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Welcome to EU Elections Decoded, your essential guide for staying up to date and receiving exclusive insights about the upcoming EU elections. Subscribe here.

In todays edition

One of the leaders of the liberals in the EU election campaign will be German defence expert Marie-Agnes Strack-Zimmermann, whose party in Germany has been obstructing significant legislative proposals related to business and the Green Deal in recent weeks.

The somewhat unusual choice puts into question the liberals overall strategy and future politics, at a time when polls project a weaker showing for the liberal centrists in Junes EU elections.

ALDE the largest political family in the liberal Renew Group in the European Parliament picked the German defence policy expert to represent them in the campaign, alongside two other liberal figures.

In recent weeks, Strack-Zimmermanns party in Berlin, the pro-business Free Democratic Party (FDP), has been at the forefront of obstructing legislative proposals related to business and the Green Deal, such as the EU Corporate Sustainability Due Diligence Directive (ECSDDD), the Platform Workers Directive, and the Nature Restoration law.

More concretely, the German media outlet Handelsblatt wrote last month that the FDP has the intention to block almost 14 legislative EU files before the end of the mandate.

Why does a party holding merely 3-5% of public support in Germany wield such considerable influence? The reason lies in its role as a minority party within the German government coalition, which operates under a rule that mandates unanimity for any kind of decision on EU policies.

German liberals behaviour appears to have been prized by the European family ALDE, in giving it an EU leading candidate, denying the familys more federalist and progressive nature (supporting files endorsed by the European Parliament majority, for instance) that is traditionally at the core of the liberals.

Perhaps it was due to major leadership problems that all parties are experiencing, or it was a way to give more space to more prominent political figures in the liberal group, such as the Estonian Prime Minister Kaja Kallas, who had proposed herself as the lead candidate, before stepping back.

This issue opens a major question about what it means to be a pro-European leader: French and German governments have always been perceived as pro-European countries, in contrast to Eastern countries or the enemy of the enemies, Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orban.

But can leaders blocking EU legislation to defend national and electoral interests be defined as pro-European and progressive? And will it work to charm voters in June?

We have a leadership problem among EU parties. What is the difference between being supported and representing? This is what were seeing with Europes centre-right (European Peoples Party) and centre-left (the socialists and democrats).

Both leading candidates of these political families, Ursula von der Leyen and Nicolas Schmit, are supported by their party, but do not represent them. In practical terms, it means that neither of them run in the elections (for a seat in the European Parliament) and neither have been really involved in their party politics in the last five years.

The choice of supporting without representing probably creates confusion among the electorate, and, maybe, a lack of trust towards top-down approaches.

Wilders fate might anticipate post-EU election discussions. Geert Wilders, the Dutch far-right leader and winner of the Dutch elections, announced on Wednesday (13 March) that he will not take the prime ministers post as he is unable to form a right-wing coalition.

His politicalconundrum previews one of the debates the European Parliament will face after the EU elections: which majority will take the lead in shaping EU policies?

Here are the two most likely scenarios: a right-wing coalition (i.e. what Wilders tried in the Netherlands), as Nicola Procaccini, the co-president of the nationalist ECR group told Euractiv, or the continuing domination of the two main centrist parties: the centre-right EPP and the socialists, supported by other minority parties.

Flash updates

Sliver of hope for unity in French left collapses over war in Ukraine. Whatever hope remained that a coalition of the French left parties may find common ground ahead of Junes EU elections has collapsed over the radically different approaches to handling and resolving the war in Ukraine.

Disinformation campaigns likely to undermine EU elections, experts say. Attempts to undermine the legitimacy of the upcoming June EU electionsand discourage the public from voting are expected to be very much prevalent, the European Parliament and experts have warned.

EU elections polls: French far-right exceeds 30%, widens gap with Macrons liberal Renaissance. Frances far-right Rassemblement National (RN) surpassed 30% in the latest polls for the European elections, moving further away from its main rival President Emmanuel Macrons fading Renaissance party while its far-right rival Reconqute! slipped and the Socialists clawed back some ground.

If youd like to contact us for tips, comments, and/or feedback, drop me a line at eleonora.vasques@euractiv.com

[Edited by Aurlie Pugnet/Zoran Radosavljevic]

See more here:
Are EU liberals still progressive and pro-European? - EURACTIV

Ontario Premier Doug Ford says the federal Liberal government will be annihilated unless it pauses its carbon price increase in April. Thats not totally correct.

If the Trudeau Liberal government is annihilated in the next election, on an economic matter, it will be on carbon pricing but also broader, continuing inflation worries. And also concern about Canadas GDP slumping on a per capita basis. But mostly housing.

Premiers and Conservative Leader Pierre Poilievre are seizing on the carbon price. But this is a much easier political feat because many Canadians are so angry about all the mounting costs of everything, particularly the money needed for four walls and a roof.

Yes, climate policies are incredibly important, as are the debates. Seven premiers are calling on the Prime Minister to abandon the April hike. When Justin Trudeau was in Calgary on Wednesday, he vigorously defended the carbon levy even after a private meeting where Albertas Danielle Smith hammered away on the topic.

The Prime Minister wouldnt be facing this ferocity from premiers if he hadnt done the heating oil carveout. It was a move that disproportionately benefited one electorally pertinent region, shattering a fragile cross-country acceptance of carbon pricing. His discussion Wednesday of his government being averse to using the heavy hand of government to regulate carbon emissions wasnt accurate. Besides the carbon tax, there are regulations, including those that would cap oil and gas emissions and set requirements for annual EV sales.

But all of this doesnt mean politicians should lose sight of the issue really shifting the vote: housing.

The Liberals arent responsible for all of this. But many arent likely to see that nuance when it comes to voting day, this year or next. Many predicted 2024 would be better on the housing front, but the early signs arent good.

Compared to two years ago in February, 2022, just before the start of interest rate hikes by the Bank of Canada, average asking rents in Canada have grown by 21 per cent, or $384 per month, said a report from Rentals.ca and Urbanation this week. The number of listings for shared accommodations, where tracked, surged 72 per cent in February, compared with a year earlier.

Outside of the rental market, many Canadians will also be renewing their mortgages at significantly higher rates than before, no matter the Bank of Canadas moves. Between 2024 and 2026, nearly 60 per cent of all outstanding mortgages are up for renewal. These numbers are a recipe for political upheaval in a country where theres always been a plot of space available, if you worked or went far enough afield.

Alberta is the prime example of the evolution. The provinces combination of ample work and housing affordability, a friend once quipped, allowed people to be grown-ups. Until recently, a person aged 25 to 34 in Ontario was more likely to be living at home with their parents in Barrie or Oshawa than in significantly larger Albertan cities such as Calgary and Edmonton.

That all could change. Rents are increasing because of a strong flow of newcomers. Alberta now has the fastest-rising prices, with the average cost for apartments up 20 per cent year-over-year. The housing crunch is playing out in other parts of the world, but is arguably more dramatic in Canada for a host of reasons, including that the Liberals have increased immigration levels to heights rarely seen.

Many Canadians believe the federal Liberals are failing on this file, and increasingly believe owning a home is the realm of the rich. While younger voters, as a rule, are less inclined to support conservative parties than their older counterparts, thats not necessarily true in Canada. Thats according to analysis from John Burn-Murdoch, chief data reporter at the Financial Times. He compared 10 advanced economies last month, and found a Canadian 40-year-old is just as likely to say they will vote conservative as a 70-year-old. That contrasts with Britain, the United States, Australia and New Zealand, where an older age is far more correlated with voting for parties on the right.

After prime minister Brian Mulroney decided to implement the GST in 1991, his party was clobbered in the election two years later. Still, Mr. Mulroney who died last month always reflected that it was important to do what was right for Canada instead of being well-liked. This week, there was a Mulroney-like tenor to Mr. Trudeaus remarks on his commitment to his carbon pricing system.

My job is not to be popular, Mr. Trudeau said. My job is to do the right things for Canada now and do the right things for Canadians a generation from now.

But at this moment, not having a home is the crucial issue. Expectations, even dreams, are being annihilated.

Read the rest here:
Opinion: If the Trudeau Liberals are annihilated in an election, it will be over housing - The Globe and Mail

Federal Housing Minister Sean Fraser said Monday that Conservative Leader Pierre Poilievre doesn't really care about building more homes and is just whipping up fear and anxiety in order to get elected.

Speaking to reporters on the sidelines of a housing conference in Ottawa, Fraser said it's frustrating to see Poilievre pitch policies that prey on the anxieties of people who are very worried about buying a home without actually offering solutions.

Fraser recently releaseda three-minute video (new window)on social media. It blasts Poilievre's plan as a poor imitation of what the government is already doing to tackle a crisis that has left homes out of reach for many Canadians.

The video, entitled Pierre doesn't care, is similar in style toone Poilievre released earlier this year (new window)on the same topic. The video goes after the Tory leader's record as housing minister in the last Conservative government.

It's a sign that the Liberal government is starting to fight back against Poilievre, who has led his party to a commanding lead in the polls. Poll aggregator 338 Canada suggeststhe Conservatives enjoy an 18-point lead nationwide. Poilievre has made housing a central plank of his policy playbook.

WATCH:Federal minister pushes back against Conservatives on housing

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Minister of Housing, Infrastructure and Communities Sean Fraser accused the Conservatives of 'talking a big game to inspire a sense of fear or anxiety amongst the Canadian public.' On Saturday, Fraser posted a video to social media saying Conservative Leader Pierre Poilievre doesnt care about building more homes.'

Poilievre has releaseda relatively detailed housing plan (new window)built arounda program that would tie federal funding for municipalities to housing starts.

Under his proposal, cities would have to increase the number of homes built by 15 per cent each year. Municipalities that fail to meet that target would see their federal grants withheld at a commensurate rate.

The Conservative plan also would make a $100 million fund available to cities that greatly exceed the target.

Fraser said that's a lot less than the government's existing $4 billion housing accelerator fund, which sends money to cities that cut housing-related red tape and allow more homes to be built on a particular plot of land.

The government has cut dozens of deals with cities using the accelerator fund agreements that Ottawa maintains will create hundreds of thousands of homes nationwide in the coming years.

Fraser also told conference attendees Monday that Ottawa will ramp up its low-interest construction loan program an initiative that will give developers access to cheaper cash if they build more homes.

He suggested there may be more funding for this program in the upcoming federal budget.

It's a program that doesn't necessarily cost Ottawa any money the expectation is that the loans will be paid back with interest but it leverages the government's superior credit rating to get more privately built homes on the market.

Citing Canada Mortgage and Housing Corporation(CMHC) data,Fraser's social media video said that housing starts during Poilievre's tenure were lower than in any year of the Liberal government.

He wasn't very good at it and I'm not sure he even cared, Fraser said, while also criticizing the previousgovernment's track record on affordable housing and apartment construction.

Pierre's plan isn't going to solve the housing crisis because Pierre doesn't care about the people it impacts most, Fraser said. The thing Pierre cares about most is Pierre.

Poilievre and Fraser routinely spar in the House of Commons overthe housing issue.

Poilievre has blamed Fraser for the surge in international students during his time as immigration minister, while Fraser has said the Tory leader isn't up to the task of governing.

Poilievre has called Fraser the minister of photo-ops and media puff pieces. He's routinely called him incompetent.

Conservative Party Leader Pierre Poilievre said nobody should take lessons on hate from a prime minister who wore blackface and racist costumes in the past.

Photo:La Presse canadienne / Ryan Remiorz

In Fraser's Nova Scotia, homeless encampments have popped up in Halifax in places where they never were before something Poilievre has cited as an indictment of the Liberals' housing record.

Trudeau told us that media darling Sean Fraser would reverse the Liberal housing crisis. What happened? Housing photo ops are up 100 per cent. Home building is down 7 per cent in 2023, Poilievre said in a social media post.

Poilievre is right about that last figure the CMHC's January report found that housing starts were down seven per cent in 2023 compared to the year before.

There were 223,513 units recorded last year, compared to 240,590 in 2022, according to CMHC data.

That drop is likely attributable to higher interest rates the Bank of Canada's hikes to tame inflation have made it more expensive to build anything.

But there were some bright spots in two of the country's largest cities, despite thechallenging interest rate environment.

Housing starts were 5 per cent and 28 per cent higher than in 2022 in Toronto and Vancouver, respectively, the CMHC said.

Speaking to reporters at the same housing conference Fraser attended, acting president and CEO of CMHC Michel Tremblaysaid there's a dire need for more supply to restore housing affordability.

CMHC projects the country needs to build 3.5 million more housing units by 2030 to meet explosive demand as the country's population expands, thanks in part to record immigration.

That number is quite daunting, Tremblay said.

John Paul Tasker (new window)CBC News

Link:
Liberals say Poilievre 'doesn't care' about the housing shortage and mock his record | RCI - Radio-Canada.ca

Too many of my friends are having a hard time correctly interpreting the criticism leveled by liberals in countries throughout the world against our governments policies.

We demonstrated together against the current governments efforts to undermine our judicial system and against the policies of a coalition formed by Benjamin Netanyahu with messianic zealots, draft evaders, and corrupt politicians.

Yet, particularly in the aftermath of the barbaric massacre carried out against us by Hamas on October 7, it is difficult for many of them to come to terms with the fact that the world is seeing very difficult pictures from Gaza, while we, completely understandably, are still dealing with our trauma, mourning our dead, and living in denial with respect to the terrible suffering of the Gazans.

Too many of my colleagues in the liberal camp in Israel still relate to every international statement that is critical of the governments policies as anti-Israel. They are searching for the hasbara (public diplomacy) wizards who will show the world our good side, while it is actually much more important for us to invest our energy in improving the soul of our nation rather than its image.

Too many Israeli centrists are delighted to see the Israeli flags waving at demonstrations in Brazil in support of the populist Bolsonaro, or that the racist Viktor Orban of Hungary is preventing the European Union from imposing sanctions against violent settlers. They are enthusiastic about the speeches against Muslims made by the Dutch Geert Wilders and the bizarre visit by Milei, Argentinas Elvis Presley, to the Western Wall. They even supported the cruel and cynical dictator Vladimir Putin, simply because of his image as a friend of the Israeli prime minister, an image that turned out to be nothing but a smoke screen. At the same time, they relate to all criticism regarding the humanitarian crisis in Gaza as deriving from anti-Israel sentiment, or even antisemitism.

This is not a new phenomenon; for years I have been hearing many of my liberal friends relating to every decision of any UN institution against the settlements as if it is an anti-Israel decision, to all criticism of the infringement of human rights by our government as if it is antisemitic. They relate to the requirement to mark products from the settlements as such as if this is a boycott of Israel, while in fact it is not a boycott and it is not against Israel. These are decisions that strive to extricate us from the one-way ticket to a binational state drowning in blood that we are led to by our governments.

I still remember how, in my childhood on the kibbutz, Scandinavian volunteers would come who admired Israel as a model of tikkun olam (improving the world). However, they no longer see the same Israel, because Israel has changed. They see the right-wing governments that aspire to turn Israel into an ethnocracy and a theocracy. They see an occupation with no end in sight and boundless expansion of settlements intended to perpetuate it. And when they voice their criticism, our way to avoid dealing with it on the merits is to call them antisemites.

This approach also characterizes many of the establishment Jewish organizations. These are the organizations that think that the Evangelicals are our best friends, simply because they actively support the occupation and the expansion of the settlements, in spite of the fact that their vision is that we will die while helping to bring about Armageddon which will lead to the Second Coming. These Jewish organizations supported the narcissistic, misogynistic Trump and his loyal election results deniers followers, who spread the antisemitic replacement theory, because he gave legitimacy to Israels policies in the occupied territories.

This same line led these organizations to refrain from expressing support for the democratic protest movement in Israel against the attempt to overthrow the legal system, and at present they are not taking a stand against Netanyahus policy to continue the war without any political vision, while hardening their hearts in their willingness to sacrifice the hostages.

At this dangerous time for the future of Israel, our good friends are actually those who are critical of our government and who are trying to effect a change in its policies. They expect us to act in a manner consistent with the values we share with liberal democracies and against the policies that impair the chance to arrive at a reasonable agreement that will safeguard the states security and will ensure its democratic values, for our own good and for the stability of the region and of the world.

The policies of the right-wing governments continue to drag Israel down to the status reserved for pariah nations, such as Iran and Syria. Therefore, just as we expect that the world act against the infringement of human rights by such countries, we should not be surprised that it is considered legitimate at this juncture to oppose the policies of our government.

When the government acts against the interest of the State of Israel and continues with its agenda to reduce it to an occupying ethnocracy, the criticism of such policies must not be viewed as harmful to Israel, but, rather, as an act that might just save it from itself and return it to the path of a liberal democracy.

The writer is J Street Israels executive director. He has served as an Israeli diplomat in Washington and Boston and as a political adviser to the president of Israel.

The rest is here:
Even when it criticizes Israel, the liberal world is not against us - opinion - The Jerusalem Post

There is also new language on the need to fight the far right on the first page of the 10 page document, compared to an earlierJanuary draft.

Socialist parties and leaders from across Europe will gather on Friday and Saturday in Rome to endorse EU Jobs Commissioner Nicolas Schmit as the face of their election campaign, and officially support the manifesto. Schmit will face incumbent Commission President Ursula von der Leyen, who will be endorsed as lead EPP candidate next week.

The Socialists manifesto is light on new policy proposals but doubles down on core social democratic tenets, such as battling the cost of living crisis, securing better protections for workers and making the climate transition fairer for citizens. The manifestos lack of ambitious ideas is perhaps a tacit acknowledgment that those socialistfundamentals are under threat, as the center of political gravity in Europe shifts to the right. Polls predict a far-right surge in the next European Parliament.

The Party of Euroepan Socialists points toanother document,agreed by national member parties in November, as being a more detail policy agenda.

The Socialists are set to lose seats, according toPOLITICOs Poll of Polls, but will remain the second-largest faction in Parliament, behind the EPP. That means its likely the Socialists will have to find a way to work with the EPP, and possibly the liberals too.

During the campaign, the PES is expected to accuse the conservatives of enabling the normalization of far-right parties, for example in Italy, and will seek to exploit the policy gulf between the EPPs leader in Parliament, Manfred Weber, and von der Leyen, who staked her legacy on many of the proposals Weber is now seeking to undo,such as the Green Deal.

Read this article:
Socialists ramp up attacks on conservatives and liberals in EU election manifesto - POLITICO Europe