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Since taking office, Joe Biden has repeatedly emphasized that America is back and ready to take the lead on confronting difficult issues. However, beyond ambitious and laudable plans to crack down on tax avoidance, organize against climate change and counter China's economic diplomacy in developing countries, the still-new administration lacks concrete examples of what they stand for and what they can achieve in the realm of foreign policy. A concerted diplomatic effort to assist the Libyan constitutional process as it goes through a current moment of uncertainty is precisely the opportunity the administration needs.

Bidens team will need to overcome its thus far demonstrated reluctance to do so. In August 2020, Jonathan Finer, now Bidens deputy national security advisor, co-wrote a memo titled Ending the Forever Wars. This argued for a need to rethink the U.S. counterterrorism strategy in favor of a more cautious approach. This perspective parallels Bidens own long-held views. Regretting his support for the Iraq War, he waged a one-man opposition against troop surges in Afghanistan during Barack Obamas presidency. He is now following through on his promise to complete the troop withdrawal from Afghanistan by September, exemplified by the recent closing of Bagram Airfield. This is part of a conscious de-prioritization strategy: Biden and his team would rather not waste precious resources in a region that they view as having only drawn policymakers into long, arduous, and ultimately unproductive efforts.

These fears are heightened in the case of Libya. Memories of the 2011 NATO Intervention in Libya carried out under the Obama administration, the tragic 2012 Benghazi attacks which resulted in the assassination of the U.S. ambassador, and the ensuing collapse of governing institutions have dissuaded action. Obama described his lack of preparation for the day after in Libya as his greatest regret, and current members of the Biden administration were burnt by the fall-out. The result has been a lack of engagement on Libya, beyond general support for the United Nations and European Unions efforts to seek a solution for the protracted crisis gripping the country. Washington would simply rather not get involved.

If Libya exemplifies the motivation of this withdrawal, it also demonstrates the dangerous consequences of a lack of U.S. diplomatic attention. The current state of Libya is daunting. Divided after a decade of near-continuous conflict, a vast array of militias is split between two governments each counting on their own international patrons. The western Government of National Accord, recognized by the UN and backed militarily by Turkey, finds itself against the rogue General Khalifa Haftar, the de-facto ruler of the east of the country supported by the United Arab Emirates, Egypt, and Russia. The existence of the split has persevered, despite the ostensible creation of a Government of National Unity under Prime Minster Abdul Hamid Dbeibeh earlier this year.

Biden's view that Libya is a complex case best left to the UN and the EU is understandable. However, such a perspective not only overlooks the contribution that a poorly planned U.S. intervention made to the current crisis, but also the potential for its worsening without U.S. support. There are worrying signs that the UN-backed constitutional process is running into difficulty, leaving the prospect of December elections in doubt and making the resurgence of conflict likely. An uneasy ceasefire is barely holding but troop movements have started again. This risk of collapse without some degree of U.S. support, alongside regional implications, has been overlooked.

A decisive U.S. diplomatic effort would provide three sets of benefits: humanitarian, political, and diplomatic. It would help avert a resurgence of conflict and thus avert death, suffering, and an exacerbation of poverty. These humanitarian benefits also realize U.S. political aims. A free, prosperous, and stable Libya is good for the Middle East and bad for terror networks. Libyan stability lowers the temperature of the migrant crisis for European allies, a point that French president Emmanuel Macron has already stressed personally to Biden. It would also counter Russian influence in the Middle East, which used a similar U.S. vacuum in Syria to lay a claim to regional importance. Libyan stability would help the process of US-Turkish rapprochement, in turn strengthening NATO. Finally, there are potential diplomatic benefits. The United States stepping up sends a clear message to allies and opponents alike; the United States is again thinking internationally, multilaterally, and diplomaticallyThe United States is back.

In contrast to such vast potential gains, the costs of U.S. engagement are low. The United States already has the means to be a decisive actor. Anwar Sadats observation that the United States holds 99% of the cards in the region still rings broadly true. Through its pre-existing relationships with the UAE, Egypt, Turkey, and the EU, combined with a lack of deep prior involvement in the Libyan civil war, the United States is best positioned to offer solutions. Especially relevant for an administration cautious about the use of the force, there is little chance of the United States stumbling into a military intervention in Libya. The ceasefire is tentatively holding, and diplomatic efforts do not commit the United States in any way to using force. There is no risk of another forever war.

The role that the United States could play is not only by pressuring actors towards a solution but by injecting neglected ideas into the constitutional process. Currently, the constitutional process is running up against a gamut of dilemmas. A constitution is needed that wins widespread support and buy-in from competing factions. This must, however, be done before December to allow planned elections to be held. It must stop either of the two rival governments from dominating postwar Libya while providing leadership they can both support. It must include Libyas minority groups while offering a national vision. A failure on even one of these points raises the risk of renewed conflict. Even as the UN-backed process founders against these challenges, a revised adoption of the 1951 constitution could square the circle that Libya finds itself in.

Before being overturned by Muammar Gaddafis coup in 1969, the 1951 constitution provided a crucial role in maintaining peace and national unity. After significant changes to better incorporate the past seventy years of evolving constitutional design, there is reason to believe that it could provide the same role yet again. It contains provisions protecting human rights, promoting transparency, and committing the country to democracy. Its support for a constitutional monarchy has been seen as an archaic flaw, but provides unexpected benefits given the current situation. A monarchy, albeit with reduced powers, offers a national leader not associated with any of the current factions. It makes provision for a federalism that could avert partition while maintaining provincial autonomy.

It also crucially occupies a vital space in the Libyan political consciousness, as the monarchy represents the one moment of freedom in pre-Gaddafi Libyan history. This is evidenced by a supportive domestic movement. In 2014, a proposal was launched in the Libyan General National Congress in support of a referendum to reinstall the monarchy with a former foreign minister even speaking out in favor. The adoption of a revised 1951 constitution satisfies the demands of the moment. It can be agreed upon in time for the December elections or immediately thereafter, does not provoke outright rejection from any one side, and provides a means through which the country can continue to develop diplomatically with a national yet decentralized vision. This is the fresh perspective that the United States can offer.

Libya stands at a tipping point. The Biden administration can make its first true foreign policy stand by supporting Libyas political, economic, and social recovery through an injection of diplomatic muscle and new ideas into the Libyan constitutional process. While doing so, the United States stands ready to achieve concrete geopolitical goals such as supporting European allies, renewing collaboration with Turkey, countering Russian influence, and reducing the instability that terror groups thrive on. Libya could serve as a potent example of moral and political goals working together in Biden's foreign policy, thus sending a clear signal of intent to the global community. This set of triple gainsmoral, political, and diplomaticwould come at relatively little cost; the United States already has the relationships, there are few obvious military risks, and there is a pre-existing, adaptable constitutional solution. The missing ingredient is diplomatic will. If Biden wants to prove the return of a helpful, global, and moral U.S. foreign policy, he should look no further than the Libyan constitutional process.

Nathaniel Amos is a graduate of the University of Cambridge where he studied History and Politics with a focus on US foreign policy in the Middle East, where he was a recipient of the Davidson Prize for History. He has previously worked in political communications in the Middle East and is a freelance foreign policy analyst.

Image: Reuters.

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Biden Can Show True Leadership By Helping to Stabilize Libya - The National Interest

The foundation stated that all relevant documents have been sent to concerned parties in Libya, the US, the UK and the EU. [Photo: AA]The Democracy and Human Rights Foundation (DHRF) in the United States stated that it had acquired intelligence indicating the presence of organized Russian troops in private fortifications near Al-Jufra airbase.

According to the Foundation, the deployment of organized Russian forces to Libya, as well as the Wagner mercenariesrevealingRussias intention not to evacuate its forces from Libya, but rather to escalate, mobilize, and increase their combat capability, making them a direct threat to both the Libyan State and European and American national security.

The Foundation emphasized the necessity for the Government of National Unity and the international community to create a political and military alliance to confront the so-called Russian occupation and force it to withdraw.

It also stated that it had provided copies of documents, including aerial photographs, coordinates, and other data, to the Libyan, American, and British governments, as well as European Union member states, and called for a response to the so-called imminent danger of preventing the recurrence of the Syrian landscape in Libya and denying Russia control over the countrys political, military, and economic affairs.

Emadeddin Zahri Muntasser, the Foundations head, stated that there was no hope of stability, freedom, or democracy anywhere with Russian military bases, or where Russian President Vladimir Putin could control his political future through the right of veto, or where he could influence public opinion throughmedia and online campaigns.

While Russia has stationed members of the Wagner Group in the country since at least 2017, the deployment of regular members of the Russian armed forces is a clear escalation with serious repercussions for the national security of Libya, the United States and the European Union, Muntasser said.

Allowing Putin to be a partner in the Libyan political discourse or any political or military initiative, according to Al-Muntasser, is a historic error with terrible historical ramifications.

On July 24, 2020, the United States Africa Command (AFRICOM) accused Russia of playing a harmful role in Libya by providing supplies and equipment to the Wagner group.

According to the command, the Wagner Group has 2,000 soldiers in Libya. The organization now maintains bases in the towns of Sirte and Jufra.

The United Nations and the international community have repeatedly urged all mercenaries and foreign forces to leave the war-torn country since e signing of the ceasefire agreement last year that stipulated all foreign forces must leave Libya within a 90 day period, an expiration date that has long passed but with no display from any party to depart Libyan soil any time soon.

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DHRF: Regular organized Russian forces begin their deployment to Libya - Libyan Express

Libyas permanent representative to the United Nations, Taher Al-Sunni, stressed the relevance of the EUs full consultation and coordination with the Government of National Unity (GNU), along with its specialized agencies, whilst carrying out any operations in the Mediterranean which may be related to Libya.

This came in a meeting in New York with the commander of Operation IRINI of the EU, Admiral Fabio Agostino, where he reviewed the activities of the operation in the context of its implementation of Security Council resolutions, regarding authorizing the inspection and search of ships on the high seas, which may be suspected of violations of the arms embargo.

Al-Sunni also stressed, particularly regarding the importance of showing full support for the GNU in its programs for monitoring and protecting Libyas borders, not only at sea but also the land borders, particularly the southern borders of the country, within the framework of an extensive strategy, which includes all neighbouring countries with Libya.

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Al-Sunni calls on EU to coordinate with Libya on all relevant issues regarding the Mediterranean - The Libya Observer

The Head of vaccination management at the Libyan National Center for Disease Control, Abdelbasit Samiyo, said the epidemiological situation in Libya's west and south is very serious and concerning.

Samiyo urged on Libya Alahrar TV Channel the officials in eastern Libya to get ready by preparing quarantine centers and keeping a good stock of oxygen as well as medical equipment in case of increased spread.

He also said that 300 samples a day in Zliten means that infections could reach 3000 in the city and other cities like Misrata, Al-Zawiya and Tripoli, adding that 500.000 doses of Sputnik Light vaccine will be disrupted once the Food and Drugs Authority okays the vaccine to be used across Libya.

Samiyo also said that the second dose of the vaccine will depend on bringing in sufficient quantities, adding that giving the first dose is more important and that 100.000 doses of the Sputnik vaccine will soon arrive in Libya.

He also said infections increased in the last period as people didn't abide by the precautionary measures and that they aim to vaccinate as many people as they can.

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Disease Control Center says Coronavirus spread in Libya's west and south concerning - The Libya Observer

Fresh evidence of harrowing violations, including sexual violence, against men, women and children intercepted while crossing the Mediterranean Sea and forcibly returned to detention centres in Libya, highlights the horrifying consequences of Europes ongoing cooperation with Libya on migration and border control, said Amnesty International in a report published today.

'No one will look for you': Forcibly returned from sea to abusive detention in Libya documents how decade-long violations against refugees and migrants continued unabated in Libyan detention centres during the first six months of 2021 despite repeated promises to address them.

The report also found that since late 2020 Libyas Directorate for Combatting Illegal Migration (DCIM), a department of the interior ministry, had legitimized abuse by integrating two new detention centres under its structure where hundreds of refugees and migrants had been forcibly disappeared in previous years by militias. At one recently rebranded centre, survivors said guards raped women and subjected them to sexual violence including by coercing them into sex in exchange for food or their freedom.

This horrifying report sheds new light on the suffering of people intercepted at sea and returned to Libya, where they are immediately funnelled into arbitrary detention and systematically subjected to torture, sexual violence, forced labour and other exploitation with total impunity. Meanwhile, Libyan authorities have rewarded those reasonably suspected of committing such violations with positions of power and higher ranks, meaning that we risk seeing the same horrors reproduced again and again.

The report also highlights the ongoing complicity of European states that have shamefully continued to enable and assist Libyan coastguards in capturing people at sea and forcibly returning them to the hellscape of detention in Libya, despite knowing full well the horrors they will endure.

Amnesty International is calling on European states to suspend cooperation on migration and border control with Libya. This week Italys parliament will debate the continuation of their provision of military support and resources to Libyan coastguards.

The report details the experiences of 53 refugees and migrants previously detained in centresnominally under the control of DCIM, 49 of whom were detained directly following their interceptions at sea.

Libyan authorities have vowed to close DCIM centres rife with abuse, but similar patterns of violations have been reproduced in newly opened or re-opened centres. In an illustration of entrenched impunity, informal sites of captivity originally run by non-DCIM affiliated militias have been legitimized and integrated into the DCIM. In 2020, hundreds of people disembarked in Libya had been forcibly disappeared at an informal site, then controlled by a militia. Since then, Libyan authorities have integrated the site into the DCIM, named it the Tripoli Gathering and Return Centre, colloquially known as Al-Mabani, and also put the former director and other staff of the now-closed Tajoura DCIM centre in charge. Tajoura, which was notorious for torture and other ill-treatment, was ordered closed in August 2019, a month after airstrikes that killed at least 53 detainees.

Ongoing abuse in Libyan detention centres

In the first half of 2021, more than 7,000 people intercepted at sea were forcibly returned to Al-Mabani. Detainees held there told Amnesty International they faced torture and other ill-treatment, cruel and inhuman detention conditions, extortion and forced labour. Some also reported being subjected to invasive, humiliating and violent strip-searches.

Tripolis Shara al-Zawiya centre is a facility which was also previously run by non-affiliated militias and was recently integrated under DCIM and designated for people in vulnerable situations. Former detainees there said that guards raped women and some were coerced into sex in exchange for their release or for essentials such as clean water. Grace said she was heavily beaten for refusing to comply with such a demand: I told [the guard] no. He used a gun to knock me back. He used a leather soldiers shoe to [kick] me from my waist.

Two young women at the facility attempted to commit suicide as a result of such abuse.

Three women also said that two babies detained with their mothers after an attempted sea crossing had died in early 2021 after guards refused to transfer them to hospital for critical medical treatment.

Amnesty Internationals report documents similar patterns of human rights violations, including severe beatings, sexual violence, extortion, forced labour, and inhuman conditions across seven DCIM centres in Libya. In Abu Issa centre in the city of al-Zawiya, detainees reported being deprived of nutritious food to the point of starvation.

In Al-Mabani and two other DCIM centres, Amnesty International documented the unlawful use of lethal force when guards and other armed men shot at detainees, causing deaths and injuries.

The entire network of Libyan migration detention centres is rotten to its core and must be dismantled. Libyan authorities must close all migration detention facilities immediately and stop detaining refugees and migrants.

Libyan rescue missions endangering lives

Between January and June 2021,the EU-backed Libyan coastguards intercepted around 15,000 people at sea and returned them to Libya more than in all of 2020 during what they describe as rescue missions.

People interviewed by Amnesty International consistently described Libyan coastguards conduct as negligent and abusive. Survivors described how Libyan coastguards deliberately damaged their boats, in some cases causing them to capsize, leading refugees and migrants to drown on at least two occasions. One eyewitness said after Libyan coastguards caused a dinghy to capsize, they filmed the incident with their phones instead of instead of rescuing all survivors. Over 700 refugees and migrants drowned along the central Mediterranean Sea route in the first six months of 2021.

Refugees and migrants told Amnesty International that as they attempted sea crossings, they frequently saw aircraft overhead or ships nearby that did not offer them assistance before the Libyan coastguards arrival.

Frontex, the European Border and Coast Guard agency, has carried out aerial surveillance over the Mediterranean to identify refugee and migrants boats at sea and has operated a drone over this route since May 2021. European navies have largely abandoned the central Mediterranean to avoid having to rescue refugee and migrants boats in distress.

Italy and other EU member states have also continued to grant material assistance, including speedboats, to Libyan coastguards and are working to establish a maritime coordination centre in Tripolis port, mostly funded by the EU Trust Fund for Africa.

Despite overwhelming evidence of reckless, negligent and unlawful behaviour by Libyan coastguards at sea and systematic violations in detention centres after disembarkation, European partners have continued to support Libyan coastguards to forcibly return people to the very abuse they fled in Libya, said Diana Eltahawy.

Its well past time for European states to acknowledge the indefensible consequences of their actions. They must suspend cooperationon migration and border control with Libya and instead open urgently needed pathways to safety for the thousands in need of protection currently trapped there.

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For more information or to arrange an interview, please contact: press@amnesty.org or call +44 20 7413 5566

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Libya: Horrific violations in detention highlight Europe's shameful role in forced returns - Amnesty International