Archive for the ‘Libya’ Category

NATO Killed Civilians in Libya and Must Face Responsibility – Foreign Policy

Attia al-Juwaili may never know which countrys laser-guided bomb killed his young daughter. It could be a British, French, or American pilot who struck, but until he finds out, his familys hopes for justice are forever on hold.

It has been 10 years since the NATO-led coalition dropped the first bombs targeting Libyan strongman Muammar al-Qaddafis forcesturning the tide in Libyas civil war and playing a critical role in bringing down the dictator. The merits of that intervention have been long debated, with foreign meddlers and local rivals and extremists thriving in the vacuum ever since.

But there was a more direct cost. In a war fought expressly to protect civilians, NATOs airstrikes inadvertently killed dozens. New research by the civilian casualty monitoring watchdog Airwars, where I am the senior investigator, lays out for the first time the estimated number of civilians killed by all parties to the 2011 warincluding both Qaddafi forces and Libyan rebels. Almost none of the families left behind have received compensation or an apology.

While NATO insists it took steps to avoid killing civilians, when there were casualty allegations it had limited mechanisms to assess on the ground, with one former official saying they really had no idea.

And those seeking an apology have instead found themselves trapped in a nightmare in which NATO itself does not make condolence payments but insists accountability must be sought from individual nations. Yet, even a decade on, countries including the United Kingdom, France, and the United States still refuse to accept public responsibility for any harm they caused.

Juwailis family and a few others had sought refuge in the village of Majer in northern Libya a few weeks before the deadly strike, after fleeing the encroaching ground war between Qaddafis forces and NATO-backed rebels.

It was Ramadan, so prayers lasted late into the evening. Afterward, the women and children went inside, while the men sat in the August heat chatting.

Then everything was black, we couldnt see anything. After the smoke subsided it was clear the second floor was destroyed, Juwaili told Foreign Policy.

The men rushed forward, searching through the rubble for survivors. Fifteen minutes later, another strike killed many of the rescuers.

Juwaili hunted frantically for his 2-year-old daughter, Arwa, eventually finding her lifeless under the rubble. Thank God her body was not ripped apart, he said.

The United Nations later concluded 34 civilians died at Majer that night, including Arwa. NATO called the site a command and control node for Qaddafis forces. The residents denied this, and U.N. investigators found no evidence of military activity.

My message to NATO is that yes, mistakes happen, but you need to correct such mistakes, Juwaili said. I feel that we were treated as if we were nothing and they did not look back. I hope when Libya is back on its feet, we get justice.

NATOs seven-month intervention in Libya in 2011 was ostensibly carried out to protect civilians.

Qaddafi had brutally crushed an Arab Spring rebellion against his four-decade rule and was closing in fast on Benghazi, the last bastion of the uprising. The U.N., fearing a new Srebrenica, voted to intervene to protect civilians.

NATO led a subsequent international bombing campaign, with the U.S.-dominated alliance claiming to take significant steps to avoid killing civiliansemploying rigorous target monitoring and delayed-fuse weapons. At the end of the war, its head Anders Fogh Rasmussen boasted of no confirmed civilian casualties caused by NATO.

Human rights groups and U.N. investigators on the ground unearthed a more complicated story. They found multiple cases of civilian harm, with a U.N. commission concluding that while NATO fought a highly precise campaign with a demonstrable determination to avoid civilian casualties, the coalition had killed at least 60 civilians in the 20 events the commission investigated.

New research from Airwars concludes that this number could be higher still. Using hyperlocal open-source material to assess for the first time the entirety of reported civilian harm by all parties during the 2011 war, it found NATO strikes resulted in between 223 and 403 likely civilian deaths in the 212 events of concern reviewed.

View Airwars interactive map of civilian fatalities in 2011 here.

This paled in comparison to the killings by Qaddafis forces; according to local communities, they were responsible for between 869 and 1,999 civilian deaths. And rebel actions resulted in between 50 and 113 fatalities.

The real Qaddafi and rebel numbers are likely higher still; documentation of NATO strikes was more comprehensive at the time, and much online social and local media from 2011 has disappeared.

View Airwars interactive map of strikes by belligerents in 2011 here.

Few of those killed by Qaddafis forces were struck by airstrikes or artillery, likely due to NATO imposing a no-fly zone and taking out the regimes heavy weapons.

Instead, violence had spiked at the beginning of the uprisingwith security forces indiscriminately firing on protestersand again in August as Qaddafis forces lost the capital, Tripoli. They carried out a series of massacres, including reportedly using grenades to kill more than 60 prisoners packed into a warehouse.

Rebels also committed atrocitieskilling at least 24 civilians while forcing all 48,000 residents of Tawergha to flee after accusing them of Qaddafi sympathies. Gabriel Farag, a man from the town, told Foreign Policy more than 100 men detained by rebel forces are still missing, including his brother. A decade later, Tawergha remains largely deserted.

Libyan authorities proved largely incapable or uninterested in pursuing post-conflict justice. The first post-Qaddafi government established a mechanism to compensate victims but shelved it as the country slid further into civil war in 2014, a former Libyan government official said, speaking on condition of anonymity.

Several of those interviewed for Foreign Policy said they received compensation from the government for damage to their homesbut no official condolences for loved ones killed.

After the U.N. investigation into the 2011 war, NATO carried out its own six-month internal review of alleged cases of civilian harm, retired British Army Maj. Gen. Rob Weighill, the Combined Joint Task Force head of operations during the conflict, said in an interview. On one or two occasions they found misfires, but for the other events, including the Majer attack that killed young Arwa, they concluded that their actions were justified.

We went to ultra lengths, Weighill said. I know for a fact that the targeting pack, the data, everything that went toward striking those targets was sufficiently accurate and timely to warrant a legitimate strike.

He insisted that even the second NATO attack in Majer, which killed many of those rushing to rescue the injured, was justified. Such so-called double-tap strikes are often criticized for killing civilians. It was still operating as a command and control bunker, Weighill said. We wouldnt have hit it if it hadnt been.

Yet with the campaign fought almost exclusively from the air, NATO had no on-the-ground mechanisms for measuring civilian harm post-strike, he acknowledged.

Weighill described a conversation he had with the then-supreme allied commander Europe, U.S. Adm. James Stavridis, after the war. He said, What level of confidence do you have that you didnt kill people? according to Weighills recollection. And I said, Zero level of confidence.

We really had no idea, he adds. If you look me in the eye and say, Were there any missions you undertook that edged outside the targeting directive or were not legal? I would say, No. Now, did we kill civilians? Probably.

Long a military taboo, admitting to killing civilians has become more common in recent years.

The U.S. Department of Defense has led the way, admitting that its forces killed more than 1,300 civilians in the U.S.-led coalition campaign against the Islamic Statethough watchdogs such as Airwars estimate the real number to be far higher.

Other key allies remain in denial. The U.K. has admitted to just one civilian fatality in six years of bombing the Islamic State, and France none.

NATO itself now has a dedicated Civilian Casualty Investigation and Mitigation Team for Afghanistan. Mark Goodwin-Hudsonwho as a lieutenant colonel in the British Army headed that team in 2016 and is now a consultant for the Center for Civilians in Conflictsaid it was not just morally right but made military sense to compensate families.

In terms of winning the war, you have got to admit mistakes, particularly in the case of committing civilian harm and appropriate reparations, he said. Especially in contexts where you are meant to be fighting for hearts and minds.

But victims of NATO strikes in Libya find themselves caught in a bind. To seek an apology, they have to know which individual country carried out the strike, yet states still hide behind the anonymity of the coalition.

Eight NATO nations carried out airstrikes in Libya during 2011: Belgium, Canada, Denmark, France, Italy, Norway, the United Kingdom, and the United States. Airwars submitted Freedom of Information requests and press questions to each regarding individual strikes that reportedly killed civilians, including in Majer. Denmark and Norway provided partial information, while all others either did not respond, or declined to answerciting collective responsibility.

The U.S. military said all questions should be answered by NATO. Current NATO spokesperson Oana Lungescu did not respond to requests about specific incidents.

NATO as an organisation does not make condolence or ex-gratia payments, she wrote by email. As a voluntary gesture to ease civilian suffering, NATO Allies have made payments to victims of military operations in Afghanistan, Syria or Iraq, she added. We hold no records of Allies making payments in relation to the Libya operation.

Lungescu insisted that NATO had no mandate to investigate inside Libya after the 2011 conflict ended. At the time, the Libyan authorities indicated that they were establishing their own mechanisms to review incidents which affected civilians. We offered to support that process but the Libyan authorities did not take NATO up on the offer, she wrote.

In theory, international coalitions such as NATO are about collective responsibility. Yet for the civilians they harm it often feels like collective evasion.

When a 2015 Dutch airstrike killed dozens of civilians in Iraq, the Netherlands hid behind the anonymity of the anti-Islamic State coalition for four years, despite knowing within hours that it was culpable. When this was eventually exposed by investigative journalists, it nearly brought down the Dutch government. Crucially for survivors, the country has since agreed to an unprecedented 4 million euro fund (nearly $5 million) to rebuild the town, and it has launched a review to improve military transparency and accountability for civilian harm.

Both NATO and individual member states almost certainly know which countries carried out which strikes that led to civilian harm in Libya. A new NATO Protection of Civilians handbook issued on March 11 notes the need to prevent, identify, investigate, and track incidents of civilian casualties from [our] own actions, while also providing amends and post-harm assistance when civilians are harmed as a result of these operations. Yet a decade of silence on Libya suggests NATO has little real willingness to follow that path.

Some cases should have been simple to apologize for. At around 1 a.m. on June 19, 2011, a bomb hit the Gharari family home in Tripoli, killing five people. NATO immediately announced a weapons system failure that caused the weapon not to hit the intended target, and reportedly resulted in a number of civilian casualties.

But an apology in English a continent away did not translate in the chaos of Libyas 2011 war. Angry neighbors spread rumors that the family had caused the strike by being Qaddafi sympathizers.

Mohammed al-Gharari, whose sister and her two children were among those killed, decided to fight for an apology and clear the family name. But he soon learned there was no clear route to justice.

Without knowing which nation dropped the bomb, he couldnt even ask for reparations or medical support for those injured in the NATO attack.

In desperation, he eventually traveled to Brussels, home to NATO headquarters. He paid a Belgian lawyer thousands of euros in a futile attempt to find out what the alliance knew about his familys tragedyincluding which nation had killed them. The money is long gone, but that information remains classified. Yet as Weighill noted, the nation that conducted the strike which killed Ghararis family had internally admitted, almost immediately, that the operation didnt go well.

Gharari is angry that he may never be allowed to know which nation is responsible, and he says they are hiding behind NATO anonymity. This state has to assist the wounded and compensate them as soon as possible. Their admission will also clear my name, said Gharari, speaking recently from Libya.

If there is any justice I will get my apology.

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NATO Killed Civilians in Libya and Must Face Responsibility - Foreign Policy

Libya: Haftar and Muslim Brotherhood big losers of new government – The Africa Report

In Libya's new interim government, voted in on 10 March, Khalifa Haftar and the Muslim Brotherhood are poorly represented, while prime minister Abdulhamid al-Dabaiba has managed to strengthen his position.

This marks a turning point in the Libyan political landscape. Torn apart since 2015 between the western camp, dominated by the Muslim Brotherhood, and the eastern camp, under Khalifa Haftars control, Libya is finally regaining a semblance of unity in the composition of its new government.

On 10 March in Sirte, Prime Minister Abdulhamid al-Dabaiba managed to win the vote of confidence held in the House of Representatives. This trial by fire was passed successfully before the 19 March deadline, of which only two government ministers voted against and 36 were absent.

Obtaining the approval of the elected representatives from the east was not easy, but the Prime Ministers plan worked. The composition of the government illustrates that it is the product of a broad coalition of interests. In this sense it very much represents a power sharing formula, says Tim Eaton, a researcher for the think-tank Chatham House. It also directly advocates a form of what is known as muhassasa, or quotas, i.e. Dabaibas government has sought to distribute positions among interest groups and locales.

Composed of two deputy prime ministers, 35 ministers and six ministers of state, this new government offers a balanced representation of the three Libyan regions: Tripolitania in the west, Cyrenaica in the east and Fezzan in the south. This is one of the keys to Abdulhamid al-Dabaibas success in convincing government ministers to validate his list, says Mohamed Eljarh, a Libyan affairs specialist and co-founder of Libya Outlook for Research and Consulting. But it also seems clear that Abdulhamid al-Dabaiba has managed to rally support from key players, including Aguila Saleh and Khalifa Haftar, he says.

Even though pro-Haftar deputies approved the government list, Haftar has nonetheless lost big time. The strong man of the east did not succeed in placing his men in strategic government positions. He fought hard behind the scenes to obtain the role of minister of defence, but this job remained in the end in Dabaibas hands. This decision allows the prime minister to avoid alienating one of the Libyan camps, as this position was also requested by the various Islamist factions.

However, according to Jalel Harchaoui, a senior fellow at the Global Initiative against Transnational Organised Crime, Dabaiba will probably leave the field open to Haftar. The absence of a Minister of Defence will allow Haftar to maintain his military supremacy in the East, even if it is increasingly challenged by internal actors in Cyrenaica, he says.

Haftar suffered another setback. His candidate for deputy prime minister, Saqr Bujwari, the mayor of Benghazi, lost at the last minute. Initially included in the government list drawn up by Dabaiba, Bujwari was dropped in favour of Hussein Al Qatrani, who is close to Aguila Saleh. Dabaiba granted this favour to the speaker of the House of Representatives in order to facilitate the validation of his government by Parliament.

Pillars of former prime minister Fayez al-Sarrajs government, the Muslim Brotherhood is less represented in this new formation. From 2011 to 2016, Dabaiba was mainly associated with the Misrata revolutionaries and the Muslim Brotherhood, says Harchaoui.

But this year, in order to come to power, he ignored his usual friends, focusing instead on seducing their enemies: the eastern factions, the Qaddafists, the Zintanis, the Fezzazna of the south, etc., he says. According to Harchaoui, Dabaiba has especially made efforts to reassure, please and seduce the anti-Muslim Brotherhood camp in eastern Libya and in a part of Tripolitania.

The Muslim Brotherhood also emerged divided after the prime ministers last election. A large part of them had voted for minister of the interior Fathi Bachagha, rather than for al-Dabaiba. However, the latter still has the support of the Islamist preacher Ali al-Sallabi, close to the Dabaiba family.

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The prime minister has thus undoubtedly been strengthened by this first test. Perceived as ingenious and calculating by connoisseurs of Libyan political circles, Dabaiba has formed a weak government composed of ineffective government ministers. As a result, he will have the upper hand when it comes to introducing his policies. His main objective, according to Harchaoui, will be to focus on reconstruction efforts in general, as this is his primary job. And Abdulhamid al-Dabaiba believes that it is the Lybian populations top priority.

However, there is a shadow over the prime ministers head. He has been accused of bribing several members of the Forum de Dialogue Politique Libyen (LPDF), in order to secure their votes on 5 February. The UN Panel of Experts is due to publish a report on this subject within the next few days, which may call into question al-Dababais legitimacy.

Beyond Libyas borders, Dabaibas political strategy has seduced foreign countries intervening in Libya. Egypt, Turkey and Russia are satisfied with Dabaiba, says Eljarh. He cultivated his relationship with Russia, which he had already visited several times. But he was especially quick to spare Egypt, which had supported Haftar. The prime minister made his first trip abroad to Cairo on 18 February, for a very symbolic visit.

This reconciliation does not prevent Dabaiba from guaranteeing Turkeys interests. An influential businessperson from Misrata, Dabaiba is very close to Ankara, an ally of the former Government of National Accord (GNA). According to Harchaoui, the Prime Minister will moreover ensure three things that Turkey considers sacrosanct: accepting the permanent nature of its military presence; signing many contracts; preserving the November 2019 maritime memorandum.

The government has just nine months before the presidential and legislative elections scheduled for December.Dabaibas priority will be to manage the withdrawal of foreign troops.

In Tripoli, the euphoria felt upon the formation of this reunified government is already being counterbalanced by the fear of a resurgence of militias. The latter had welcomed Dabaibas seizure of power against Bachagha, who had instigated a policy to dismantle the katibas.

Eaton sees a risk in the composition of this government, the power sharing simply serves to underpin greater expenditure by the state to placate warring parties and sustain a status quo. This makes the negotiation of the budget, and the conditions attached to any new budget over access to resources to actors like Haftar, critical. For now, the reunification of the Libyan government provides a window of opportunity to unify the country. The next major undertaking will be to unite the two rival central banks.

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Libya: Haftar and Muslim Brotherhood big losers of new government - The Africa Report

Libya: Who are the five influential women ministers in the new government? – The Africa Report

For the first time in Libya's recent history, five women will hold important ministries in the new government led by Abdelhamid al-Dabaiba, including the key foreign affairs and justice posts.

A UN-sponsored transitional government backed by parliament has emerged in Libya after several years of failed attempts. Composed of 33 ministers and two deputy prime ministers, led by Misrati businessman Abdulhamid al-Dabaiba, it will succeed the Government of National Accord (GNA) led by Fayez al-Sarraj and is expected to lead the country to elections in late December.

Among the ministers chosen 10 names have changed from the initial list proposed to the house of representatives following discussions in parliament five women will be part of the government, with three of them holding key posts.

They are:

At a session of the Libyan Political Dialogue in Geneva, Dabaiba promised a 30% quota for women in the government. In the end, they represent only 15% of the ministers, a record in the countrys recent history.

The new Prime Minister justified this shortfall by explaining that there were not enough female candidates for ministerial positions to meet his initial commitment. In his speech in the house of representatives, however, Dabaiba reaffirmed his support for women in politics.

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For the first time since Libyas independence in 1951, a woman will hold the post of foreign minister. Najla Mangouch will have the difficult task of guiding the foreign policy decisions of a country torn between the interests of international powers interested in Libyas fate, including Turkey, Russia, Egypt and the United Arab Emirates.

A law graduate from Benghazi University, although originally from Tripolitania, Mangouch is a professor of criminal law. This peacekeeper also trained in the United States, where she attended the Centre for Justice and Peacebuilding at Virginias private Eastern Mennonite University before continuing her studies with a PhD in conflict resolution at George Mason University in Virginia. During the 2011 revolution, she was a member of the National Transitional Council (NTC), responsible for coordinating Libyan cities opposed to Muammar Gaddafis regime.

According to the daily newspaper Al-Arabiya, Mangouch is a resident in Benghazi but has been living in Harrisonburg, Virginia, since 2012 and has worked in the field of executive training in several countries in the Arab world. Mangouch has also represented Libya at the United States Institute of Peace, an independent institute founded by the US Congress to resolve international conflicts.

Mangouch becomes one of the first women in the Arab world to hold this prestigious post, the fourth after two Mauritanians (Naha Bint Mouknass in 2009 and Vatma Vall Mint Soueina in 2015) and a Sudanese (Asma Mohamed Abdullah). Her name was a last-minute replacement for Lamia Bousadra, former undersecretary at the ministry of information under the government of Ali Zeidan (2012-2014), who appeared in the first version of the list of new Libyan ministers released on 6 March before the vote of confidence in parliament.

The post of justice minister goes to Halima Ibrahim Abderrahmane, a native of the town of Gharyan, about 100km from Tripoli. A law graduate, she has worked in the judiciary and in Libyan courts.

As for social affairs minister Wafaa Abou Bakr Muhammad Al-Kilani and womens affairs minister Houria Khalifa Miloud al-Turman, they remain largely unknown.

This is not the case for the new culture minister, Mabrouka Tuffi Othman Aoki, who is from southern Libya. From the Toubou community, she has a degree in economics and is very active in civil society.

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Libya: Who are the five influential women ministers in the new government? - The Africa Report

Explosive Ordonance Risk Education Specialist – LIBYA – ReliefWeb

Outraged by the injustice faced by people with disabilities and vulnerable populations, we aspire to a world of solidarity and inclusion, enriched by our differences, where everyone can live in dignity

Humanity & Inclusion (HI) is an independent and impartial aid and development organisation with no religious or political affiliations operating in situations of poverty and exclusion, conflict and disaster. We work alongside people with disabilities and vulnerable people to help meet their essential needs, improve their living conditions and promote respect for their dignity and fundamental rights.

Since the organisation was first founded in 1982, we have set up development programmes in more than 60 countries and responded to many emergencies. Today we have a budget of around 150 million euros, with 3500 employees worldwide.

HI is engaged in an employment policy in favour of disabled workers.

For further information about the association: http://www.hi.org.

JOB CONTEXT :

HI is currently implementing several programmes in Tripoli, Misrata and Benghazi, supporting vulnerable persons and their families such as people with disabilities (including people living with mental health problems), people with chronic diseases, older persons, displaced persons and families, migrants and refugees. Activities include provision of comprehensive rehabilitation services including physical therapy and psychosocial support, provision of assistive & mobility devices as per needed; capacity building, technical support and donations of assistive devices and/or materials and equipment to health partners; training on inclusion principles to other humanitarian actors and health workers;

Since early 2019 HI is implementing a three-year project entitled Action for Mental Health Assistance in Libya (AMAL) as part of wider initiatives to improve the access and quality of health care services in Libya. Implemented in partnership with the Libyan Ministry of Health and a Tunisian NGO, the overall objective of the project is to allow the most vulnerable people in Libya from host communities, those internally displaced and returnees and migrants, suffering from mental health disorders/psychosocial disabilities to regain or to preserve good mental health by accessing quality interventions at community level, primary health care level, and secondary and tertiary level.

From July 2020, HI also started a one-year project in partnership with UNDP, which aims to enhance the development of a culture of peace, cooperation and responsibility - with a focus on youth (male and female) - through improved provision of MHPSS services at community level. This project will strongly rely on Libyan Civil Society Organisations.

HI is also involved in Humanitarian Mine Action (HMA) activities, HI supports the Libyan Mine Action Centre (LibMAC), UNMAS and other ministries in developing a victim assistance strategy and action plan. Given the recent events and increase in EO related accidents, HI also seeks to resume quickly EORE activities in greater Tripoli and has developed several proposals in this regard.

YOUR MISSION:

Under the responsibility of the Country Manager and in collaboration with the Operations Manager, the Explosive Ordnance Risk Education (EORE) Field Technical Specialist contributes within the country where he/she is based to the implementation of the mandate and the 10-year strategy of Humanity & Inclusion. He/she ensures optimal quality and impact of the projects implemented in the country, through a delegation system with appropriate control mechanisms.

He/she will be responsible for the following:

EXPERTISE

-You contribute to the Liya mission strategies and if relevant, the regional strategies, in line with the global strategies

-You ensure technical support to projects in line with the global technical frameworks and standards on EORE

-You ensure technical learning from projects

-You ensure the control & monitoring of the technical quality and the relevance of HIs activities in the programmes under EORE activities

-You ensure compliance of the technical proposition qith nexus stakes

-You contributes to the development of research and innovation projects at country and region level, when relevant in the EORE expertise

-You contribute to the technical divisions professional channel animation

INFLUENCE

-You contribute to the local external prestige and influence of HIs expertise in the field of EORE

BUSINESS DEVELOPMENT

-You ensure the development of major opportunities or new projects in the region in EORE

YOUR PROFILE :

You hold a bachelors degree or preferably Masters degree

You have at least 3 years of field experience in humanitarian mine action. You have 7 years of professional experience in low-to-middle-income countries. Previous experience in the Middle East (and in Libya) would be a strong plus

You have previous experience in design and implementation of community focused and community based EORE activities

You master training and coaching field teams on the job

You show high level of motivation and proactivity

You show ability to work in a tensed and volatile context with strict security measures

You are able to produce clear, concise and responsible communication suited to the interlocutor in English. Arabic language would be a strong asset

CHARACTERISTICS OF THE POSITION :

The post holder will be expected to spend at least 50% of their time in Libya including traveling between operational bases in Tripoli, Misrata and Benghazi, along with other international staff. This being said, the challenges to access the country remained challenging throughout the year 2019 and first half of 2020, particularly in relation to the security situation but also the administrative barriers to obtain visas and access authorizations. In addition, since March 2020, most humanitarian organisations have faced new challenges in terms of delivering services due to the COVID-19 pandemic and relating sanitary measures such as border closures and travel restrictions, and disruption of supply chain, lockdown, curfews, movements restrictions and social distancing - all being various measures taken by the Libyan authorities in place. The access to the country is thus likely to be very irregular in the coming months. As a result, the Libya mission is currently working on a semi-remote management mode and the senior country team is expected to adapt accordingly its management style, communication and support / control mechanisms.**

CONDITIONS:

At HI, the conditions offered are up to your commitment and adapted to the context of your mission. Particular attention is paid to health issues and your personal situation.We offer an induction and training path adapted to our staff members and we have a HR policy oriented toward mobility and professional development.

5 months International contract starting ASAP

The international contract provides social cover adapted to your situation:

o Unemployment insurance benefits for EU nationals

o Pension scheme adapted to the situation of our employees: If you already have a personal pension scheme HI will contribute at the same level of your personal monthly contribution with a maximum of 272.53/month ; If you do not have a personal pension scheme, we will open a private pension account with your contribution of 272.53/month and a contribution of HI of the same amount

o Medical coverage with 50% of employee contribution

o Repatriation insurance paid by HI

Salary from 2757 gross/month upon experience

Perdiem : 13,30 net/day in Tunisia - paid in the field

22,72 net/day in Libya - paid in the field

Hardship : 500 net/month paid with your salary when employee is actually present at least 16 calendar days per month in Libya.

Paid leaves : 25 days per year;

R&R : 1 day per month in Tunisia // 1 day for 8 days spent inside Libya

Position:

o unaccompanied

Payment for travel costs (air ticket & visa)

o open to couples

Support travel costs (air ticket & visa) for accompanying dependent and health/ repatriation insurance if the dependent has no income/

Housing : Collective or individual taken in charge by HI**

If you are resident in the country : local package

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Explosive Ordonance Risk Education Specialist - LIBYA - ReliefWeb

No objection to Turkish ships docking at Libya’s Benghazi: Haftar | Daily Sabah – Daily Sabah

Libyan warlord Khalifa Haftar on Wednesday said in a letter addressed to the Ports and Maritime Transport Administration that his forces do not oppose the docking of Turkish-flagged commercial ships at the eastern Benghazi province's port, which his militias control.

"We have no objection to the entry to our ports of Turkish-flagged commercial ships that comply with the stated legal procedures and legislation," Libya Al-Hadath, a pro-Haftar television station, quoted him as saying in the letter.

Libya has been torn by civil war since the ouster of late ruler Moammar Gadhafi in 2011.

The war was exacerbated when Haftar, supported by several countries including the United Arab Emirates, Egypt, Russia and France carried out a military onslaught to topple the Tripoli-based internationally recognized government for control of the North African country.

In June 2019, Haftar issued an order targeting Turkish ships inside territorial waters, and considered Turkish companies and positions as legitimate targets.

A Turkish ship, transporting medicine to Libya's port of Misrata was detained in December last year by forces loyal to Haftar. It was released a few days later.

Ankara and Tripoli signed two memorandums of understanding, one on military cooperation and the other on maritime boundaries of countries in the Eastern Mediterranean.

On Oct. 23, 2020, a cease-fire was reached under the auspices of the United Nations, which Haftar's militia violates from time to time.

On Feb. 5, Libyan delegates elected Mohammad Menfi to head the three-member Presidential Council and Abdul Hamid Dbeibeh the new prime minister. The new executive authority will govern Libya in the lead-up to national elections on Dec. 24.

Last week, the Libyan parliament granted a vote of confidence to Dbeibah's government with 132 votes of the 133 lawmakers who attended the session.

Libyans hope it will end a decade of civil war.

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No objection to Turkish ships docking at Libya's Benghazi: Haftar | Daily Sabah - Daily Sabah