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Anyone who has children understands that one of their best qualities is their limitless trustworthiness. Children will believe any fantastically false lie you tell them until critical thinking abilities (occasionally) develop later in life, such as that a minor deity is so happy to obtain their filthy baby teeth that they leave printed American cash with the Treasury Secretarys name on it for it. Its the most ridiculous thing in the world, but I, and most likely you, have believed it for years.

Unfortunately, some people might take advantage of childrens cuteness for nefarious ends. Theres an entire genre of legendary quotes attributed to leaders of authoritarian organizations that say something along the lines of Give me the child for seven years, and Ill give you the man, implying that those formative early years may establish beliefs that last a lifetime. Similar statements are attributed to Jesuit leaders, Lenin, and others, but the concept is apparent enough regardless of the source.

But the Church and the State arent the only ones who see the usefulness in indoctrinating naive children. I recently discovered this when an unscrupulous editor of a popular leftist magazine, lets call it Present Developments, mailed me a large box of libertarian childrens literature known as the Tuttle Twins series, a series of illustrated stories and workbooks designed to teach children about the wonders of the free market. (Advertisements for it may have appeared on Facebook.) I can confirm that the unique Tuttle Twins combination pack is as horrible as you think it is after reading all 11 books in it.

Each Tuttle Twins book is based on the teachings of a notable libertarian intellectual, such as Friedrich von Hayek, Ayn Rand, or Ludwig von Mises, and includes a tribute to the figure as well as a brief biography of their work. Connor Boyack is a Utah resident, a Brigham Young University graduate, and the president/founder of Libertas Institute, a free-market think tank, which is impressive given that there are only approximately 900 of them in the United States. In that position, he argues, he has modified a considerable number of laws in favor of personal freedom and free markets, presumably when he isnt penning odious Ayn Rand propaganda for helpless children.

The Tuttle Twins Learn About the Law, the first book in the series, is based on Frederic Bastiats writings. As a teacher, I can tell you that assigning the twins to ask a wise person to teach them about something really important is an excellent instructional method. They visit their next-door neighbor Fred, who brings them to his personal library, which features an oddly lovingly depicted bookshelf with a number of recognized libertarian titles, ranging from Murray Rothbard to Ron Pauls End the Fed to, bizarrely, Jeremy Scahills Dirty Wars.

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More adventures lead the twins to the circus, where they work as guest clowns and become involved in the search for the star attraction, a strongman named Atlas, who has resigned (shrugged). The strongmans wages had been cut by the despotic ringmaster, who believes the circus can continue without him. Soon, the kids learn that being a clown was actually pretty easy, while Atlas toils away in the gym, and indeed, the entire circus enlists his help to erect tents, hang tightropes, and feed the animalsapparently, this is not a carnival without carnies.

The slacker clowns hate Atlass celebrity and benefits at work and spout nasty egalitarian lines like We all make this circus work together and Were all just as important, which are, of course, typical Marxist bullshit. These clowns must recognize that some skills are more valued than others, the children eventually learn. Atlas possesses a unique skill set that is difficult to duplicate, which makes him more valuable. The Russian organist remembers history, claiming that the clowns alluring calls for equality destroyed by Russia, which was formerly a peaceful, problem-free society.

Finally, the children persuade Atlas to return to the circus, and he saves everyone when the pillar supporting the Big Top begins to collapse, owing to the fact that it was improperly constructed without the superman on whom everything appears to rely. Everyone Learns Their Lesson after the ringmaster returns Atlas.

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Finally, choose-your-own-adventure novels are available. These books are comparable to the ones you might have read as a kid, but theyre written for teenagers, with fewer drawings, and plainly aimed at the YA market. Because of the Gummint and its Unintended Consequences, the novels arent choose your own adventure like most commercial books, but rather choose your own consequence.

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The kids in The Tuttle Twins and the Case of the Broken Window are in a high-stakes, end-of-season baseball game, probably in the Clich League, with a tying run on base. However, Emilys outstanding performance shatters a priceless window in the local church, forcing us to make a decision: Run or Come Clean. Come Clean, socialists.

The church is insured, but when Father McGillivray points us that the policy has a $5000 deductible, and our rates will go up, Boyack unwittingly reminds us of capitalisms nonsense. Wed rather not file a claim. You could argue that if something is too expensive to use, whats the sense of having an insurance market at all, but that isnt the Tuttle Way. The kids family offers to pay the deductible and have them work it off by having them intern for their Uncle Ben, who does this YouTube news broadcast thats quite popular, which is quite the pickup line.

More:
Tuttle Twins Controversy: The Case of The Terrible Libertarian Propaganda and The Tuttle Twins and Much More! - pelhamplus.com

Defining the broadly appealing mass-audience content found on Netflix and Disney Plus as simply too woke to serve their supposed silent majority of conservative and libertarian followers, Donald Trump and his media company are planning an alternative streaming service.

As detailed in a Securities and Exchange Commission filing from Trump Media and Technology Group, the so-called TMTG+ will be similar in concept to Netflix and Disney Plus, but will provide a platform for conservative and/or libertarian views, and otherwise canceled content from other broadcast television and/or digital streaming platforms.

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TMTG intends to produce or acquire entertainment simply for entertainments sake, the company added. TMTGs programming will thus provide a non-woke alternative to the programs offered by streaming services that operate in an increasingly politicized environment. TMTG will not censor the creators of entertainment for TMTG+, nor will it insist that its programming push some particular political ideology.

Also in the filing, TMTG said that it observes an acute need for quality programming that does not lecture its viewers or only present one acceptable approach to a topic. Entertainers and creators have frequently been agents for change in our society. Large media conglomerates become increasingly monolithic in their views, canceling those who disagree with the prevailing narrative. TMTG believes that embracing diverse perspectives will differentiate TMTG+ in the current crowded media and entertainment marketplace.

TMTG, which recently launched Twitter far-right alternative Truth Social, is in the process of merging with special purpose acquisition company Digital World Acquisition for the purpose of going public. It has raised around $1 billion through various private investors.

Read more here:
Trump Media Company Planning 'TMTG+,' a 'Non-Woke Alternative' to 'Obi-Wan Kenobi' and 'Stranger Things' - Next TV

Yoram Hazony's book outlines the religious foundations of American conservatism.

Conservatism: A Rediscovery, by Yoram Hazony (Regnery Gateway, 2022), 256 pages.

I began reading Yoram Hazonys Conservatism: A Rediscovery with the expectation that it would be an update of sorts of Russell Kirks The Conservative Mind. There are similarities between the books that have been noted elsewhere, but in some ways, Hazonys book is more comprehensive than either Conservative Mind or Kirks Roots of the American Order.

Americans use a different taxonomy for politics than Europeans do; there is a liberalism in the American founding that can make semantics blurry. Hazony, thankfully, cuts through the confusion and boldly states historical truths that are self-evident. The United States was at its formation an Anglo-Protestant nation committed to upholding the traditional pillars of human society: religion, family, the common good, and authority.

None of this is controversial, but in the post-Trump intellectual milieu, to be a historically conscious American conservative is increasingly to be labeled an integralist or a Christian nationalist, terms so imprecise that their use amounts to slander. Ideas like nationalism, conservatism, the common good, ordered liberty, and rightful authority are not merely fever dreams of a nefarious new right out to destroy the libertarian, or neoconservative, or neoliberal paradise created by the wiser minds of the post-war era. Hazony is a practicing Orthodox Jew, so the charges that he is interested in resurrecting a medieval Roman Catholic order is ridiculous on its face.

As an Israeli, Hazonys distance from the United States contemporary political cacophony allows him to see clearly what is obvious from the historical record. George Washington and the Federalists, for example, were nationalists by most measures. Moreover, the religious disestablishments of the 1780s did not secularize society. Instead, the Christian religion and the state stopped their 1,300-year-old tendency to meddle in each others affairs and became allies in the creation of the Early Republic United States. All of this is self-evident in American history, but few recent authors have dared say so. The threat of being labeled a theocrat has cowed scholars, pastors, and laypeople of goodwill into conceding the specious historical claims of neoconservatives and neoliberals as much as outright leftists.

Religions, and more specifically Christianitys, self-evident place in the history of American political and social life takes center stage in Conservatisms narrative. Political theories in the conservative tradition, Hazony rightly notes, cannot be made to work without the God of scripture. Uncharitable readers will hear a dog whistle in his claim, but Hazonys is no different than the claim of many Western thinkers. The Judeo-Christian, or Abrahamic (Muslims rightfully have a place in the narrative of conservatism) Gods presence in political life is necessary, as the knowledge of God makes man aware of human limitation and the subsequent limits on human power.

Family joins religion as an essential pillar of sustainable conservative social and civil life. Hazony unambiguously lays out the Mosaic foundations for the traditions that allow human beings to create and sustain healthy families. Traditional families, Hazony notes, are not identical to the nuclear families of the mid-20th century. They are multigenerational and religious by nature. In his view, clans and close kinship networks are not the seeds of a future cultish society, but instead are a natural, timeless part of human life.

Since societys foundations are, in Conservatism, bound up in family and religion, it is no surprise that Hazony sees creating, maintaining, and protecting those two institutions as the essential purpose of government. Again, this is not actually controversial or historically ambiguous. The Protestant intellectuals and politicians who dominated civic and social life in the United States until the middle of the 20th century were not social libertarians, or even social progressives as that term is understood today. Franklin Roosevelt and his secretary of State, Cordell Hull, gladly claimed the mantle of Christian nationalism. So did most Republicans before World War II. The idea that the American nation owed its laws and political order to Protestantism, or at least to Christianity more broadly, was not a controversial opinion. And laws oriented towards the health and prosperity of families were always prioritized over and against an individualist paradigm.

Propositions once widely accepted have nonetheless become taboo. Centrist Evangelicals, Roman Catholics, and Jews have embraced a sacralized form of liberalism shorn of biblical commitments. Hazony proposes that the Cold War bears some responsibility for this. Family and religion, however important they might be, were hard to see as important priorities in themselves in the post-war era. They became valuable because they were institutions that were anti-Communist.

Perhaps appropriately, there is very little that is new in Hazonys conservatism. Although it is not new, it is also not easy. Hazony believes that the libertarian telos of the early 21st century has valorized freedom and only freedom. Not enough is said in our contemporary politics about sources of stability, sanity, and peace, the virtues that necessarily constrain human behavior. Conservatism, in this view, is the way to heal families, communities, tribes, and the nation. And it begins at home. Conservatism in the United States is a living and breathing tradition with a history and a purpose. That history and that purpose, Hazony shows, are good and worth defending, ours, if we can keep it.

Miles Smithis visiting assistant professor of History at Hillsdale College. His main research interests are 19th-century intellectual and religious history in the United States and in the Atlantic World. You can follow him on Twitter at@IVMiles.

More:
Conservatism, If You Can Keep It - The American Conservative

The Wall Street Journal published an op-ed by President Biden on Monday with the headline "My Plan for Fighting Inflation."

Biden began by acknowledging that "Americans are anxious" about inflation, which he said had been "exacerbated" by the war in Ukraine. According to a Gallup poll released Tuesday, Americans' confidence in the economy is at its lowest point since early 2009, when the Great Recession was just reaching its end.

The president also touted his achievements, which he said include a reduced federal deficit, rapid declines in unemployment, and strong economic growth relative to other developed countries.

"With the right policies, the U.S. can transition from recovery to stable, steady growth and bring down inflation without giving up all these historic gains," Biden wrote.

To achieve this goal he proposed passing clean energy tax credits to bring down gas prices, improving infrastructure, cracking down on greedy corporations, ramping up housing construction, reducing the cost of child care, and empowering Medicare to negotiate with pharmaceutical companies.

Matt Yglesias of Slow Boring tweeted approvingly that Biden's op-ed was "not a comprehensive solution to everything but certainly points the way to a possible deal on a reconciliation bill."

Brad Polumbo of the libertarian Based Politics had a different interpretation. Biden, Polumbo argued, failed to acknowledge that out-of-control government spending was also behind inflation or that the new spending he proposed would only make things worse.

Read the original post:
Biden lays out plan to fight inflation in Wall Street Journal op-ed - The Week

As the Republican party primaries play out across the US, the most sought after endorsement is still that of former president Donald Trump. But when it comes to the most vital part of any American campaign money another figure is emerging on the right of US politics who is becoming equally significant.

Peter Thiel, the PayPal founder and former CEO referred to as the don of the original PayPal Mafia, a group that included Elon Musk, is establishing himself as a serious power player in American rightwing politics by wielding the power of his vast fortune.

Thiel, styled as a billionaire venture capitalist and tech entrepreneur, plowed more than $10m into a super Pac backing Hillbilly Elegy author JD Vance, winner of the Republican primary for an open US Senate seat in Ohio.

In August, Thiels backing will be tested again after shoveling $13.5m into supporting former employee Blake Masters in the competitive Republican primary for a US Senate seat in Arizona.

In both cases, Thiel put his money his fortune is said to be in the region of $6bn to work behind candidates aligned with Trumps rightwing agenda in 2022 midterm elections.

Earlier this year Thiel stepped down from the board of Meta, where he was an early investor, and a long-serving adviser to CEO Mark Zuckerberg. He wanted to avoid being a distraction for Facebook, according to a person close to Thiel. With his resignation effective this month, the source told Forbes Thiel thinks that the Republican Party can advance the Trump agenda and he wants to do what he can to support that.

But there is a vacuum between the entire Trump political agenda and Trump himself. The former president is apt to pick candidates who promote his stolen election claims. Not all succeed, or are likely to. Trumps failed backing of David Perdue as Georgias Republican gubernatorial candidate looked like a personal grudge against incumbent Brian Kemp, who certified Bidens victory in 2020.

Thiel has so far helped Trump in that cause. By some estimates, Thiel has donated $25m to 15 other 2022 candidates for the House and Senate towing the Trump election fraud line.

Max Chafkin, author of a Thiel biography The Contrarian, recently wrote that Thiels goal is to turn Trumps ideology into a disciplined political platform.

For Thiel, endorsements of Vance and Masters follow a $300,000 donation to the campaign of far-right senator Josh Hawley, then running for Missouri attorney general in 2016. He also donated money to help elect Trump president and spoke on his behalf at the Republican National Convention.

Thiel stayed out of the 2020 presidential race, and instead donated $2.1m to a super Pac supporting Kris Kobach, the Kansas secretary of state who had proposed creating a registry of Muslim immigrants and visitors.

Thiel is one of the conservative mega donors that has the ability to shore up candidates that might need additional support. His spending is targeted, and his ability to spend millions can be impactful, said Sheila Krumholz at OpenSecrets.

Where Trump often seems a single issue political player obsessed with the 2020 election loss Thiel is more flexible in terms of what he represents, Krumholz says.

Often when youre talking about party-aligned mega donors, there are people who have been active over decades, so Peter Thiel strikes a different figure. Hes an entrepreneur, hes tech industry, super successful, seen as part of the young conservative vanguard that some see as more libertarian.

They might be Trump supporters, but their portfolio and persona waters down the connection, Krumholz adds.

Like Musk, Thiel called The Dungeon Master by the New York Review of Books because he played Dungeons & Dragons as a teenager and read J R R Tolkiens trilogy ten times presents a contradictory picture.

As an undergraduate, he founded the conservative Stanford Review and in 1995 Thiel co-authored The Diversity Myth, a book sought to question the impact of multiculturalism and political correctness at Californias higher education campuses.

In bright and shallow Silicon Valley, Thiel stands apart for having retained the intellectual intensity of a bookish undergraduate, a quality that has made him an object of curiosity, admiration and mockery, the publication noted. He stands apart amid the orthodoxy of tech-world social progressivism as much for his conservatism as for his business sense.

In 2003, he co-founded Palantir Technologies, a firm to assist US intelligence agencies with counter-terrorism operations. Last week, Palantir and global commodities trader Trafigura announced a new target market to track carbon emissions for the oil, gas, refined metals and concentrates sector. BP is among its customers, Reuters reported.

Thiels libertarian credentials, and perhaps in part his political motivation, were publicly established in 2016 when he funded an invasion of privacy lawsuit filed by Terry Bollea, known more popularly as wrestler Hulk Hogan, that bankrupted the news website Gawker. Gawker had outed Thiel in 2007.

Its less about revenge and more about specific deterrence, Thiel said of the action. I saw Gawker pioneer a unique and incredibly damaging way of getting attention by bullying people even when there was no connection with the public interest I thought it was worth fighting back.

Funding the lawsuit, he added, was one of the greater philanthropic things that Ive done.

Blake Masters, the 35-year-old Republican US senate candidate for Arizona, has suggested he would use the same tactics after the Arizona Mirror wrote that the candidate opposes abortion rights and wants to allow states to ban contraception use. Masters denies those positions.

If I get any free time after winning my elections then youre getting sued, and Ill easily prove actual malice, Masters wrote in a tweet. Gawker found out the hard way and you will too.

Thiel, said Masters last year, sees some promise in me, but he knows Ill be an independent-minded senator.

But the larger issue for Thiel may be intense cross-currents in the US around big tech, social media and free speech. His former PayPal Mafia consigliere, Musk, is also emerging from the tech world to have influence in US politics where he recently declared himself a Republican and free speech as he seeks to buy the social media platform Twitter.

[Tech is] an industry on the cutting edge and caught in the cross-fire between the parties, said Krumholz. There are a lot of conflicting pressures on and from within the tech industry. Tech is being scapegoated by some, and held responsible for much of the disinformation, excesses of social media, partisan division and radicalization we see.

Moira Weigel, a professor of communications at Northeastern University and a founding editor of Logic magazine, argued in the New Republic last year that Thiel does not really matter: What matters about him is whom he connects.

At the moment, Thiel is busy connecting some of the most rightwing politicians in recent US history.

Excerpt from:
Don of a new era: the rise of Peter Thiel as a US rightwing power player - The Guardian