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Khairi Saadallah, the suspect in the Reading terror attack, is understood to be a Libyan national who came to Britain as a refugee from the countrys civil war, which began in 2014 during attempts to build a democratic state after the fall of Colonel Muammar Gaddafi.

Neighbours said a close family member of Saadallahs had fought in Libya against Gaddafi and had faced anti-Muslim abuse after the familys arrival in the UK.

Gary, a neighbour who did not wish to give his surname, told the Guardian: All he [Khairi Saadallahs relative] wanted was a quiet life. The first time I met him was when I heard people shouting anti-Muslim abuse at him. They called him a terrorist. I told them they were a bunch of liars When there was trouble [with anti-Muslim abuse], I wrapped my arms around him and said dont react, they are the ones in the wrong.

He added that Saadallahs family member was disgusted by the actions of the Manchester bomber, who was also from a Libyan family. Salman Abedi killed 22 people after an Ariana Grande concert at Manchester Arena in 2017. Born in Manchester in the UK, Abedi had been rescued by the Royal Navy from the civil war in Libya three years earlier, alongside other British citizens.

Gary said he did not think Saadallah, now 25, had fought in the conflict. I didnt think [Saadallah] fought in Libya because he was too young, he said. They were not massively religious. They were good to people.

British relations with Libya and its diaspora have been coloured by the UK governments often ambivalent relations with Gaddafi, the UKs active support for his ousting in 2011, and the UKs diplomatic efforts to try to secure an end to the widening civil war.

That on-off war, fed by the inability of Libyans to reach a political distribution of power and wealth between east and west, has reached a new fever pitch in recent months.

The backwash from the 2011 intervention led indirectly to the Manchester bombing. Abedi, 22,, whose parents fled Libya in 1994, returned to the country after Gaddafis fall in 2011 only to come back to the UK as the fighting continued in Libya. Abedi and his family developed links to the Libyan Islamic Fighting group, an Islamist group that helped oust Gaddafi.

After initial suspicions of a terrorist network, police later said they believed Abedi had largely acted alone but then came to realise the extent to which he had been working with his brother. In March 2020, his brother, Hashem Abedi, was found guilty of 22 counts of murder in relation to the attack. He had been in Libya at the time of the detonation.

In May 2017, MI5 launched an internal inquiry into its handling of the warnings it had received about Abedi and a second inquiry into how it missed the danger. MI5 admitted it had a policy of allowing Libyans in the UK to travel to fight against Gaddafi and return later, including some who had been under house arrest in the UK for counter-terrorist measures.

In November 2018, parliaments intelligence and security committee declared that MI5 had acted too slowly in its dealings with Abedi. The committees report noted: What we can say is that there were a number of failings in the handling of Salman Abedis case.

See the article here:
Reading terror suspect came to UK as refugee from Libyan civil war - The Guardian

During a visit by Algerian President Abdelmajid Tebboune to the Ministry of National Defence in Algiers on June 2, the Armys chief of staff, Major General Said Chengriha, spoke highly of the proposed preliminary draft to revise the countrys constitution presented on May 8 by the head of state. Among the proposed amendments was one article which purports to constitutionally authorise the National Peoples Army (ANP) to intervene outside Algerias national borders.

But why introduce this article into yet another grooming of Algerias 1976 constitution? The ANP has never refrained from intervening outside Algerian borders, especially in Egypt in 1967 and 1973. As for the security forces, they intervened in Lebanon to release hostages, and more recently in the east of Libya to rescue a French commando that had been ambushed in Cyrenaica. Endorsed by the armys magazine El-Djeich, this article underscores Algerias absence from the Libyan crisis since 2011, the worst crisis in the central Mediterranean in decades.

This absence contrasts with the decisive role of France, the United Kingdom and the United States in 2011. At that time, the ANP lost a unique opportunity to influence the course of events in Libya. Algeria had the necessary cards to weigh in on Muammar Qaddafi, who was threatening the inhabitants of Benghazi. It had well-trained land forces, a significant air force, good relations with local tribes in western Libya and well-respected diplomats. But former President Abdelaziz Bouteflika proved to be a poor tactician, and Sarkozys France took over.

Since his election as president in 1999, Bouteflika never ceased to dismiss competent officers in the army. In 2002, he appointed General Ahmed Gaid Saleh as chief of staff of the armed forces. The latter then entered into a conflict with the Directorate of Intelligence (DRS) headed by General Mohamed Mediene, also known as Toufik, and succeeded in dismantling it. The key Ministry of Energy was handed over to Chakib Khelil, who ended up weakening it with eleven years of corrupt management. All through this period, many honest officials were replaced by courtiers from the Bouteflika clan.

The arrival of Ramtane Lamamra at the helm of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs in 2013 did not prevent Algeria from being marginalised on the Libyan issue, in which countries such as France, Italy, Turkey, the UAE and Qatar had been very active. A former ambassador to the United Nations, Washington and the Organization of African Unity, few diplomats are as familiar with African issues as Lamamra. But after being invited last winter to apply for the post of UN envoy to Libya by UN Secretary-General Antonio Guterres, he was vetoed by the United States and the UAE. This setback illustrates rather well Algerias loss of prestige in the world.

There was a time when Algerian diplomacy played a major role in several issues, but those days have been forgotten. During the 1960s, Algeria was at the forefront of the fight for Palestinian rights, and in 1981 it played a crucial role in securing the liberation of American diplomats held hostage in Tehran. Former Algerian Foreign Minister Mohammed Seddik Benyahia was a brilliant diplomat before his tragic demise. His plane was shot down by Saddam Hussein as he was trying to negotiate the end of the Iran-Iraq war in 1982. Those days are but a distant memory now as the weakening of the ANP went hand in hand with the undermining of Algerian diplomacy.

The attack on the Tiguentourine gas field in January 2013 by a commando coming from neighbouring Libya forced Algeria to massively redeploy its army from the west to the east.

Considerable expenses were incurred to secure the long stretch of the countrys Sahara borders, made possible by high oil prices at the time. Today, collapsing oil prices have forced the Algerian government to cut its civilian spending by 50%. But, can the government afford to leave intact the military budget which represents a quarter of total spending? And whats the point of accumulating hundreds of tanks, fighter planes, armoured vehicles and coast guards, only to end up not having any weight or influence in Libya, a country that has such a direct impact on their own security?

The two countries with the greatest influence on Algeria are France and Russia. Neither of them, however, welcomed the rise of Algerias popular protest movement, known as the Hirak, which, until the COVID-19 lockdown, saw millions of citizens demonstrate to demand greater democracy. France supported Bouteflikas ridiculous candidacy for a fifth term until the latter was relieved by the army. It then gave its full support to Gaid Salah, Algerias strong man and a fierce opponent of the Hirak until his death. A former non-commissioned officer in the French army, Gaid Salah is one of the many officers that France can influence, based on the information it holds on this or that file of contracts between the ANP and foreign suppliers, where under the table commissions and retro-commissions flourish.

In Libya, France is concerned about illegal migration to Europe and the influence of the Muslim Brotherhood on the Tripoli government; but it is allied with Field Marshal Khalifa Haftar. With the rise of Turkey in Libya, France has lost a lot. In Algeria, it is pressuring the ANP to send Algerian ground troops to Mali, but any such action will be interpreted by millions of Algerians as neo-colonial policy, and the Algerian troops would be seen as auxiliaries to the French army and a parallel would be quickly drawn between them and the famous Algerian Tirailleurs who fought in Europe alongside French troops during the two World Wars.

In Brussels, some have noted the sizable volume of investments made in Algeria by China and Turkey, which exceeds that of all European companies. China is weighing more and more in the region, and Turkey too. Frances constant support for Morocco in the dossier of Western Sahara deprives it of all strategic influence in the Maghreb. Algeria is slow to rethink its military and diplomatic strategy, not to mention its centralised and corrupt economic management. Under these circumstances, it has been, up to now, a safe bet that the ANP will not become an auxiliary force to France in the region. If it did, it would lose an essential part of its historic legitimacy that the National Liberation Army so dearly acquired between 1954 and 1962.

Original post:
Algeria out of the picture in the Libyan crisis and for a reason || AW - The Arab Weekly

The continuing Russian military activities in Libya are causing unease among NATO and its allies, said NATO Secretary-General Jens Stoltenberg.

In his address during the "Brussels Forum" organized by the "German Marshall Fund" think tank, on Tuesday, Stoltenberg noted that "NATO is "disturbed" and the allies are "concerned" about Russia's increased military activities in Libya.

Stoltenberg stressed that Russia's policy towards the eastern Mediterranean in general is disturbing, pointing to Moscow's approach to increasing its military capabilities in Libya by delivering more warplanes and foreign fighters.

"NATO members have agreed on the need to closely monitor the situation and share intelligence, and at the same time it is necessary to find a political solution to the crisis in Libya, under the auspices of the United Nations," Stoltenberg said.

On the alleged Turkish harassment of French ship in the Mediterranean, Stoltenberg said that this matter concerns two NATO members. "NATO military officials are investigating the incident, as the two sides presented very different narratives about what happened," he added.

On Saturday, Turkish Defense Minister, Hulusi Akar denied the French claims saying they were "completely untrue".

An official from the French Defense Ministry claimed in a statement to the media that a Turkish frigate carried out an "extremely aggressive" intervention against a French navy vessel said to be taking part in a NATO mission in the Mediterranean.

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NATO alarmed by growing Russian activities in Libya - The Libya Observer

By: Express News Service | New Delhi | Published: June 25, 2020 6:41:23 am Members of the Libyan internationally recognised government forces are seen in Al-Swani area in Tripoli, Libya (Reuters)

India on Wednesday said the continuing conflict and instability in Libya is a matter of international concern, and that it supports efforts towards immediate cessation of all hostilities in Libya.

Ministry of External Affairs spokesperson Anurag Srivastava said: The continuing conflict and instability in Libya is a matter of international concern. We support efforts towards immediate cessation of all hostilities in Libya.

We acknowledge the recent international efforts in this direction, including the Berlin International Conference held on 19 January 2020 and the Cairo Declaration of 6 June 2020, and hope that these initiatives will promote the peaceful resolution of the conflict through an intra-Libyan dialogue taking into account the legitimate aspirations of the Libyan people, while preserving Libyas sovereignty, unity and territorial integrity, he said.

Libya is witnessing tension between warring parties and their foreign backers, and regional tensions threaten a new escalation in the oil-rich countrys years-long conflict.

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India voices support for halt to hostilities in Libya - The Indian Express

Libya, a mostly desert and oil-rich country with an ancient history, has more recently been known for the 42-year rule of the mercurial Colonel Muammar Gaddafi - and the chaos that has followed his departure.

Libya was under foreign rule for centuries until it gained independence in 1951. Soon after oil was discovered and earned the country immense wealth.

Colonel Gaddafi seized power in 1969 and ruled for four decades until he was toppled in 2011 following an armed rebellion assisted by Western military intervention.

In recent years the country has been a key springboard for migrants heading for Europe, and a source of international concern over the rise of jihadist groups.

Population 6.4 million

Area 1.77 million sq km (685,524 sq miles)

Major language Arabic

Major religion Islam

Life expectancy 69 years (men), 75 years (women) (UN)

Currency Libyan dinar

Getty Images

The toppling of long-term leader Muammar Gaddafi in 2011 led to a power vacuum and instability, with no authority in full control.

The country has splintered, and since 2014 has been divided into competing political and military factions based in Tripoli and the east.

Among the key leaders are Prime Minister Fayez Sarraj, head of the internationally-recognised government in Tripoli, Khalifa Haftar; leader of the Libyan National Army, which controls much of eastern Libya; Aghela Saleh, speaker of the House of Representatives based in the eastern city of Tobruk; and Khaled Mishri, the elected head of the High State Council in Tripoli.

Islamic State group briefly took advantage of the conflict to seize control of several coastal cities including Sirte, which it held until mid-2017. It retains a presence in the desert interior.

Libya's media environment is highly-polarised and virtually unregulated, reflecting the country's political instability.

Satellite TV is a key news source and many outlets are based outside Libya.

Journalism is fraught with danger; reporters face threats and attacks.

Some key dates in Libya's history:

7th century BC - Phoenicians settle in Tripolitania in western Libya, which was hitherto populated by Berbers.

4th century BC - Greeks colonise Cyrenaica in the east of the country, which they call Libya.

74 BC - Romans conquer Libya.

AD 643 - Arabs conquer Libya and spread Islam.

16th century - Libya becomes part of the Ottoman Empire, which joins the three provinces of Tripolitania, Cyrenaica and Fezzan into one regency in Tripoli.

1911-12 - Italy seizes Libya from the Ottomans. Omar al-Mukhtar begins 20-year insurgency against Italian rule.

1942 - Allies oust Italians from Libya, which is then divided between the French and the British.

1951 - Libya becomes independent under King Idris al-Sanusi.

1969 - Muammar Gaddafi, aged 27, deposes the king in a bloodless military coup.

1992 - UN imposes sanctions on Libya over the bombing of a PanAm airliner over the Scottish town of Lockerbie in December 1988.

2011 - Violent protests break out in Benghazi and spread to other cities. This leads to civil war, foreign intervention and eventually the ouster and killing of Gaddafi.

2016 - Following years of conflict, a new UN-backed "unity" government is installed in a naval base in Tripoli. It faces opposition from two rival governments and a host of militias.

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Libya country profile - BBC News