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A motion authorizing the deployment of Turkish troops to Libya will be submitted to parliament on Monday, according to Turkeys foreign minister.

Mevlut Cavusoglu made the statement after meeting opposition party leaders to argue in favor of the motion.

Cavusoglu said he had spoken about why we need this motion, what our national interests and threats are in Libya and the region, and also our effortsas a country that supports a lasting peace and political process in Libya."

Last week Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan said the motion would be submitted to parliament in light of a request by Libyas UN-recognized government for military assistance.

Cavusoglu added that the Foreign Ministry learned that the motion will go to parliament with the signature of our president."

Cavusoglu spoke to main opposition Republican People's Party (CHP) leader Kemal Kilicdaroglu about the motion behind closed doors for nearly an hour.

2 parties deciding on motion

Speaking to reporters afterwards, Cavusoglu said: "Of course the decision on the motion is up to the CHP.

"We told them why we need a resolution, including the threats we face, in terms of our country and its national interests."

Cavusoglu added that he will not be visiting the Nationalist Movement Party (MHP), another major party in parliament, as it already voiced its support for the motion over the weekend.

After the meeting, Unal Cevikoz, the CHPs deputy chair, said that they oppose the motion.

Cevikgoz said that Turkeys foreign policy in recent years, especially on Syria, had caused the country trouble and they do not want to spread this to another country.

He said that instead of being a party to the proxy war by sending troops to Libya, diplomacy should be prioritized instead.

Cavusoglu and Meral Aksener, leader of the opposition Good (IYI) Party leader, also spoke on the motion for over an hour behind closed doors.

On Nov. 27, Ankara and Libya's UN-recognized Government of National Accord (GNA) signed a pact on military cooperation, as well as one on maritime boundaries in the Eastern Mediterranean.

Since the ouster of late leader Muammar Gaddafi in 2011, two seats of power have emerged in Libya: one in eastern Libya supported mainly by Egypt and the United Arab Emirates, and another in Tripoli, which enjoys UN and international recognition.

*Ahmed Asmar contributed to this report from Ankara

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Turkey: Motion on troops in Libya headed to parliament - Anadolu Agency

The expedited efforts of Turkish and Libyan officials to revive the business environment have created a stir among businesspeople, who expect these efforts to boost bilateral trade between the two countries.

Mahmoud Al Shawash, vice chairman of the board of directors of the Misurata Chamber of Commerce, Industry and Agriculture, said Turkey is an indispensable trading partner for Libya.

Al Shawash's remarks come after Nov. 27 when Ankara and Libya's U.N.-recognized Government of National Accord (GNA) signed two separate pacts: one on military cooperation and the other on maritime boundaries of countries in the Eastern Mediterranean.

A new era has begun in the ties of the two countries, Al Shawash told the Turkish newspaper Sabah Monday, adding that in particular, a considerable increase is expected in Turkey's exports to the country.

Pointing to the trust of Libyan people in Turkish goods, he said, "Large investment opportunities await Turkish companies in sectors such as infrastructure, electricity, oil and natural gas in our country."

The new period could pave the way for a range of new trade agreements, according to Al Shawash.

"We hope to make various agreements between the two countries to remove fees and customs restrictions," he added.

On the other hand, Turkish contractors have been carrying out various infrastructure and construction projects in Libya since the 1970s. The North African country was the first overseas market in which Turkish contractors entered in 1972 with the STFA's building of the Tripoli port in the Libyan capital.

The outbreak of the revolution in 2011 and the subsequent civil war that has torn apart the country since 2014 have stalled all the ongoing projects, leaving the contractors aggrieved as they were unable to collect a large number of receivables. They have recently expressed their wish to return to the country a very familiar market for them, looking forward to the restoration of peace and stability.

Stating that Libya's facilities and infrastructure were destroyed during the war, Al Shawash said, "We are working on cooperation with Libyan companies to invest in infrastructure, contracting, manufacturing and other fields."

Turkish Contractors Association (TMB) Chairman Mithat Yenign said there is a need for Turkish contractors in the reconstruction of the country.

"Libyans want to work with Turkish contractors again. We've done a lot of good things in the past. I hope the war in the country will be over soon and we will return to the good old days," Yenign told Sabah.

With the projects worth $28.9 billion, Libya was the third country where Turkish contractors undertook the most number of projects to date. Prior to the internal intricacies, Turkish companies had reached an annual business volume of up to $4 billion in Libya.

When internal turmoil in Libya emerged in 2011, Turkish and Libyan partners were at the height of discussing joint projects. In the aftermath of the revolution which was followed by civil war and terror events, the construction sites of the Turkish contractors were burnt down. Turkish firms were forced to leave their projects abandoned and 25,000 Turkish workers had to return home. However, Turkish firms continued to make their payments including insurance commissions, letters of accreditation obtained from Libyan banks, subcontracting deals, site security expenditures and other compensations.

The accrued receivables of Turkish companies total $1 billion and the value of their letters of accreditation stand at $1.7 billion. The loss of equipment and inventories has been calculated at $1.3 billion. The TMB chairman recently underscored that Turkish contractors continue to pay $50 million per year for their letters of accreditation, which is hurting their businesses.

Some of the ongoing projects have been looted or became targets during armed clashes. Yenign, earlier, also stressed that Turkish and Libyan officials agreed that the incurred losses will be determined by a delegation.

Turkish contractors have paid $400 million in commissions for letters of accreditation since the beginning of the internal turmoil in Libya.

The trade between the two countries has particularly entered a growth trend again in 2019, according to the Foreign Economic Relations Board (DEK) Turkey-Libya Business Council head Muzaffer Aksoy.

The $1.5 billion trade volume in the first 10 months of the current year is expected to close 2019 at over $1.6 billion, Aksoy said.

"Libya, will be Turkey's gate to Africa in the long term," added Aksoy. "Our goal is to sign MoU [memorandum of understanding], namely a cooperation agreement that will solve the problems of our construction companies. We will conclude this in January 2020," he noted.

Turkish Exporters Assembly (TM) Chairman smail Glle said Libya is the country with which Turkey has been developing economic and trade relations for 40 years.

"Our exports to Libya have reached $1.5 billion in the first 10 months of 2019, already reaching the figures of the whole of 2018," said Glle.

"As a result of the initiative and contacts with the leadership of our president, we think the agreement of historic importance between Turkey and Libya will pave the way for the bilateral trade between the two countries," Glle concluded.

Read the rest here:
Turkey, Libya trade to benefit from increased joint efforts - Daily Sabah

The entry of African mercenaries risks further destabilising the situation in Libya and presents risks for the countries these fighters will return back to.

There is a history of mercenaries from sub-Saharan African countries coming to Libya for work. It is no secret that Sudanese and Chadian fighters have been involved in Libyas crisis, fighting for a range of actors such as the self-styled Libyan National Army (LNA), the countrys UN-recognised government, as well as extremist groups like Daesh.

The role of Sudanese and Chadian mercenaries in the Libyan conflict has deepened since General Khalifa Haftar launched his ongoing campaign to take control of Tripoli in April 2019. According to UN sources, Sudans Lieutenant General Mohamed Hamdan Dagalo (a.k.a. Hemeti)provided Haftar with military support and deployed 1,000 Sudanese Rapid Support Forces to eastern Libya in mid-2019.

Earlier this month, the Guardianreported on a new flow of Sudanese and Chadian mercenaries to Libya as the North African conflict further regionalizes. According to the leaders two factions comprised of Sudanese fighters operating in Libya, there have been hundreds of new recruits entering these two groups ranks as Libyas civil war rages on - placing the number of Sudanese mercenaries involved in the Libyan crisis above3,000. Both factions are allied with Haftars LNA, which is fighting to topple the UN-recognised Government of National Accord (GNA) in Tripoli.

Who are these Sudanese fighters in Libya?

According to Jason Burke and Zeinab Mohammed Salih, many of the dominant Sudanese factions fighting in Libya previously waged war in Darfur and also participated in the uprising against former Sudanese strongman Omar al-Bashir. These authors alsoreported on claims that a large contingent of Sudanese fighters from the feared paramilitary Rapid Support Forces were deployed to Libya on [Haftars] request...

Thus far, it appears that these Sudanese fighters in Libya have made somewhat of a difference in the North African countrys civil war. A UN panel of experts produced reports which maintained that mercenaries from Sudan helped Haftars forces secure Libyas oil crescent, which was extremely important to the LNAs set of objectives on the ground after the launch of Operation to Liberate Tripoli.

Mercenaries from these African countries are travelling to Libya for reasons similar to why Sudanese fighters crossed the Red Sea to fight in Yemen. It is mainly about money. A lack of opportunities and resources at home have prompted these thousands of fighters to secure an income through the Libyan civil war. At the same time, tribal links and geopolitical factors are also part of the picture. Sudanese, Chadian, and Nigerien factions involved in the Libyan crisis have fought there based on hopes that their respective groups could garner support down the road for their sides in conflicts back in their home countries.

It seems safe to bet that the ramifications of Sudanese and Chadian fighters joining forces with other actors in Libyas conflict will prove destabilising for both Libya and these mercenaries home countries too. Years ago, officials in Khartoum raisedalarm over the Minnawi faction of the Sudan Liberation Movements participation in Libyas conflict because of concerns about what this group could potentially do after returning to Darfur. In mid-2017 the Geneva-based Small Arms Survey addressed the role of that mercenaries from sub-Saharan African have been playing in Libyas civil war,warning that the ChadSudanLibya triangle has once again become the center of a regional system of conflicts. A notable consequence of these conflicts has been the re-emergence since 2011 of a regional market for cross-border combatants.

Difficulties in the Sahel

Many lawless havens exist throughout Africas Sahel. Borders are porous and many live on the brink of famine in this waterless region. Armed groups, kidnappers, and smugglers take advantage of desperate conditions in this impoverished part of the world where centralised governments often exercise no control over large swathes of land within their official borders.

Many people throughout the Sahel have gone to Libya for work since the countrys plunge into chaos during the NATO intervention of 2011. As evidenced by the crisis that shook Mali in 2012, themovement of weaponry from Gaddafis forces sank Mali into its own nightmarish conflict. Throughout this past decade, security in other parts of the Sahel such as the Burkina Faso-Mali-Niger tri-border area has suffered from the Islamic State in the Greater Sahara, Jamaat Nusrat al-Islam wa al-Muslimeen, and Ansarul Islam among other violent and hateful extremist groups.

With Libyas civil war raging on and Sudanese and Chadian mercenaries continuing to contribute to the instability that has beset Libya since Qaddafis ouster, the long-term impacts on Darfur and Chad are yet to be realised. Yet as more Sudanese and Chadian citizens go north to Libya to fight as mercenaries there are difficult questions about these militants activities following the Libyan civil war, which remain open.

For their part, ordinary Libyans who want a return to peace have their fears mounting as more mercenaries enter their country. With both sidesthe GNA and LNAalong with extremist groups such as Daesh counting on foreign fighters to help with their respective struggles, there seems to be a nearly endless supply of militants from sub-Saharan Africa who can help Haftar and others in the conflict conclude that continued warfare can achieve objectives at a time in which Libya truly needs a diplomatic solution to resolve its civil war.

While the international community has expressed much concern about the illegal flow of weapons into Libya, there should be greater attention paid to the flow of mercenaries into the war-torn country. Undoubtedly, resolving the Libyan conflict will require addressing multiple factors related to these foreign fighters.

Disclaimer: The viewpoints expressed by the authors do not necessarily reflect the opinions, viewpoints and editorial policies of TRT World.

We welcome all pitches and submissions to TRT World Opinion please send them via email, to opinion.editorial@trtworld.com

Source: TRT World

More here:
African Mercenaries and the ChadSudanLibya Triangle - TRT World

The UN envoy to Libya Ghassan Salame has told French newspaper Le Monde that the UNSMIL has documented intensified non-Libyan drone activity in the Libyan airspace recently.

Salame, in an interview on Monday, indicated that there are also several planes coming frequently from Syria to Benghazi, adding that the UNSMIL doesn't know what was on those planes.

He also explained that the Libyan Presidential Council's government had requested the support of Turkey in response to the presence of Russian mercenaries fighting for Khalifa Haftar's forces on Tripoli frontlines.

"There are multinational mercenaries, including Russians, coming to help Haftar's forces. There are indeed countries that support the war in Tripoli." Salame remarked.

He told Le Monde as well that some member states of the Security Council are violating the Security Council's arms embargo in Libya.

Since April 04, Haftar's forces have been leading an offensive against Tripoli in a bid to take control of the capital from the Libyan Presidential Council's government, yet making little progress as they remain positioned on the outskirts of Tripoli.

More:
UN envoy to Le Monde: Multinational mercenaries are fighting for Haftar in Libya - The Libya Observer

Whenever a major oil-producing region is engulfed in prolonged warfare, speculation starts to abound regarding all the potential changes to its oil and gas policy and the companies willing to take a share in its projects. The future of Iraqi oil production seems more or less settled for the upcoming years with international majors operating the most complex and grand-scale enterprises, whilst the Iraqi state companies generate know-how. Syria, too, despite occasional flareups, seems to have decided which way to go with its hydrocarbon projects the likelihood that state-affiliated companies from Russia or China will play a crucial role in re-erecting the countrys damaged infrastructure is higher than ever. But what about Libya?

The above question might be put a tad differently - projects which remained safe throughout the past months and years will surely remain as they function today but what would happen to the ones near or inside conflict zones? Deciding to invest into Libyas upstream requires a substantial amount of courage as the North African country is still torn between two rival governments, still struggles to come to terms with the Field Marshal Haftar-led offensive on Tripoli. Thus, if one is to invest into onshore projects (offshore production has remained uninterrupted throughout the Civil War), especially in territories which might be considered disputed, one needs some solid backing. Perhaps a return of a Russian oil company might provide a compass for future projects to come.

Tatneft has resumed exploration in its Block 04 acreage within the Ghadames Basin early December, less than 2 months after it had publicly voiced its interest in returning to the North African country. Having clinched eight blocks in Libya in the 2006-2007 licensing rounds and all of them under 100% control and operatorship, Tatneft managed to drill 6 wildcats in the first years of appraisal (with 2 commercial discoveries announced in Block 04). The seismic surveys of the Ghadames blocks are still not finalized AGESCO was tasked now to follow up with the remaining acreage that was still not covered in 2014 when Tatneft announced its suspension of all activities. Related: Is This The Beginning Of A Shale Crisis?

Graph 1. Tatneft Acreage in Libya.

Source: Author.

Tatneft claims that it would seek to invest $15 billion in new upstream investment by 2040, although the majority of those would go to projects in the Volga-Urals Basin in Russia. Moving abroad would also be considered a good step for Tatneft as it still has some reputation to ameliorate following its 2000s investments into Libya and Syria. It has spent more than $200 million in Libya without any tangible results so far, hence the pressure to deliver is manifest. Although it might be justifiably claimed that the Civil War rendered field development impossible and that less than half of the 14 years that passed since the signing of the first production sharing deal has actually passed, still, a Libyan breakthrough might be Tatnefts best option to effectuate a real breakthrough. Related: Another Oil Major Bails On Marcellus Shale

It has been reported that the Libyan NOC might compel Tatneft to take an even more active role in Libyan upstream, with political backing to keep the burgeoning negotiations intact. The crux of the matter lies in LNOCs relative lack of experience with heavy viscous crudes, a segment in which Tatneft (thanks to its extensive experience with sulphurous crudes from depleted reservoirs) could be very helpful. This was one of the reasons why LNOC reached out to Tatneft to start joint work on heavy projects, too. Tatneft is one of the key recipients of Russian tax exemptions as most of its output comes from fields that are considered depleted thus allowing to keep its production relatively cost-efficient despite the usage enhanced oil recovery (EOR) methods.

Graph 2. Tatneft Crude Production in 2010-2019.

Source: Tatneft reports.

The rationale behind Tatnefts decision is straightforward enough compelled to work in the mature producing Volga-Urals region (i.e. in and around Tatarstan) with very little international upstream exposure, the company needs high-profile assets that can insulate it from sudden risks and diversify its resource base. The Russian firms production has been on the increase in the past 5 years, expected to reach 588kbpd in 2019 yet its future progress depends to a great extent on externalities i.e. whether the government continues to subsidize mature production by means of tax exemptions, whether it does not separate heavy sour Tatneft crude into the occasionally flaunted Urals Heavy stream and whether external pricing would support the usage of EOR techniques.

Given that it is Libya it seeks a return to, a nation that Moscow has long sought to cultivate friendly relations with, the Russian state would buttress its claim going forward. Tatneft could opt to develop its acreage in the Sirte Basin, too, however saw Ghadames a more viable bet. This might seem odd given the constructive relationship between Moscow and Field Marshal Haftar Sirte is much deeper in Haftar-controlled territory and thus might be perceived as safer to work at yet in this case it is the 3 previous discoveries that eventually carried the day. If heavy streams are added to Tatnefts portfolio or if Gazprom decides to restart works on its offshore block, the political link between Moscow and Tripoli might get even more thorough.

By Viktor Katona for Oilprice.com

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Putin Makes A Move In Libya's Oil Crescent - OilPrice.com