preserve or strengthen the welfare state, thats not the way to do it.

The way I think about it is that most people are capable of agency, and most people want to take responsibility for their own lives. They want to take responsibility for their loved ones, for their communities, for all kinds of things. So we should think again about how we can actually empower people who are disadvantaged to take on responsibility and find this more positive notion of what we mean when we say responsibility, rather than the instinctual left response of just denying that people who are in need have agency.

Well, I think this is a bit of a caricature of the smarter arguments on the left, but its probably not useful to debate that here. Let me ask you this: What do you say to someone who straightforwardly makes a normative libertarian argument that if someone consciously makes bad decisions, or if they simply refuse to work hard, they ought to pay a price for that and if they dont pay a price for that, we undercut the incentives for other people to work hard and apply themselves?

I think thats a pretty pragmatic argument. Again, I believe there are going to be trade-offs between having a really generous welfare state that helps people no matter what the circumstances, that strives to reduce suffering, and one that ensures we have the money we need in order to have a welfare state in a sustainable way, that ensures we have a dynamic economy. Those things could be in conflict, and I dont deny that.

Well, this is why we end up with an intractable value problem. Ultimately, people have to buy the moral argument that reducing suffering is a humane and just thing to do, irrespective of the economic benefits or costs.

Oh, absolutely. There are practical reasons to care about these things as well, as I mentioned earlier, but there is definitely a moral dimension to this argument. A lot of this depends on context too. Maybe in some countries, the culture is such that work is more prized and people are more desperate to work anyway, so the incentive isn't as important. Maybe in some countries, there's just more money to spend on a welfare state, so theres less of a competition with other kinds of political goods you might get from spending that money. You will get a range of outcomes depending on the empirical circumstances and depending on the values of a people or culture.

Your book sort of walks the line between a moral argument and a utilitarian argument.

I'm making a moral case that the punitive conception of personal responsibility is really cruel to people, really unfair to people in many circumstances. I'm also making a pragmatic case, especially to the left, that the way we tend to talk and think about responsibility, the way we've tended to play defense against this right-wing conception of personal responsibility, isn't working very well. If we actually want to have a productive conversation about the future of work, about the future of a welfare state or social entitlements, and if we want to win elections, we should think about it in very different ways. We should think about how to empower people by making them capable of real agency rather than making excuses for people by saying that theyre victims of structure.

Im more interested in the pragmatic case youd make to someone on the right, because thats ultimately who youre looking to persuade here. The left will buy any argument that advances a more generous welfare state, but the right has to be convinced that doing so will materially improve society.

Okay, lets take this example: How should we treat somebody who has lost their job for their own fault? They turned up late to work too many times and [are] now stuck in a very poor neighborhood far from employment opportunities. One question is, do we owe them assistance of transport? We could take the personal responsibility view and say, "No, we don't owe it to him because he made bad choices and thats why he lost his job, so we why should we care?

Now, we could take a more pragmatic view here and say, "Well, look, he actually needs access to a car in order to get the next job, and he actually wants a job, so it's in our interest to help him get access to that transportation because that means he will earn money, pay taxes, and contribute to the community rather than sinking further into desperation or crime or drug use or whatever. When that happens, society ultimately pays the price. So these are practical considerations that people on the right should be able to recognize.

My sense is that all the normative and philosophical arguments about responsibility are super interesting to weirdos like us who are into that kind of thing, but most people dont give a damn. If theres a politically persuasive case to be made for a more generous society, its got be less abstract and more concrete.

I totally agree. Look, you can either have this incredibly complicated and interesting debate that philosophers have had literally for thousands of years that ultimately devolves into intractable questions about whether people have free will or you can recognize that almost everyone wants to lead a life in which they consider themselves responsible for their own actions. Most people want to take control of their lives, want to take responsibility for others. We need to be thinking about how to help them do that.

So to the person on the right who says that Im only responsible for myself and my actions, and I dont care about the fate of other people, you respond not by saying, "Here is some abstract moral notion that I derived through amazing logic that you'll understand only if you, too, study philosophy for 20 years." A) I don't think that actually works philosophically, and b) it's not going to work practically anyway. What you can say is, "What does the world look like when you really think we have no obligations toward other people whatsoever? What kind of political, moral world do you enter, and is that a world you actually want to live in?"

I think for most people, if they really consider this, the answer is no.

Original post:
To save the welfare state, liberals need a new narrative about personal responsibility - Vox

Liberals Need to Get Ready for a World Without Trump – VICE

Just a few months into his presidency, Donald Trump has done wonders for the progressive movement. Anti-Trumpism has generated an unprecedented nationwide outpouring of anger, resistance, and mobilization. Protests and marches have attracted crowds in the hundreds of thousands. Calls have flooded congressional offices. Grassroots organizations are multiplying, and more Democratic women are running for office than ever before. Most of these actions are responses to specific issuesthe Women's March and the March for Science come to mindbut it's not hard to view fear and contempt of Trump as the motivating factor underlying everything.

And that could be a problem for Democrats.

Even as the party's base and legislators begin to unify around the idea that this erratic president should be impeached and removed as soon as possible, progressives ought to start thinking about what a post-Trump landscape might look likeand what principals unite them beyond the urge to drive their foe out of the White House.

Any Republican president would encounter resistance, but Trump offends progressives' sensibilities in a way other Republicans don't. Many consider him vulgar, narcissistic, and self-serving, a pathological liar who seems unprepared for, even incurious about, the office he's holding. He brazenly flouts ethics laws. The rationale to see him ousted is understandable on some level: Everyone, from Bernie Sanders supporters to more moderate Democrats to a faction of breakaway conservatives to a good chunk of the media, would love to see Trump fail.

The good news for them is Trump is notoriously erratic, and his administration's lack of discipline and experience is both stalling its agenda and making Trump's removal more likely.

But if progressives get their wish and Vice President Mike Pence takes over, those distractions aren't likely to endure. Policy differences between moderate and conservative Republicans might persist under a Pence presidency, but without the daily breaking news of scandal to distract them, the right would have more space to iron out their differences with a president who understands how Congress works.

Watch: British people are betting on impeachment

I reached out to three large progressive organizations in the country to get their read on whether their leaders thought progressive activism has become too closely aligned with anti-Trumpism, and whether they are thinking about a world after Trump.

Charles Chamberlain is the executive director of Democracy for America, a group that has called for impeachment. "Calling on the House to start impeachment hearings and remove Trump from office isn't a partisan political strategy, it's a moral imperative to protect the foundations of democracy and prove that even the president isn't above the law," he told me.

He added that removal, when it comes, would be an unambiguous defeat not just for Trump but the whole GOP: "When Trump resigns or is impeached, whatever Republican administration replaces him will be a badly wounded lame duck president unable to accomplish anything against a relentless resistance that won't give up until the Republicans who supported his extreme policies are swept out of office."

Ben Wikler, the Washington director of MoveOn.organother pro-impeachment liberal groupechoed Chamberlain's optimism: "If you look at polling, the number of Republicans who strongly support Trump is small and shrinking, and so right now, I don't anticipate that Trump will engender greater enthusiasm on the Republican side, so you wind up with a progressive movement that continues to surge with fighting spirit and a deflated conservative movement, which is a recipe for a landslide on our side."

"We need to have an alternative aside from 'we don't like trump' or 'vote for us, we're not in league with Russia.'"

Both Wikler and Chamberlain also pointed out that the battle over the Republicans' American Health Care Act was about policy, not just Trump. That view was echoed by Ezra Levin, co-executive Director of Indivisible. "The reaction to Trumpcare was a reaction to the House bill," he said. "In the event that we would have some other president who was pushing these policies, I think we would see similar pushback."

Still, Levin conceded that progressives need to come up with a game plan. "I do think there is a need for a bold progressive vision for the future. We need to have an alternative aside from 'we don't like Trump' or 'vote for us, we're not in league with Russia.' You know, that's not enough I think it's going to be pretty clear when folks are running this year in the special elections and next year in the midterms."

Complicating any efforts to assemble a vision is the multifaceted scandal over Russia's efforts to influence the 2016 election, Trump's firing of FBI director James Comey, and any wrongdoing by current or former White House officials. Seemingly every day brings fresh news about these issues, and they rightly alarm many progressives.

But alarming headlines in the Washington Post and the New York Times haven't done anything to change the minds of Trump's voters. His approval rating remains stubbornly high among Republicans, a fact that likely confounds liberals far more than conservatives. And by 4638 percent, more voters in a recent Politico poll are against starting impeachment hearings than for them.

Related: This Short, Terrifying Book Explains How the West Could Collapse

The Russia affair also means the media is spending little time focusing on other issues that may be of great concern to progressives. Case in point: Just this past week, Trump essentially killed Dodd-Frank, effectively gutting Barack Obama's signature attempt at Wall Street reform. In another week, under a different president, this would have been much bigger news.

One danger of focusing so much ire on a single personalityeven one as deserving of contempt as Trumpis that once that person is defeated, or even neutered, the anger may dissipate, or become much harder to harness. Progressive organizations might find that without Trump to kick around, some of their less committed members might think the battle has been won, when in fact it may just be beginning.

Another problem of anti-Trumpism is that there's no proof it wins elections. Just ask Hillary Clinton, whose campaign is remembered far more for its unrelenting anti-Trump message than it is for a governing vision based on policy. A surprising statistic about Trump's election is that voters may have been less duped by his cult of personality than many liberals would like to think. A great deal of Trump supporters were turned off by him personally and voted for him anyway. Even if Trump's actions eventually sink his presidency, that won't necessarily bring progressives back to power.

The question for progressives isn't whether to push for impeachmentit's about what happens after that.

Will Democrats be ready to lead the country with a clear vision for the future, or will we again see the kind of intraparty squabbling between the Bernie Sanders and Clinton wings that so dominated the primaries, the same kind of divide between centrists and hard-liners that is currently plaguing the Republicans?

For now, however, Democrats are stuck in reactive mode, with little option but to push back. Until the midterms18 months away, which might as well be an eternitythe party isn't going to be able to do much of anything beyond protest, fundraise, and dream.

"The hard truth is that right now, at the federal level, progressives don't have the House, Senate, or presidency," Levin told me. "What we have is the power to respond, and quite frankly, what we're responding to is an awful, regressive, often racist or misogynistic agenda that this administration and Congress is pushing. We hope that in the not too distant future we'll be able to set the agenda again, but that's not where advocates on the ground are right now. It's just not where our power lies."

Eric Sasson is the author of Margins of Tolerance and the forthcoming novel Admissions. He is a regular contributor to The New Republic and GOOD magazine. Follow him on Twitter and visit his website.

Read more here:
Liberals Need to Get Ready for a World Without Trump - VICE