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From a distance, the vessels bobbing in the azure waters off the port of Augusta, Sicily, present a comforting tableau.

Sunshine bounces off the waves as the plume of smoke rising from the snow-capped Mount Etna scatters in the wind.

But in this small port, the latest chapter of Europe's realpolitik approach to migration is playing out with deadly consequences.

Among the vessels idling in Augusta, including two ships upon which rescued migrants are quarantined for COVID-19, is Sea-Watch 3.

The ship, part of a German NGO,returned to the port in early March with its crew of 14, after a rescue mission to save 363 migrants in the sea between Sicily and Libya.

After its crew quarantined for two weeks, the Italian coastguard carried out a lengthy safety inspectioncalled a state port control. It then announced it was placing the vessel under administrativedetention, citing irregularities in how the crew communicated their entry in port, waste management and safety regulations.

Italian authorities say the inspections ensure naval safety. But humanitarian rescuers say the constant checks and bureaucratic delays are just the latest tactic Italy is using to keep such humanitarian boats from bringing migrants to a Europe that doesn't want them.

Daniel Bebawi, a former car mechanic who worked on cargo ships before joining Sea-Watch, says safety inspections are normal and necessary. What's not, he says, is the frequency with which the Italian coast guard carries out the lengthy checks out on NGO vessels, the range of discrepancies inspectors find and the constant blocking of the boats in port.

"Normally a port state control is not allowed to be more frequent than once every 12 months," he said. "They basically keep looking until they find something that they can write about and detain the ship over. It's a kind of weaponization of the system to detain the ships."

Five of seven NGO rescue boats now in the Mediterranean are currently unable to leaveport four of which are blocked in Italy for administrative reasons.

"What we're witnessing is a situation of three different strategies," said Giorgia Linardi, the legal advisor for Sea-Watch. "We have a renewed interest of prosecutors in investigating NGOs for facilitating illegal immigration, media attacks against NGOsand the latestblocking NGO ships in port through administrative measures."

The administrative blocksbegan after Italy's far-right Interior Minister Matteo Salvini was replaced byLuciana Lamorgese in mid-2019, Linardi said.

Salvini gained renown for blocking migrant rescue boats from re-entering Italian ports, stranding shipscrowded with traumatized migrants at sea for weeks. He vociferously proclaimed his hard line to shore up support among Italians, many of whom feel abandoned by Europe, left alone to deal with thousands ofmigrants escaping Libya who arrive on their country's shores.

The current government does not block rescue ships from docking. Butunder Salvini, fewer NGO vessels were blocked from leaving port than under today's government.

"This government realized the strategy of bombastic attacks against NGOs backfired and that the criminal investigations went nowhere," said Linardi. "They realized bogging the boats down in bureaucracy was cheaper and a lot more effective."

As the rescue boats idle in Italian ports,refugees stranded at sea are dying as they attemptto reach safe harbour.So far this year, almost 9,000 people have crossed to Italy, with almost 1,000 dying during their attempts,according to the UNHCR, the UN refugee agency.

Last week 130 people escaping Libya in a rubber boat drowned after their radio calls for help went unheeded for two days by bordering countries. Italy's coast guard planes circled the sinking boat. Malta said the rescue was up to Libya. Libya said conditions were too dangerous to embark on a rescue mission.

Three cargo vessels attempted to reach the people in distress, with the only NGO rescue boat at sea, the Ocean Viking, 10 hours away. By the time it got to the sinking boat, all that remained on the surface of the sea was the deflated dinghy and a dozen bodies.

Pope Francis condemned the inaction by the governments as a "moment of shame."

WATCH | Megan Williams explains the ships' predicament:

Linardi says Italy and Europe have constructed a fictional narrative that NGO rescue boats are not needed because Libyan coast guard ships, supplied by Italy with EU funds, are there to rescue migrant boats in distress.

"But this is not what happens. Libya is not able today to cover an immense search and rescue area that was instituted simply for the European Union to push forward its externalization policy," she said.

Even when Libyans do intercept boats in international waters, Linardi says, they can't be called rescues, but rather "illegal pushbacks" the returning of people to a place where their lives are at risk.

As Italy keeps rescue boats mired in bureaucracy, the frustration aboard Sea-Watch 3 is palpable.

"For the last two years, we have barely been out on a mission, doing what we want to do, so it's been very, very hard," said deckhand Lina Veller. She has spent the weeks in port painting, de-rusting, oiling and carrying out other maintenance work while the ship has been docked.

"You really strongly have to disconnectyour mind from what's happening."

In the five or so weeks that Sea-Watch 3 has been stuck in Augusta, almost 300 people trying to flee Libya have drowned in the Mediterranean"and those are just the deaths we know of," Veller said.

She has seen a lot of tragedy during her four years with Sea-Watch. But she says the deaths last week of the 130 migrants in the rubber boat drove homea bitter lesson.

"There was the belief that if you show what's happening and that if you show that people are drowning, political decisions will be different," said Veller. "They will stop people from drowning and there will be legal ways for them to flee and migrate. That was the expectation.

"What's changed is that it's more OK for people to drown."

See the rest here:
These rescuers want to save refugees fleeing Libya by sea. But they're trapped on shore by red tape - CBC.ca

By Sami Zaptia.

Libya and Britain seek cooperation in the health sector (Photo: Health Ministry).

London, 3 May 2021:

Libyas Health Minister Ali Zanati received in his office the Charg dAffairs of the United Kingdom Embassy Kate English yesterday where the discussion revolved around the pandemic situation in the two countries, as well as the health situation in general, and the possibility of cooperation in the health field.

The Health Ministry reported that English affirmed that her country is ready to stand with Libya in the field of health, and that they support the development of the health sector and are ready to cooperate to benefit the sector.

She praised the role of the Minister of Health in these circumstances and hope to provide support to the sector through the Ministry of Health.

The Minister of Health thanked her for Britains desire to support the health sector, and that Libya opened its doors for cooperation in various fields and various disciplines, whether training, participation or cooperation.

Minister Zanati also noted in the meeting the need to promote mental health and its importance, especially after the period of instability that Libya went through.

The Minister considered that mental health is a cornerstone in building qualified capabilities needing attention and cooperation.

Charg dAffairs English expressed Britains interest in cooperating with Libya and that Libya has a distinguished historical relationship with Britain, and that they will learn about the ministers vision in the programme of localizing treatment at home, and the possibility of localizing expertise within Libyan medical institutions, by sending British experts specialized in this field.

Localization of treatment at home and organization of treatment abroad aim of Health Ministry | (libyaherald.com)

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Libya and UK discuss mental health and localization of healthcare | - Libya Herald

Fri, Apr 16, 2021

MENASourcebyKarim Mezran, Alissa Pavia

Italian Prime Minister Mario Draghi and Libyan Prime Minister Abdulhamid Dbeibeh are seen duirng a joint news conference, in Tripoli, Libya April 6, 2021. REUTERS/Hazem Ahmed

On April 6, Italian Prime Minister Mario Draghi met with his Libyan counterpart Abdulhamid Dbeibah in Tripoli. It was the Italian prime ministers first state visit since taking office on February 13. More significantly, the visit has come at a time when Libya is entering a new phase of political transition.A recent ceasefire agreement signed on October 23, 2020 by the two main factionsthe Tripoli-based United Nations-backed Government of National Accord and General Khalifa Haftars Benghazi-based Libyan National Armyhas prompted the election of a unified government headed by Libyan Prime Minister Dbeibah.

The Italian prime ministers visit, albeit brief, focused on several important issues. He stressed that this is a unique moment for the two countries to rebuild an ancient friendship, referring to the long-lasting economic and political collaboration that Italy and Libya have shared over the years. PM Draghi showed much enthusiasm to start a new future and to do so quickly, adding that the 2020 ceasefire must be strictly observed.

The two countries share many common interests, which were discussed during the visit. Most notably, Italys oil giant, Eni, holds strategic investments in Libya (in 2019, Italy exported 8 percent of its natural gas from Libya). It is to no surprise, then, that Draghi spoke about intensifying collaboration with Libya in the electrical and energy sectors. Immigration, another key interest, was also touched upon when Draghi mentioned that he greatly appreciated Libyas efforts to save migrants at sea and combat human smugglingstatements he was heavily criticized for given the perilous and dire state of Libyas detention camps.

Regardless, collaboration between the two countries will likely move beyond what was said in public by the two leaders. In fact, many believe that Italy will take the lead in rebuilding Tripolis airport, a project that was commissioned to Italian construction company Aeneas three years ago. It is also rumored that Italy will take over the construction of a long highway along Libyas Mediterranean coast, which would connect Tunisia to Egypt through Libya.

Draghis visit to Libya is a big step for renewing Italys role in Libya and the wider Mediterranean, one that should not be overlooked. Italy may well be paving the way to becoming an important actor in managing crises and challenges in the region. In fact, two weeks before Draghis trip on March 21, 2021, Italys Foreign Minister Luigi Di Maio met with Dbeibah, Libyan Presidential Councils vice presidents Musa al-Koni andAbdullah al-Lafi, and Foreign Minister Najla el-Mangoush. During his visit, Di Maio spoke about the important geostrategic interests that the two countries share and highlighted Italys intent to help stabilize the country. Its worth noting that Di Maio was the first European Union minister to visit the newly elected Libyan Prime Minister. The readiness with which Di Maio took the opportunity to visit the country was already a strong signal that Italy is ready to become a strategic partner in the regionone that was further confirmed by Draghis visit.

Italy has many reasons to be a vital partner for Libya and other countries in the region. For one, Italy and Libya share historic ties that date back to 1911, when Italy first occupied Tripolitania and Cyrenaicatwo regions that later became known as Libya. Over the decades, Italian-Libyan relations have seen low and high points. Of note was the 2008 signing of the Treaty of Benghazi between then-Prime Minister Silvio Berlusconi and Dictator Muammar Qaddafi, an agreement which placed Italy as a solid and credible partner for Libya.

Italy is also one of the only countries to maintain a strong presence on the ground even before the ousting of Qaddafi, but especially in the last few years during the civil wars intensification. In fact, Italy never closed its embassy in Tripoli, whereas many other countriesincluding France and the United Statesdid. The fact that Italy maintained an ambassador in Libya over the years provides the country with strong ties to local institutionsties that allow the Italians to place themselves at the forefront of a potential renewed European partnership with Libya.

Finally, Italy now has stronger credibility thanks to Draghis appointment as Italys new prime minister. His track record as a trustworthy politician derives from his long and successful career at top international institutions in Europe, most notably as head of the European Central Bank between 2011 and 2019. This renewed credibility places Italy in a strategic position in Europe to become the new point of reference for the US when dealing with Libya and other countries in the Mediterranean. At a time when Germanys Angela Merkel is stepping down and Frances Emmanuel Macron faces an important electoral campaign, Italy is best suited to take the lead in strengthening transatlantic cooperation in the Mediterranean.

However, the road ahead is complicated. Italy must now act decisively to determine its foreign policy strategy and coordinate with its American and European allies. With the Joe Biden administration turning towards the east, Italy can play the role of intermediary in Libyaa strategy which Washington may be eager to welcome, as evidenced by Secretary of State Antony Blinkens remarks upon meeting his Italian counterpart on April 13. If Italy were to strategically place itself as a broker for its allies, it could finally become a key player and help restore stability and security in Libyaand perhaps the wider Mediterranean.

Karim Mezran is director of the North Africa Initiative and resident senior fellow with the Rafik Hariri Center and Middle East Programs at the Atlantic Council focusing on the processes of change in North Africa.

Alissa Pavia is assistant director for the North Africa Program within the Rafik Hariri Center & Middle East Programs at the Atlantic Council.

See the rest here:
Italy found its way back into Libya - Atlantic Council

CAIRO, 15 April 2021 Special Envoy of the UN Secretary-General and Head of the United Nations Support Mission in Libya (UNSMIL) Jn Kubi concluded today a two-day visit to Cairo where he met with high-level Egyptian officials and the Secretary-General of the League of Arab State (LAS).

Advancing the three-track Libyan dialogues, including the full implementation of the Libyan Political Dialogue Forum (LPDF) Roadmap and of the Ceasefire Agreement, as well as the critical importance of holding of national parliamentary and presidential elections on 24 December 2021, were the focus of discussions between the Special Envoy and Egypts Minister of Foreign Affairs Mr. Sameh Shokry. They confirmed the need to fully implement the ceasefire agreement including the withdrawal of the mercenaries and foreign forces. The Special Envoy also discussed security and political developments and way to support the unification of security institutions in Libya with Minister Abbas Kamil of General Intelligence. He also met with high-level officials at the Egyptian Ministry of Foreign Affairs, led by Assistant Minister, and Political Advisor to the Minister, Mr. Nazih al-Naggary.

Special Envoy Kubi also held a meeting with the Secretary-General of the League of Arab State Ahmed Aboul Gheit, where he briefed on his latest outreach efforts with Libyan and international stakeholders. They both agreed on the need to move forward with the political, economic, security and humanitarian dialogue tracks, including through supporting the newly elected authority, the Presidency Council and the Government of National Unity. SG Aboul Gheit reiterated the importance of strengthening the UN-LAS cooperation and coordination in support of the Libyan people, including in the framework of the LAS/AU/EU/UN Quartet.

While in Cairo the Special Envoy held separate telephone conversations with Minister of State for Middle East and North Africa James Cleverly, AU Commission Chairpersons Chef de Cabinet, Mohamed el-Hacen Lebatt and EU High Representatives Chef de Cabinet, Pedro Serrano.

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Special Envoy for Libya discusses in Cairo ways to advance implementation of LPDF roadmap, notably holding of national elections in December 2021 and...

The cities of Istanbul and Ankara have recently been congested by an intense flow of diplomatic traffic. Last week's visit by the EU leaders, which was undermined by the "sofa gate" crisis, and the visit of Ukraine's President Volodymyr Zelenskiy, who is once more facing a major battle with Russia in the region's hottest conflict zone, are just a few of the most recent visitors.

At the beginning of the week, Ankara hosted another very important guest. Abdul Hamid Dbeibah, the Prime Minister of Libyan National Unity Government, and 14 ministers accompanying him were received in Ankara by President Recep Tayyip Erdoan. This visit, which is considered a historic moment, was a nod to the bilateral relations, the outcomes of the limited maritime jurisdiction agreement signed in November 2019 and the cease-fire reached in the country last year.

After the war that broke out in 2011, Turkey supported the national reconciliation government, which has international legitimacy representing the Libyans, the country's true proprietors, but it became a deterrent force in the country, both diplomatically and militarily, in the face of the illegitimate putschist Gen. Khalifa Haftar and his supporters. Turkey also exerted great efforts on the field and at the negotiating table to secure the cease-fire.

Evidently, Turkey did not do this only for geopolitical gains and underlined at every point along the way that its actions were motivated by the centuries of cultural, historical and social common ground shared between the two nations. In fact, the nature of the relationship between the people of the two countries is first and foremost fraternal.

On the other hand, it seems that this fraternal bond is difficult to understand for countries like Italy, France, Russia, Greece and the United States, which have had one-sided relationships with Libya for many years. Representatives of these countries have intensified shuttle diplomacy to Libya for months and now seek to take the lion's share of Libya's potential. This is made evident by the fact that the prime ministers of Malta, Greece and Italy have all repeatedly knocked on Libya's door in recent weeks. All parties are interested in signing a deal similar to the one Libya struck with Turkey which allows it concessions. But despite these efforts, they have all returned empty-handed so far, having not managed to ink a similar maritime authorization agreement.

In this sense, Italian Prime Minister Mario Draghi's insulting statements against Turkey and President Erdoan, while Dbeibah was in Ankara, should not come as a surprise at this point.

However, Draghi is not the only one who wants to overshadow Dbeibah's visit to Turkey as Greece goes to great lengths to sabotage Turkey. Greece, which has recently been making efforts to normalize diplomatic relations with Libya, wants Tripoli to ditch the maritime jurisdictions agreement with Ankara for a similar deal with Athens.

After Greek Prime Minister Kyriakos Mitsotakis' latest visit to Libya, the Libyan Presidential Council spokesperson revealed that Athens proposed the two nations come to a compromise.

As it will be remembered, Muhammad Menfi, who is now the president of the Libyan Presidential Council, was declared persona non grata by Athens because he did not reject this agreement with Turkey when he was ambassador in Greece. In Athens, where his hand was strengthened last week, Menfi reminded Mitsotakis that under the Geneva Agreement, the Presidential Council could not conclude any international agreements, underlining that it is under the authority of the Libyas legitimate administration, the Government of the National Accord (GNA).

Now Libya and Turkey have a lot to get done in order for the former to recover and prosper. During Dbeibahs visit, the joint determination of the two countries was emphasized in the talks between leaders, ministers and delegations. Deals for projects in a wide range of sectors were signed, from energy, technology and defense to construction, media, informatics and health. The fact that Turkey sent 150,000 doses of COVID-19 vaccines to Libya during this pandemic was a small but meaningful symbol of the brotherhood between the two countries.

On the other hand, given the fact that Hafter and his supporters are still active in Libya, forces loyal to the putschist could use asymmetric methods to overshadow the cooperation between Turkey and Libya, something both Ankara and Tripoli are aware of. Hafter is still provided with weapons, ammunition and mercenary support by Russia, the United Arab Emirates (UAE) and Egypt, while France, Italy and Greece as a trio continue to put diplomatic pressure on the country.

Meanwhile, another important development for Ankara that impacts relations within both players in the Eastern Mediterranean and Libya is that resuming diplomatic relations with Egypt. Foreign Minister Mevlt Cavuolu spoke with his Egyptian counterpart Sameh Shoukry on the phone over the weekend after a three-year break.

avuolu also told the media during the week that mutual visits with Egypt would take place in May, as the two countries enter a new era. He added that the talks will begin at the primary level between the deputy ministers of the two countries and noted that the nations may appoint respective ambassadors in time.

Recently, both sides have signaled that relations are on course to normalize. Egypt signed a maritime jurisdiction agreement with Greece similar to the one Turkey and Libya signed. While Egypt did not completely ignore Turkey's sensitivities in the process, Cairo believes the deal with Greece does them more harm than good and has understood that Turkey is the right partner for its interests in the Eastern Mediterranean. After all, positive messages from Cairo came in gradually in response to Ankara's positive messages.

Egyptian Foreign Minister Shoukry on Monday said Egypt is eager to strengthen bilateral relations based on international law and develop a dialogue with Turkey that benefits both sides. Speaking to an Egyptian local broadcaster, he said that they appreciate Turkey's recent remarks and gestures and underlined the importance of laying a foundation that determines the framework of bilateral ties.

All these developments bear strong signs that a new era is taking shape in the Eastern Mediterranean equation, especially between Libya, Egypt and Turkey. Ankara has shown Libya that it is a committed and reliable partner in this regard, and says it is willing to sit at the table with Egypt and come to another agreement in the Eastern Mediterranean.

Now, just as with Libya, important symbolic developments will take place in the coming period in relations between Egypt and Turkey which are deeply rooted in history. It seems inevitable that the national interests of the three countries will align in the geopolitics of the Eastern Mediterranean.

But Ankara, Tripoli and Cairo must be prepared for sabotage and intervention by Greece, as well as attempts to undermine the potential for new equations in the region.

See the article here:
What is the new equation in East Med with Turkey, Libya and Egypt? | Daily Sabah - Daily Sabah