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TUNIS The proposed project of creating a national guard in Libya is once again at the centre of controversy. The project was promoted by the Tripoli government to circumvent regional and international demands, especially American calls for the disbanding and dismantling of the militias in Libya.

Implementing the idea, however, is easier said than done since militia leaders have sharp differences in positions and do not hesitate to vilify and accuse each other of treason. There are indications that the militias are unhappy with and preparing to resist Interior Minister Fathi Bashaghas approach to choosing militias that will join this new security apparatus based on classifying the various militias as either halal or haram.

It is expected that Bashagha, who is affiliated with the Muslim Brotherhood, will take advantage of this opportunity to get rid of militias that stand in the way of tightening his grip and the grip of his hometown Misrata on the gears and cogs of the state. At the top of the troublesome militias for Bashagha are the Tripoli militias and, to a lesser extent, the Zawiya and Zintan militias.

It also seems that Turkey has opted to stir up the controversy created by the project of a national guard.

In a recent report titled The Libyan National Guard a necessary choice, the official Turkish news agency, Anadolu, brought the subject back to the fore and tried to find justifications for it. This is in tune with Turkeys aggressive goals and the Muslim Brotherhoods agenda in the region.

Refocusing on the subject at this particular time does not seem isolated from the general state of hysteria that has gripped Turkey following the destruction of its air defences and military equipment at the al-Watiya base southwest of Tripoli. It is, in fact, rather closely connected to it, as Ankara is trying to first, divert attention from its losses in al-Watiya, second, please the Americans and third, accelerate the approval of its project in order to clinch the deal of creating, training and arming the new-born apparatus, which is worth billions of dollars.

In its report, Anadolu said that the demobilisation, dismantling and reintegration of the militias, is an American plan to rebuild the Libyan army, but it is a necessary step to move from the stage of the revolution to the stage of state-building.

But what the news agency seemed to intentionally and conveniently ignore in its report is the fact that Turkey would be the biggest beneficiary of the creation of the new security apparatus in Libya, not only as a cover for its continued military presence in Libya but also to overturn the balances of military forces throughout Libya.

Observers believe that pushing this project to the forefront again does not deviate from the context of the manoeuvres aimed at rearranging the security and military conditions in western Libya towards drawing new equations that enable the militias loyal to the Turkey-backed Tripoli government (the Government of National Accord) to dispose of tools and mechanisms with which they can meet the upcoming challenges in Libya. This new National Guard apparatus would be a reproduction of Turkeys own Gendarmerie corps that President Recep Tayyip Erdogan turned into the stick with which he continues to beat his political opponents.

In this context, the head of the Defence and National Security Committee at the former Libyan National Congress, Abdel Moneim al-Yassir, considered in media statements that the National Guard that the GNA wants to establish is nothing less than a demonic terrorist tool that Turkey and the Brotherhood will use to destroy the entire region.

He warned that the Turkish coloniser did not come to Libya alone, but rather with a conspiracy, and what is happening now is to open the way for the Muslim Brotherhood and Turkey to be in North Africa for greater goals than just controlling Libya, calling at the same time on the leaders of the armed groups and militias in Tripoli to wake up before it is too late.

This warning reflects the magnitude of the danger felt by the Libyans as a result of this project, which aims to provide legal cover for the militias, in order to keep them as a card and a tool for sabotage in the service of Turkish agendas in the region, by merging them into one body parallel to the Libyan army.

Early this month, Mohamed Ali al-Mahdi al-Sharif, chief of the general staff of the GNA-affiliated forces, submitted a memorandum to Prime Minister Fayez al-Sarraj suggesting the creation of a national guard that would be based in Tripoli and headed by an officer with the rank of colonel or above.

This memorandum came in the wake of work by the committee formed by Sarraj tasked with preparing a comprehensive vision to integrate the militias supporting his government, as part of his implementation of the American guidelines he received during his meeting at Zuwara with General Stephen Townsend, commander of the US Africa Command (AFRICOM), and US Ambassador to Libya Richard Norland.

=Bashagha took charge of implementing the project. Before that and on May 20, Bashagha had addressed a memo to the Governor of the Central Bank in Tripoli, Sadiq al-Kabir, asking him to stop dealing with some militia leaders and to freeze their assets and accounts. Following the move, it was leaked that Bashagha handed the Turks a list of 34 names of militia members in the cities of Tripoli, Zawiya and Sabratha that he wanted to get rid of.

These leaks sparked sharp disagreements within the militias, which escalated to the point of fire exchanges, while the militia leaders gathered in front of the central bank in downtown Tripoli at a time when Libyan security sources voiced their fears that the coming days would witness a dangerous escalation by the militias that might lead to assassinations.

Sources noted that some people in Tripoli close to Bashagha are circulating a list of names of dozens of militia members who are said to have been targeted for assassination. They also reported the arrest of dozens of members of the Tripoli Revolutionaries Battalion, led by Haitham al-Tajuri, who does not hide his differences with the Misrata militia and the Turkish military operations room.

Sources also pointed out that among the targeted armed groups there are the Nawasi Brigade, led by Mustafa Kaddour, accused by Bashagha of infiltrating the intelligence services and state institutions, and the Bab Tajura Brigade led by Al-Azhari Finan, and also the armed forces of the Central Security led by Abdul-Ghani al-Kikli, who is one of the most prominent warlords in Libya.

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In joining 'Libyan National Guard', some militias are halal, others haram | Jemai Guesmi - The Arab Weekly

A Libyan spy who worked for Colonel Muammar Gaddafi's brutal secret police has a legal battle to be granted asylum in the UK.

The 30-year-old man, named only as MS in court documents, was a member of Libya's feared Internal Security Service (ISS) and reported on students and neighbours suspected of opposing the regime.

A UK court has upheld his claim that if he is deported to Libya he faces persecution and torture in his home country.

The case follows revelations in Sunday Telegraph that the Home Office has secretly excluded from Britain the prime suspect in the murder of WPC Yvonne Fletcher.

Libyan Saleh Ibrahim Mabrouk, who had claimed asylum in 2011 after the fall of Gaddafi, was stopped from returning to the UK after he visited Libya last year.

Last night Andrew Bridgen, Conservative MP for North West Leicestershire, told the Sunday Telegraph: 'The British sense of fair play is being stretched beyond its elastic limit by what appear to be ludicrous judgments granted to refugees and asylum seekers.'

In the new case, MS, who worked in one of Gaddafi's prisons, fled Libya for the UK after the fall of the regime.

He sought asylum in 2013 claiming protection under the Human Rights Act, saying if he returned to Libya he would suffer retribution from those whom he had informed on.

He also said he feared being tortured by Gaddafi's enemies.

Initially, his claim for asylum was refused by the Home Secretary on the grounds that he had 'aided and abetted crimes against humanity' through his work with the secret police.

Home Office lawyers argued that four students, a university lecturer and a neighbour were all arrested by Gaddafi's feared Internal Security Service after MS passed on his intelligence.

Some of them were held in Jdeida Prison were MS later worked.

The Home Secretary said that the Gaddafi regime 'engaged in widespread or systematic attacks directed against the civilian population, namely by detaining, torturing and killing (in particular by the ISS) opponents of the regime with particular reference to the period leading up to the Libyan Revolution in 2011'.

Government lawyers argued that MS's involvement in crimes against humanity meant he fell outside the protection of the international conventions for the protection of refugees.

But MS appealed the decision, arguing that he did not know that Gaddafi and the ISS were involved in torture and murder.

Now a judge has ruled in MS's favour, upholding his appeal in the Upper Immigration Tribunal.

In his written judgement Judge Andrew Grubb said: "I am satisfied that the judge [the first to hear his appeal] reached a rational finding for sustainable reasons that the appellant was to be believed and that, as a result, it had not been established that there were "serious reasons" to consider that he was guilty of a crime against humanity through his involvement in the ISA (ISS) between 2010 and 2011.

The judge was entitled to reject the Secretary of State's reliance on Art 1F(a) [of the Refugee Convention] and to allow the appellant's appeal on asylum grounds."

Last week Boris Johnson told the House of Commons that he will consider reopening the criminal inquiry into the prime suspect linked to the murder of WPC Yvonne Fletcher.

The Prime Minister made the pledge after The Sunday Telegraph reported that Saleh Ibrahim Mabrouk had been arrested on suspicion of conspiracy to murder in 2015, but the case against him was controversially dropped on the grounds of national security in 2017.

WPC Fletcher was shot dead outside the Libyan embassy in London in 1984. Mabrouk is the only person that was ever arrested in connection with WPC Fletcher's murder.

Hewas a senior member of the 'revolutionary committee' that ran the Libyan embassy at the time of the murder.

He was expelled from Britain in the aftermath but allowed back in 2000 after Tony Blair restored relations with Libya.

In 2011 Mabrouk returned to live in Berkshire after claiming asylum in the UK. He was arrested in 2015 in connection with the murder but was told two years later the case would not go forward.

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Libyan spy who worked for Colonel Gaddafi's regime in legal battle to remain in UK - Telegraph.co.uk

The Libyan General Staff proposed to the Head of Presidential Council Fayez Al-Sarraj, as the Chief Commander of the Army, the formation of National Guard to contain the backup forces and to ensure Libya remains a civilian state.

The proposal came in a letter sent by the Chief of Staff Mohammed Al-Sharif to Al-Sarraj on Wednesday.

The proposal says the National Guard would be tasked with confronting threats to the civilian state and help Libyan Army forces defend Libya's sovereignty and unity, as well as being headquartered in Tripoli and headed by an officer with a rank of Colonel, at the lowest, to be appointed by Libya Army Chief Commander.

"Joining the National Guard would be through recruitment, appointment, transfer, mandate or circulation." The proposal adds.

The Libyan Interior Ministry held meetings with the General Staff over the last period to come up with proposals to allow armed factions that helped defend Tripoli to join state security and military institutions.

The formation of a National Guard has been circulated in Libya since 2012, yet some parties have been hindering its formation for partisan and ideological reasons.

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Libyan General Staff proposes formation of National Guard to contain armed factions - The Libya Observer

In 2020, the humanitarian community will aim to reach around 345,000 people, 39 per cent of the 893,000 people identified to be in need of humanitarian assistance. These are people that have met the extreme and catastrophic categories under the HNO severity scaling (indicating acute severity) as a result of a partial or total collapse of living standards and basic services, increased reliance on negative coping strategies, and widespread physical and mental harm. The response will target five groups identified as particularly vulnerable IDPs, non-displaced conflictaffected Libyans, highly vulnerable returnees, and migrants and refugees impacted by the crisis across the 22 mantikas of the country. Based on assessed needs, the response prioritizes the provision of life-saving food, shelter, health, protection and WASH assistance, livelihoods support and improved access to basic and essential services. Additionally, capacity building and technical training and awareness raising with national and local authorities and humanitarian partners, are priority activities; as well as strengthening coordination and evidence-based needs analysis. Protection remains at the core of the response. Specific protection activities and services complement interventions in health, shelter, food and non-food items, water, hygiene and sanitation and education, 5 ensuring a response that seeks to reduce protection risks while addressing needs. Integrated response modalities, such as the Rapid Response Mechanism (RRM), will remain a key feature to strengthen intersectoral complementarity and maintain the flexibility and speed required in Libyas volatile operating environment. Integrated response approaches are also built around key thematic areas of intervention or geographical locations of people in need, such as detention centres and areas of displacement. This includes increased focus on a more people-centered and more accountable response through the establishment of an Inter-Agency Common Feedback Mechanism.

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Libya | HumanitarianResponse

There has been mildly encouraging news out of Libya in recent months, almost nine years after the overthrow of Muammar Qaddafi led to chaos rather than an improvement in governance and stability. The international community has ignored many chances to help the country get back on its feet. Now it has another opportunity that should not be squandered, lest a humanitarian tragedy ensue, and Libya once again becomes a gateway of numerous refugees streaming into Europe, as well as extremists making their way to the conflicts of the broader Middle East region.

The immediate reasons for this renewed opportunity come from a series of military setbacks by the forces of Khalifa Hafter and his Libyan National Army, which is essentially one large militia operating out of strongholds in the east. Last spring, Hafter and his forces moved south then west, taking much of the country, including the central regions where oil is produced, ultimately knocking on the door of the capital of Tripoli, a city otherwise generally spared of the fighting until then. Haftar benefited from Russian mercenaries and United Arab Emirates airpower, and quieter assistance from countries such as Egypt, France, and Saudi Arabia.

Fortunately, various militias operating in support of the Government of National Accord, led by Prime Minister Fayez Sarraj and blessed by the United Nations, have managed to push Haftar back, first out of the city center, then out of nearby strongholds, and now entirely out of the west. The situation is still fluid, to be sure, and Russian warplanes have been seen in the country, raising the prospect of an escalation. With material assistance from Turkey, however, the tide has now turned.

Libya again resembles what had been the norm for a number of years, with a well intentioned but weak government effectively controlling only parts of Tripoli, various militias dominating in one city or another, some oil flowing with production, and the population generally managing to scrape by, at least more so than people in other war torn Middle East lands such as Yemen and Syria can. This means there is an opportunity.

Tracking a similar state of affairs in 2018 as part of a working group led by the Brookings Institution, we advocated a form of governance based on cities for Libya. Rather than a strong central state with its own powerful military, we favored effectively stitching the country together piece by piece from the ground up. Militias and other local power brokers that tolerated outside observers, minimized use of violence, and provided security or services to local populations would, under this concept, qualify for a prorated share of the oil revenue in Libya.

An oversight board composed of Libyans as well as outside technical experts would make the determinations about who qualifies for such funding, and who should be at least temporarily docked from some of it based on bad behavior. A United Nations observation force could also deploy to the country in small numbers, not to keep the peace, but to report on violations and thus incentivize the militias to keep the peace between themselves and within the areas they control.

The situation in Libya does not suggest that all armed groups in the area can lay down their weapons. Their existence is not only a phenomenon related to power. It goes much deeper. Young men, without a state grid capable of giving them a critical citizenship dimension, have found their economic and social realization in the militias, a sense of belonging that will be difficult to unhinge. Over time, this system could evolve into a set of municipal governments and small armies or paramilitaries that would then join the coast guard as a truly national security service. The effort would happen from the bottom up and not the top down.

But there are some problems. Haftar may not yet have accepted his return to a regional power broker in just part of Libya. If he is hatching plans to retake much or all of the country again, he will have to be stopped. But the challenge is that this kind of idea is not going to emerge from the Libyans themselves. There is not enough trust, and there are too many disparate actors, all of whom are relatively weak. None except perhaps Sarraj are in a position to request the economic and security assistance, along with a United Nations observation force, that would most likely be needed for such a concept of recovery and reunification.

At a time of uncertainty at home and abroad, and with diplomatic efforts from North Korea to Afghanistan and elsewhere mostly dead in the water, the administration should consider arbitrating a new peace process to promote a vision of cooperation in Libya. The United States more than other parties is still seen by most Libyans as neutral and relatively well intentioned. The moment is ripe to give this problem another try, while being more realistic about what it will take to bring some semblance of order to Libya than other previous efforts have attempted.

Michael OHanlon is a senior fellow and Federica Saini Fasanotti is a nonresident scholar in foreign policy with the Brookings Institution.

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The next steps in Libya | TheHill - The Hill