Archive for the ‘Liberals’ Category

If college liberals are so naive, why did the campus right fall for Yiannopoulos? – Washington Post

I promised myself that Id spend less of 2017 dissecting the provocations of assorted jerks and frauds.I held out for a while. But as Milo Yiannopouloss reign as the latest conservative enfant terrible crumbled this weekend over video of him suggesting that very young teenagers can consent to sex with adults, with organizers of the Conservative Political Action Conference rescinding a speaking invitation that they had extended to him and a conservative imprint of Simon & Schuster canceling his $250,000 book contract, it seemed worthwhile to note one particular element of his confidence game.

Yiannopouloss rise coincided with a new wave of protest on college campuses and was directly facilitated by conservative college students who booked him in an attempt to raise even more ire from their liberal peers. At the same time that conservatives were criticizing liberal college students as vulnerable snowflakes making unreasonable requests of their administrations, conservative college students and groups were enabling the rise of an intellectual fraud at the cost of their own funds and credibility.

Self-described troll and conservative writer Milo Yiannopoulos resigned from Breitbart News on Feb. 21, but his far-right speeches and provocative comments aren't going anywhere. (Peter Stevenson/The Washington Post)

Utopianism can be a form of naivete. Given the sheer variety of students who gather on most college campuses,it would take an impractical if not Orwellian effort for administrators and faculty to anticipate their students every need. And given the inevitable contradictions between those needs and desires, it would be impossibleto accommodate every single one of them.Hoping for a world free of economicprecariousness, myriad forms of discrimination and the unkindnesses of youthmay be impractical, given present political conditions and university politics. The solutions that the left and liberal college students propose may even be downright undesirable. But as forms of callowness go, wanting to improve the world is hardly the worst.

Contrast the wide-eyed earnestness of progressive college students, for which theyve earned so much criticism, with the gullibility of their conservative peers,whose weakness for Yiannopouloss shtick was whatinspired the American Conservative Union to say yes when Yiannopoulos asked to speak at CPAC.

In keeping with the broader themes of our political moment, Yiannopoulos is less a conservative than a fellow traveler who vexes liberals for profit.

Yiannopouloss embrace of the Gamergate backlash against the diversity movement in video games helped make him a media figure in the United States, but it seemed like a canny calculation rather than a genuine commitment. His outrageous statements about everything from Jewish control of the media to the Black Lives Matter movement to transgender people have long seemed less the product of a genuine worldview than a search for buttons to press, accompanying the jabs with naughty snickers. To regard him as genuinely politically conservative requires ignorance of conservative principles. To see his act as outrageous rather than derivative requires an unfamiliarity with subjects including art and gay history.

And yet, conservative college students were willing to keep booking Yiannopoulos, since demonstrating that we are not these special snowflakes who need safe spaces, as the organizer of one such event at Yale put it, apparently counts as high principle.

The University of California at Berkeley canceled a talk by inflammatory Breitbart writer Milo Yiannopoulos and put the campus on lockdown after intense protests broke out on Feb. 1. (Video: The Washington Post / Photo: AP)

The tour stops themselves may not have been particularlyprofitable for Yiannopoulos. The production was deliberately over-the-top in a fashionintended to make a splash inan upcoming documentary. And Yiannopoulos on at least one occasion personally picked up the security fee a college was charging to maintain order at his appearance.

The real currency of Yiannopouloss tour wasnt speaking fees. It was ginning upthe proteststhat would make for flashy documentary footage and stoking the controversy that has made someone like Ann Coulter a right-wing publishing mainstay. If the entire case for your importance is that you make a certain class of people angry, then you have to keep making those people angry, upping the rhetorical ante all the way, to preserve the sense that you are dangerous and thus capable of moving books and movie tickets. Conservative college students proved more than willing to provide Yiannopoulos with the forums to do that, in some cases paying for extra security at the events in question. Yiannopouloss college tour wasnt merely about ginning up the incidents he needed to survive as a going concern; it was a rather nifty way to get other people to pick up at least some of the tab.

So the next time conservatives feel tempted to decry the callowness of campus liberals, they might take a pause to consider why so many college conservatives allowed themselves to be taken in by a dubious huckster with little to offer the long-term development of right-leaning ideas and institutions on college campuses. Its a statement of conservative pride in the movements supposed clear thinkingto paraphrase Irving Kristol and suggest that liberals, once mugged by reality, will come to their senses. Anyone who went into business, however temporarily, with Milo Yiannopoulos should come to terms with the fact that theyve just beenswindled, period.

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If college liberals are so naive, why did the campus right fall for Yiannopoulos? - Washington Post

Trump Is Unpopular, But Not As Unpopular As Liberals Think – New York Magazine

Ad will collapse in seconds CLOSE February 21, 2017 02/21/2017 1:40 p.m. By Ed Kilgore

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Do you wonder why Donald Trump thinks hes wildly popular beyond the nefarious precincts of those enemies of the people, the liberal news media? The president himself offered a succinct talking point on that subject near the beginning of his very non-succinct February 16 press conference.

True to form, Trump cherry-picked the most favorable polling data available, and ignored the rest. But he could not do that short of just, well, making stuff up, which is always an option for him if it were not for an unusually wide range of findings in the polling universe about public attitudes toward the 45th presidents job performance so far.

As Nate Silver notes, Trumps recent approval ratings vary from a high of 55 percent (with 45 percent disapproval) in the aforementioned Rasmussen poll to a low of 39 percent (with 56 percent disapproval) in a survey from Pew Research. The differences are most likely the result of a combination of sampling and survey techniques. Trump consistently does better with narrower samples. Rasmussen claims to be measuring likely voters, even though we are more than a year and a half away from the next national election. Pew is sampling all adults, a significantly larger universe than those who will ultimately vote in that next election. Rasmussen is also famously a robo-pollster, which means hes only reaching the half of the electorate that has land lines. Pew utilizes a traditional live-interview methodology, which is generally thought to be more accurate, but that some theorize can be misleading with respect to highly controversial politicians like Trump. (This is the shy Trump voter theory.)

While polls like Rasmussens have a poor reputation and polls like Pews are considered closer to the gold standard (FiveThirtyEights pollster ratings give Raz a C+ and Pew a B+), we are in a period of great uncertainty about polling quality. And as it happens, the final 2016 national poll from Rasmussen pretty much nailed Clintons popular-vote margin over Trump, while the final Pew poll (conducted two weeks out, to be fair) showed Clinton up by six points.

So with all this confusion, is Trump justified in just citing whichever polling results he wants? No, not really. Most observers who are interested in approximating the truth go with polling averages. At the moment, RealClearPolitics average of recent polls places Trumps job approval ratio at 45/51. Its also important to pay attention to trends. As it happens, since Trump bragged about his Rasmussen numbers, his approval ratio in that tracking poll has deteriorated from 55/45 to 50/50, the worst ratio of his brief administration.

It is an entirely different question how much these numbers matter as a predictor of the next election. While the party of the president almost always loses House seats and more often than not loses Senate and gubernatorial seats in midterms, and less popular presidents usually lose more than popular presidents, variations in the landscape can make it very tricky to lay odds. The Senate landscape in 2018 is insanely pro-Republican. GOP control of the upper chamber could very well survive even a Democratic electoral tsunami. Since all House seats are up in 2018, GOP control there is significantly more vulnerable, but thanks to gerrymandering and superior efficiency in the distribution of voters, Democrats will have an uphill battle to win the net 24 seats necessary for a flip in control and with it the ability to thwart the Trump/GOP agenda. Nate Cohn appears to think its too much of a reach even if Trumps approval ratings stay roughly where they are today.

In 2006 and 2010, Mr. Bush and Mr. Obama had approval ratings near or above 40 percent on Election Day. So if you had to make a rough guess, you would probably say that Mr. Trumps approval rating would probably need to be even lower for House control to become a true tossup.

So while it is hard to deny that Trump is amazingly unpopular for a new president, unless his approval ratings trend farther down the way even those of popular presidents typically do, his party may not suffer the kind of humiliation Democrats experienced in 2010. For all the shock Trump has consistently inspired with his behavior as president, theres not much objective reason for Republican politicians to panic and begin abandoning him based on his current public standing. But in this as in so many other respects, we are talking about an unprecedented chief executive, so the collapse some in the media and the Democratic Party perceive as already underway could yet arrive.

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The protesters, the new frisson, and the extremely clean floors.

While scores of GOP lawmakers are avoiding their constituents, a handful attended packed public events back home.

They were released just as Secretary of State Rex Tillerson and Homeland Security Secretary John Kelly headed south.

The American tourism industry is still reeling from Trumps travel ban.

Challenging Trumps travel ban.

Trump has an opportunity to lay out a detailed policy agenda on February 28 to a joint session of Congress which needs the guidance. But will he?

Maybe the plan is to deport millions, or frighten the undocumented into self-deporting. Either way, a big shift in immigration policy is underway.

Authorities are awaiting lab results while North Korea accuses Malaysia of mangling the autopsy.

Are Trumps historically low approval ratings high enough for Republicans to avoid a 2018 disaster? Probably so, but theres not much room for error.

The president is poised to pay for his tax cuts by baselessly assuming 3 percent economic growth and eliminating public broadcasting.

Assessing the not-so-great dictator one month into his tenure.

Finally abandoning a habit of attacking reporters who asked him about anti-Semitic incidents, Trump simply addressed the subject appropriately.

No one suffered life-threatening injuries.

Patriots shun the White House. Sports stars turn ESPN into MSNBC. And brands smell the commercial potential in political rage.

It took the TSA two hours to report the accidental security breach to Port Authority police.

Ivanka Trump and the White House issued statements, but the president has not discussed the incidents specifically.

The company is moving fast following harassment allegations from a former employee.

The silly-sign makers were out in full force on Monday.

He was previously in charge of designing the Army of the future.

The right-wing provocateur came under fire for a video in which he defends relationships between younger boys and older men.

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Trump Is Unpopular, But Not As Unpopular As Liberals Think - New York Magazine

Liberal ‘lies’ about President Trump | TheHill – The Hill (blog)

Liberals have discovered a new word.

Lie: to make an untrue statement with intent to deceive.

MSNBC's Lawrence ODonnell went so far as to crown himself the enemy of Trump lies. Interestingly, the concept of lying has been noticeably absent from liberal vocabulary for the last eight years.

This characterization was nowhere to be found when President Barack ObamaBarack ObamaHow Democrats can rebuild a winning, multiracial coalition Howard Dean endorses Buttigieg in DNC race Americans should get used to pop culture blending with politics MOREs then-U.N. Ambassador Susan Rice appeared on five Sunday talk shows and blamed the Benghazi attacks on a YouTube video. In lockstep, Secretary of State Hillary Clinton allegedly assured the families of the four dead Americans that she would get the videomaker; this promise came despite Clinton knowing full well that terrorists were to blame.

Indeed, Clinton wrote in two emails in the immediate aftermath of Benghazi that these Americans were killed in Benghazi by an al Qaeda-like group not at the hands of a spontaneous protest triggered by a video. Nevertheless, she purportedly deceived the families of these American heroes.

The L-word was absent when the Obama administration promised 37 times if you like your healthcare plan, you can keep it, only to be followed by millions of Americans losing their plans and doctors en masse. According to NBC, the Obama administration knew millions could not keep their health insurance. Liberals, nevertheless, played the naivet card.

Lying allegations were nonexistent when Hillary Clinton vowed that she did not email any classified material to anyone on my email only to be followed by a revised vow that she never sent nor received any information that was classified at the time it was sent and received before finally arriving at the promise that she never received nor sent any material that was marked classified.

Is your head spinning? Mine too! Clintons evolving and lawyerly defenses of course came as the evidence of her sending and receiving classified information became public. As the facts grew, so too did evidence of Clintons intentional deception.

Rather than label the Obama and Clinton duplicities as lies, liberals rationalized them. Obama and Clinton did not intend to deceive, and thus they did not lie.

Rice and Clinton were caught up in the fog of war during Benghazi, as Clinton stated to a congressional panel. Obama did not realize millions would lose their plans. And Clinton, despite having three decades of government experience, just did not know how to handle classified information.

In other words, because these liberals did not intend to deceive a questionable notion at best, given the facts they did not lie.

If the left would use this same exacting precision in analyzing the words of President Trump, not only would they find that Trump is not lying but that he lacks the nefarious cover-up motives involved in several of the aforementioned Democratic mistruths.

For instance, I was at Trumps Saturday rally in Melbourne, Fla., where he urged his audience to look at whats happening last night in Sweden.

The left used Trumps vague statement to impart sinister suspicion. How dare he make up a terrorist attack!? and liar! were but a few of the apoplectic freak-outs. Meanwhile, the person beside me heard it entirely differently. Hes referring to information he gathered regarding Sweden last night, this person said.

Trumps clarification on Twitter that his last night remark indeed referred to a Friday night Fox News segment on crime in Switzerland validated the latter interpretation over the former. Nevertheless, the former interpretation was adopted as gospel.

The lefts lying narrative was again on full display when Trump stated that the murder rate was the highest it has been in 47 years. The liberals accused Trump of intentionally planting a false statistic, but they ought to have done a cursory Google search, which would have clarified exactly what Trump was getting at: the U.S. had just seen the biggest increase in murders in 45 years.

Trump used this statistic several times throughout the campaign, and Politifact rated his statement as mostly true. But this time Trump left out one word increase and the left lost it, resorting to the lying label.

The truth is liberals are using every tactic possible to drown the Trump presidency. False allegations of racism, bigotry, xenophobia, anti-Semitism, and now lying each have their own chapter in the Trump takedown playbook.

As it turns out, the only lies being told are not by President Donald TrumpDonald TrumpHow Democrats can rebuild a winning, multiracial coalition The Green Movement Is our planets last best hope Poll: Majority of Americans fear US will become involved in another major war MORE but by liberals, who will hypocritically mischaracterize Trumps every action. They do so intentionally the very definition of a lie.

Kayleigh McEnany is a CNN political commentator who recently received her Juris Doctor from Harvard Law School. She graduated from Georgetown University's School of Foreign Service and also studied politics at Oxford University.

The views of contributors are their own and not the views of The Hill.

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Liberal 'lies' about President Trump | TheHill - The Hill (blog)

The arrogant thinking of liberal sports writers – The Week Magazine

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"Today, sports writing is basically a liberal profession, practiced by liberals who enforce an unapologetically liberal code," writes Bryan Curtis at The Ringer. He's right.

You can see it in the way sportswriters police a consensus against the Washington Redskins' name, or for on-field political activism. They tweet against President Trump, and for undocumented immigrants. They pile on populist loudmouths like former Red Sox pitcher Curt Schilling, and may even be punishing him for his politics with their Hall of Fame ballots. They proudly admit that they are at a remove from their readers. HardballTalk's Craig Calcaterra owns it: "It's folly for any of us to think we're speaking for the common fan."

Curtis is generally pleased with sports journalism's leftward shift, and treats the possibility of non-conforming writers as a potentially amusing but unnecessary curio. "Would it be nice to have a David Frum or Ross Douthat of sports writing, making wrongheaded-but-interesting arguments about NCAA amateurism?" he asks. "Sure. As long as nobody believed them."

Well, I think I may be this curio myself.

I run a subscription newsletter about baseball The Slurve that is deliberately constructed to be an escape from politics for my readers (and for me). But I'm still a conservative who does a lot of sports writing. Besides The Slurve, I've written a few sports pieces in ESPN Magazine, and occasionally inflict my wrongheaded (but interesting!) sports arguments on readers here at The Week.

Predictably (and perhaps self-interestedly), I think the increasing ideological uniformity of sports writing is bad for sports journalism and for sports themselves. And in the way that it encourages conformism and intellectual laziness, it is probably bad for causes dear to liberals in sports.

Calcaterra is right that liberal sports writers aren't speaking "for the common fan." More often they are speaking at the common fan, or even just at a caricature of a fan that they assembled from the most voluble sports talk radio callers and the obscure Twitter accounts that jeer their work. The liberalism on offer on sports pages is rather infatuated with the norms and aspirations of the class of people from which journalists are drawn. And this narrowness usually puts them in an antagonistic position not just with fans, but with the entire sports culture beyond journalism.

The recent self-consciousness of progressive sports writers also misleads many of them into thinking all their quarrels are with conservative ideas, when they are in fact just arguing with the voluble and inarticulate. Sports radio hosts and their callers are often (wrongly) taken as the stand-in for opposing ideas.

Some of the debates in baseball in particular are given ideological or racial names, when in fact they are generational. Take the debate about bat-flips, which is often cast as one between stodgy white conservatives and fun multicultural liberals who prefer a Latin game. There is a reason why older Baby Boomer writers, who are themselves veterans of a deeply hierarchical system that rewarded time-serving veterans who spent decades writing formulaic gamers, are more likely to admire and defend the hierarchical culture among athletes that includes hazing a rookie, or letting expressive or cocky young players know they have to earn their place in the pecking order. And it's not a surprise that younger writers who smashed through to national audiences through opinionated new digital platforms admire the more expressive players.

But there's only so much that this new crop of sports writers can truly identify with in the players they admire. Socially cosseted with other journalists, liberal sports writers increasingly identify with the only set of actors in the sports world that come from a cultural milieu relatable to their own: the new class of rationalizing, brainy executives. In another generation, sports writers dreamed futilely of being Willie Mays or Gordie Howe. Now they want to be Houston Rockets general manager Daryl Morey. And their copy and concerns increasingly seem to be written for each other and for these analytics-loving general managers.

Sometimes the problems this produces aren't strictly political. Brian Kenny, the loudest of the sports rationalizers, once asked if anyone should care about no-hitters anymore. After all, nine innings is just a small sample size, and throwing a no-hitter can be a bit flukish. No one thinks that the last person to throw a no-hitter is, by definition, the best pitcher in the game. Kenny used the political-ish rhetoric of liberals to make this point. He was advocating a modern, progressive, and data-driven view of baseball against "antiquated" and misguided "values."

Kenny's argument wasn't wrong as much as it was wrong-footed. He wasn't advocating a progressive view, just the general managers' view that a single game isn't useful for ranking a player or determining his next contract or his trade value. But fans (and players) can still enjoy games as individual dramatic events, apart from the fact that they add a marginal amount of new data to an evaluative spreadsheet. And don't forget, a big story of the last decade has been the humbling of the clever-dick sabermetricians and the journalists who championed them, as new forms of data and deeper insights into front offices confirm some of the once-scorned wisdom of the ages.

The pattern of over-identifying with general managers is endemic to liberal sports journalism, and the not-so-secret truth is that liberal sportswriters increasingly hold the culture that produces athletes and their fans in contempt, or even find it dangerous and threatening. Fans are treated as a distracting nuisance, in thrall to their tribal affinities and over-invested in homegrown players or even in winning itself. How quaint.

The culture of athletes is treated as alien and toxic, a kind of pit in which womanizing bros, aggressive rageaholics, and icky religious freaks are allowed to flourish and enjoy a high income and status that would be justly denied to people who act and think in this way in any other profession. When macho athletes like Yasiel Puig are profiled, it is often in a superficial way in which their background is mined for all political resonance and dramatic tension, but the actual personality is carefully obscured. Athletes are famously hard to get to know, but sportswriters often just seem incapable of getting their head into a macho, competitive, aggressive culture. And sometimes, sports writers seem to be appealing to the general manager or team HR departments to enforce liberal norms on their highly paid assets.

The smaller portion of athletes who happen to share cultural affinities or political commitments with liberal sports writers are given glowing, intimate, get-to-know-you portraits. Stories like "How Philadelphia Eagles linebacker Connor Barwin a bike-riding, socially conscious, Animal Collective-loving hipster is redefining what it means to be a football player." I wonder if there was a follow-up asking all other football players whether they were redefined by Barwin's presence. It's notable that journalists who do seem to get along with average athletes, like Bill Simmons or even Stephen A. Smith, are treated with a little bit of suspicion by the rest of the sports writer tribe.

The almost hegemonic liberalism in sports journalism is due to many factors. It's a product of the culture of prestige journalism, which is becoming more rarefied and conformist. It's also a product of the digital age, in which straight-down-the-line game stories aren't enough to feed the content maw of the internet. It's a product of athletes partially retreating from journalists for fear of being hurt with their sponsors, and journalists needing more than ever to create more colorful human interest stories without that access.

It's also true that conservative ideas tend to be slower off the block. Because they are defenders of tradition, conservatives' arguments often strike liberals as either an unreflective devotion to the way things are (or were), or as being too subtle to be credible. One progressive baseball writer confessed to me privately that my traditionalist argument against expanding the designated hitter to the National League struck him as "koan-like" and that he had trouble deciding whether it was inarguably true or pure nonsense.

The lack of intelligent conservatives in sports, or at least their relative shyness about their ideas, also allows progressive sportswriters to advance ideas without challenge, sometimes all the way into dead ends. Take the debate about Native American mascots in logos. Of course it makes perfect sense to remove or alter any logos that offend people. But all mascots are reductive caricatures. Was the problem that the logos were offensive or that there is so little representation of Native Americans in our culture that their presence as mascots seems mocking by default? Has no one stopped to notice there is something odd about an anti-racism that will cause an evermore diverse country to declare rooting for white-faced mascots the only safe thing to do? How will this deletion of all non-white faces look in 50 years?

The more astonishing piece of conventional wisdom generated by younger self-styled progressive sports writers was their argument against "PED hysteria." Many writers simply said fans didn't care enough, and many liked the results of a juiced game anyway. Some even took it to the logical conclusion: that sports leagues should preside over a free-for-all with performance-enhancing drugs. This is a strangely anti-labor and anti-regulation stance for liberals. It gives tacit encouragement for athletes to ignore both federal laws and their own health interests because of what the market demands. And it wouldn't solve the problem of marginal players taking PEDs to hang on. It would only make them turn to more exotic and dangerous drugs.

And that brings us to a stranger irony for progressive sports writers. Having committed themselves so thoroughly to arguments against "moralizing" or against "tradition," they actually become handmaidens for the interests of owners and capital. Having demythologized all values that are not purely rationalistic, making themselves deaf to arguments for some abstract "integrity of the game," they can mount no principled objection to, for example, commercial advertising being imposed on the bases in baseball. They will be met with their own favorite arguments that "the sky didn't fall" the last time traditionalists objected to some alteration. And in this respect it is notable that the NBA, whose writers tend to be even more progressive than the norm among sports writers, was the first major American sports league to announce that it would sell advertising space on player jerseys.

Similarly, if MLB commissioner Rob Manfred says that a pitch clock and starting a man on second base in extra innings would be good for the game, liberal sports writers would have already debarred themselves from the kind of arguments that would preserve continuity between the game of Mel Ott and Mike Trout.

Liberal sports writers do a lot of good. But they should be a little more analytical when it comes to their own position, and their own culture, and whether it is encouraging sloppiness and arrogance in their thinking, whether it is causing them to broadcast their disdain for the very people they cover, and whether it is fostering in them a charmless contempt for a huge portion of their readers that they can't hide and we can't unsee.

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The arrogant thinking of liberal sports writers - The Week Magazine

Liberals defeat Conservative counter-proposal to Islamophobia motion – CBC.ca

With a Liberal call to study Islamophobia still on the table, Liberal MPs voted on Tuesday to defeat a Conservative motion that sought a general study of religious discrimination.

The Conservative motion was brought forward last week, just as the House of Commons prepared to debate Motion 103, sponsored byIqraKhalid, the Liberal MP forMississaugaErin Mills.

Both motions dealt broadly with religious discrimination, but whereas Khalid's motion made a specific reference to Islamophobia, the Conservative motion did not include the word.

Several Conservatives have come out against Motion 103, with some saying the term Islamophobia needs to be defined.

Heritage Minister Mlanie Jolydismissed the Conservative proposal as a "cynical" attempt to get around divisions within the Conservative party.

The Conservative motion was supported by all opposition MPs, including the NDP, Bloc Quebecois and Green leader Elizabeth May, but the Liberal majority was enough to defeat the motion by a count of 165 to 126.

Jenny Kwan, the NDP's immigration critic, and May said during debate last week that they supported both the Conservative and Liberal motions.

A motion condemning Islamophobia is also now scheduled to be tabled in the Ontario legislature on Thursday. Ontario Progressive Conservative leader Patrick Brown says he will support the motion.

"Whether it's hate against any faith, it's wrong. I will always stand in opposition to any form of hate," Brown said on Tuesday.

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Liberals defeat Conservative counter-proposal to Islamophobia motion - CBC.ca