Archive for the ‘Libya’ Category

UTL probe committee to travel to Libya and Dubai – NTV Uganda

The parliamentary select committee investigating alleged mismanagement at Uganda Telecom will soon travel to Libya in line with the inquiry.

The MPs will interface with some of the companys board members who live in Libya and also perform other duties connected to the probe.The MPs will also travel to Dubai on a similar mission.

LAP-Green, a subsidiary of Libyan Post, Telecommunication and Information Technology Holding Company holds 69% majority shareholding in UTL while the Ugandan Government holds a minority 31%.

Uganda Telecom has for long been in a financial crisis and there are claims that the Libyans are seeking to sell its shares to a US Based Investor.

Last week, the committee toured the UTL assets in Mukono and Tororo districts and found that some of the company land had been sold off illegally.

The MPs are also expected to meet the Prime Minister, the Managing Director of National Social Security Fund, which UTL owes billions of shillings in unremitted employee benefits, the line ministries and also interface with those who bought or leased UTL land.

Committee chairman, Chua West MP Okin Ojara also told NTV that the MPs will also seek to understand why the number of UTL subscribers has dropped significantly over the years.

Late last year, senior UTL executives were barred from leaving the country as the investigations began. The probe committee recently found that UTL is indebted to the tune of 700 billion shillings.

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UTL probe committee to travel to Libya and Dubai - NTV Uganda

Libya Mayors Express Concern Over Europe’s Migration Crisis – CHANNELS TELEVISION

Mayors from Libyas desert south to its northern shores fear a deal between Tripoli and Rome to fund migrant holding centers in this north African country will simply shift Europes migration crisis onto Libyan soil.

The Mediterranean Sea between Libya and Italy has become the main crossing point for asylum seekers and economic migrants seeking a better life in Europe. Last year, Italy recorded its record number of arrivals and many migrants drowned at sea.

The deal foresees European Union money for holding centers in towns and cities along the main human trafficking routes crisis-crossing Libya, as well as training and equipment to fight the smugglers.

Reuters contacted Libyan mayors to hear their reactions to the deal, and they were not positive.

Our priority is to support our own sons instead of allowing for illegal migrants in centers, said Hamed Al-Khyali, mayor of the southern city of Sabha, a migrant smuggling hub.

If the Europeans want to allow them to stay, they can have them in their own lands, which are larger, but not in Libya, because we have our own problems to take care of.

Libya descended into chaos after the 2011 toppling of long-time leader Muammar Gaddafi, enabling smuggling gangs to develop entrenched networks.

Smugglers typically demand thousands of dollars from migrants for a risky journey across the desert before cramming them onto ill-equipped boats for a perilous crossing of the Mediterranean. An estimated 4,500 migrants drowned in 2016.

The agreement will depend heavily on the cooperation of local authorities along the smuggling routes because the U.N.-backed government in Tripoli exerts little effective control over much of the country.

Several mayors said they were not notified of the accord before it was struck.

Reuters

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Libya Mayors Express Concern Over Europe's Migration Crisis - CHANNELS TELEVISION

Libya airstrikes on airbase kill two, injure 13 | The Citizen – Citizen

Airstrikes carried out by the Libyan National Army (LNA) on the Jufra airbase in the centre of the country have killed two people and wounded another 13.

The Benghazi Defence Brigades (BDB) were the targets of the strikes, although there were other militias in the area, including those from Misrata situated on the Mediterranean coast, the Libya Herald reported on Friday.

Before the attack, local residents reported that they heard the sound of planes overhead.

The attacking aircraft took off from the Al Khadim base, in Al Marj in northeastern Libya, used in recent weeks by fighter jets from the United Arab Emirates (UAE).

The UAE maintains a military base that supports the operations of Khalifa Haftar in eastern Libya.

Haftars Emirati allies want to maintain a presence on Libyan territory in order to act in support of his military operations, and to protect his main base in AL Marj.

Haftar, a former loyalist of the late Muammar Gadaffi, has gained popularity in the eastern city of Benghazi for fighting Islamic militants.

Violence also continues to plague in the Abu Saleem and Salahadeen neighbourhoods of the capital Tripoli.

Clashes erupted several days ago between the Abu Saleem Central Security Force belonging to Abdul Ghani Al Kikli and gunmen loyal to the Salah Al Burki militia, most of them from Misrata.

During the fighting tanks and heavy mortar were used forcing residents to stay indoors. There were also reports of shooting in Ain Zara and Tajoura.

Meanwhile, the UN Special envoy to Libya, Martin Kobler, is to be replaced by former Palestinian Prime Minister Salam Fayyad. The decision to replace Kobler was made by the new UN Secretary-General Antonio Guterres.

So far there has been no official confirmation, although a leaked letter from Guterres to the UN Security Council on Wednesday announcing the appointment had been circulating on social media. In it Guterres thanks Kobler for his service.

Responding to the move the former Libyan representative to the UN Ibrahim Dabbashi criticised the UN for failing to consult Libyan authorities before making the decision.

During his last days as the UNs Libyan envoy Kobler has slammed a European Union (EU) proposal on how to deal with the thousands of desperate African refugees who attempt the perilous sea journey to Europe, using Libya as the point of departure.

Earlier in the week criticised a European Union (EU) plan to send migrants back to Libya and suggested such a decision would be a violation of international standards and the Geneva Convention.

You cant send them (migrants) back to camps where they will go hungry, be tortured and raped, he said.

In his final report to the Council Kobler said: The citizens of Libya deserve security and an end to the rampant crime and lawlessness.

Kobler was a personal appointment by former UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon.

The new special envoy, US-educated Salam Fayyad, was Palestinian finance minister from 2002 to 2005 and Palestinian prime minister from 2007 to 2013.

His background is in finance, having previously worked for both the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund, and is regarded as having been a successful finance minister.

Seen as both a conciliator and a pragmatist, Salam Fayyad will, however, have his work cut out for him in trying to implement a Libyan Political Agreement that is widely seen as broken and unimplementable, the Herald reported.

African News Agency (ANA)

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Libya airstrikes on airbase kill two, injure 13 | The Citizen - Citizen

Transparency, not nationality is the problem with UN appointments, say women in the Arab region – Libya Herald


Libya Herald
Transparency, not nationality is the problem with UN appointments, say women in the Arab region
Libya Herald
A group of ten Arab women NGOs, including from Libya, have released a statement condemning the United States' rejection of the appointment of Salam Fayyad as the new United Nations Security Mission in Libya (UNSMIL) head based on his nationality.

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Transparency, not nationality is the problem with UN appointments, say women in the Arab region - Libya Herald

Libya | Countries | NTI

To this day, despite intense international scrutiny and pressure, as well as on-site physical inspections, the international community still does not know the full extent of Libya's chemical program. However, in February 2014, Libya announced the completion of destruction of its usable chemical weapons and its aim to complete the destruction of precursor chemicals by December 2016.

Libya's CW Capabilities

Libya first encountered chemical weapons in 1930 when Benito Mussolini authorized sulfur use against Libyan rebels. [1] Upon deciding to build an offensive program in the mid-1980s, Libya rapidly erected a production facility near the village of Rabta. [2] The assistance of foreign suppliers, mostly from Western Europe, proved invaluable to the development of Libya's chemical weapons facilities. [3] By the 1990s, Libya was widely believed to possess an extensive CW production capability and refused to sign the , inciting international concern that Libya might use its alleged chemical weapons capability in support of terrorism. [4]

In late 2003, following international revelations over Libya's illicit nuclear program, Qadhafi's regime renounced its pursuit of , including chemical weapons, and allowed extensive international inspections. Libya became a party to the CWC in early 2004 and began destroying its chemical weapons arsenal and facilities under international verification. [5] Inspections by the revealed an active CW inventory far smaller than prevailing intelligence assessments had assumed, raising important questions about the reliability of U.S. intelligence work. [6] According to a U.S. government commission scientific and technical deficiencies and an incentive structure that values quantity over quality within the U.S. intelligence community contributed to misrepresentative assessments of Libya's CW. [7] In addition to finding smaller quantities than expected, inspections also uncovered substandard manufacturing and storage protocols, suggesting that Libya lacked either the know-how or the desire to manufacture and maintain robust CW stores. [8]

Under Qadhafi, Libya pledged to fulfill its destruction obligations by 2011. By February 2011 Libya had completed the destruction of roughly 55% of its declared bulk mustard agent stockpile and roughly 40% of its precursor stockpile. [9] While the 2011 armed uprising diverted attention and resources away from CW destruction, the National Transitional Council of Libya has repeatedly reaffirmed its CWC commitments and has cooperated fully with the OPCW. [10] However, post-Qadhafi authorities reported the discovery of two additional sites containing chemical weapons that Qadhafi kept hidden from the international community, and on 20 January 2011 the OPCW confirmed the discovery of previously undeclared chemical weapons munitions (primarily artillery shells). [11] Post-war inspections of known storage facilities have confirmed that previously declared stores were not compromised during the uprising, and monitors and armed sentries continue working to ensure their security. [12] The discovery of previously unknown weapons introduces uncertainty as to the true scale of Libya's inherited CW stockpile. [13] However, the open discussion of these newly discovered materials strengthens confidence that the National Transitional Council intends to comply with its CWC obligations, to the best of its ability.

Since the Qadhafi government's removal from power, the continued destruction of Libya's chemical weapons has transpired slowly. In April and May 2013, the new government completed a two-week project to eliminate a large amount of bulk mustard agent, marking 85% destruction of the total stockpile. [14] However, reports from September 2013 indicated that Libya had not yet begun the destruction of thousands of pounds of mustard agent that had already been filled into munitions. [15] This task was later declared complete on February 4, 2014, resulting in the complete destruction of Libya's Category 1 chemical weapons. [16]Libya's substantial stockpile Category 2 chemicals (precursor chemicals) is scheduled for destruction by December 2016. [17]

Capabilities

Inspections following Libya's 2003 renunciation of WMD confirmed a limited chemical weapons inventory consisting of sulfur mustard and precursors. As of February 2011, Libya claimed to have destroyed all of its declared CW delivery systems and 13.5 MT of its declared sulfur mustard inventory. [18] However, following the 2011 uprising, additional undeclared agents and more advanced undestroyed delivery systems were discovered at two sites, implying that the full scope of Libya's inherited CW stores remains undetermined. [19]

History

Early 1980s: Regional Competition Lays the Groundwork Several motivating factors drove Libya's offensive CW program in the 1980's. First, Libyan leader Colonel Mu'ammar Qadhafi felt compelled to compensate for Libya's military weaknesses relative to its likely regional opponents. Analysts frequently cite Israel's conventional military superiority and alleged nuclear program as a key motivating factor. Egypt - an ally of the United States, a rival for leadership in the Arab world, and a suspected chemical weapons state - may have also motivated Libya's CW program. [20] Contentious Egyptian-Libyan relations during the 1980's saw the armed mobilization of both armies at their mutual border at least once. [21] Libya's CW program represented a cost-effective asymmetrical means of bolstering its overall military strength vis--vis Egypt's conventional capabilities and Israel's alleged nuclear capabilities. [22] According to Western and Libyan exile sources, Libya pursued chemical weapons in concert with an aggressive program to develop a delivery capability. [23] Additionally, Libya pursued chemical weapons in the context of a regional buildup of CW capabilities. At the time, Egypt, Iraq, and Syria also faced allegations of concurrent CW proliferation. In particular, Iraq's use of chemical weapons on the battlefield during the Iran-Iraq War likely increased Tripoli's interest in a chemical weapons capability. [24]

1985 to 2003: Growing International Scrutiny and Concern During the mid to late 1980s, the Qadhafi regime began constructing three chemical weapons facilities. The first, 75 miles south of Tripoli at a site called Rabta, was named Pharma-150 and posed as a pharmaceuticals facility. Completed in 1998, some reports at the time alleged that Pharma-150 could manufacture at least 100 metric tons of blister and within three years. [25] Libya built a second facility, Pharma-200, underground at the Sabha army base 650 miles south of Tripoli, and a third facility, Pharma-300 or Rabta II, south of Tripoli at Tarhuna. Engineers built two 200-450ft tunnels covered by 100ft of sandstone shields and lined with reinforced concrete into Rabta II's outer walls, enabling it to withstand air attacks and potentially serve as a secure storage location. [26]

Allegations concerning the construction of the three sites exacerbated international suspicion of Qadhafi, who already faced allegations of supporting terrorism. In May 1981, reports emerged that Qadhafi sponsored attempts to assassinate U.S. diplomats in Rome and Paris, and the regime also came under suspicion for the 21 December 1988 bombing of Pan Am Flight 103 over Lockerbie, Scotland. [27] Qadhafi also allegedly demonstrated a willingness to utilize chemical weapons, reportedly ordering sulfur mustard attacks against Chadian forces in September 1987. [28] Western analysts became concerned about Libya's presumed willingness and capacity to employ chemical warfare, albeit without decisive military effects.

In 1988, U.S. President Ronald Reagan publicly introduced the possibility of a military strike to destroy the Rabta plant, a plan endorsed by President-elect George H. W. Bush. [29] In 1990, the U.S. intelligence community learned that China planned to supply Libya with roughly 10,000 tons of Sarin and precursors. [30] In May 1990, before the United States implemented its planned attack on the facility, a fire at the Rabta site reportedly destroyed the facility's production capabilities. [31] Upon discovering that a tire fire far from Rabta, and not a plant fire, had caused the smoke seen in reconnaissance satellite photos, the United States accused the Libyans of a hoax intended to discourage U.S. military action. [32]

During the late 1980s and early 1990s, details of foreign assistance to Libya's chemical weapons program emerged. In January 1989, the world found out that Imhausen-Chemie, a West German chemical company, had served as the "prime contractor" for the facility at Rabta since April 1980, and that several other West German companies contributed to lesser degrees. [33] While international criticism focused on Germany, Japanese firms also contributed to construction, and a total of twelve firms from both Western and Eastern bloc countries provided technology and materials. [34] Responding to U.S.-led pressure, a number of countries curbed industrial exports to Libya. [35] Three Imhausen employees, including the director, received convictions for illegally supplying CW materials to Libya in October 1991, with a fourth German national convicted in 1996 for facilitating Libya's acquisition of computer technology and other equipment to enhance chemical weapons development. [36] Ultimately, the tangible impact of these measures in isolating Libya remains unclear.

The CWC, opened for signature in January 1993, entered into force on 29 April 1997. Despite participating in the treaty's negotiations, Libya did not sign the CWC, joining Egypt and other Arab countries in rejecting the treaty because of Israel's alleged nuclear weapons arsenal, and arguing that chemical weapons could work only within the context of a regional WMD ban. [37] However, a few months before it officially announced that it would renounce its WMD programs, Libya attended the first CWC Review Conference (RevCon) from 28 April to 9 May 2003 as a non-state party.

2003 to the Present: Renunciation, Revolution, and Revelations In 2003, Libyan and British officials began secretly negotiating normalized relations between Libya and the international community. By October 2003, Libya consented to U.S. and British inspections of laboratories and military facilities to verify the state and extent of Libya's CW and other WMD programs. Finally, on 19 December 2003 the Libyan government publicly announced it would abandon all of its programs for developing weapons of mass destruction. Qadhafi pledged to abide by all relevant nonproliferation treaties, including the Chemical Weapons Convention.

Until publicly acknowledging its WMD programs in 2003, Libya had denied having a CW program and insisted that its chemical facilities were intended solely for peaceful purposes. [38]

On 20 February 2004, the OPCW received a partial declaration from the Libyan government detailing the country's chemical weapons stockpiles. [39] In the following weeks, OPCW inspectors monitored the destruction of 3,500 aerial bombs designed to deliver chemical agents, and began the process of verifying Libya's initial declaration of 50,700 lbs. (~23MT) of mustard agent and 2.9 million lbs. (~1,315MT) of nerve agent precursor chemicals. [40] On 19 March 2004, OPCW inspectors confirmed the presence of 23MT of sulfur mustard and approximately 1,300MT of sarin precursors. [41] The limited size of the Libyan arsenal the OPCW inspectors found surprised observers; Western sources had previously alleged that Libya had the capability to produce as much as 40 tons (~36.3MT) per month. [42] Additionally, inspections also revealed poor storage and maintenance. Libya kept its mustard gas in plastic containers that reacted chemically with their contents, leading to corrosion and leakage. [43] Additionally, Libya manufactured at least some of its CW agents to such poor quality that they likely began degrading rapidly and immediately upon synthesis. [44]

An independent U.S. government commission characterized the intelligence community's performance on Libyan CW as "modest" and lacking in technical rigor. [45] The commission noted an alarming tendency to erroneously equate materials procurement with CW capabilities, as analysts concluded assessments based only on the former and without awareness or regard for the additional scientific, economic, academic, and industrial realities of CW production. [46] The commission also noted an incentive structure that prioritized quantity, rather than quality, of intelligence assessments and, furthermore, a lack of incentive to develop the necessary expertise to perform thoroughly researched and technically accurate intelligence assessments. [47] The commission concluded that U.S. intelligence analysts overemphasized the importance of their Libya CW data, lacked both the incentive and the technical acumen to subject their conclusions to appropriate scrutiny, and ultimately, in concluding that Libya possessed a substantial CW capability, committed a "fundamental analytical error." [48]

After renouncing chemical weapons and joining the CWC, the Qadhafi regime projected an image of active participation in the operations and activities of the OPCW. The Qadhafi regime on a number of occasions called on other states in its region to follow its example and join the CWC. Despite swift initial progress in destroying munitions, the process of destroying Libya's existing CW stocks proceeded slower than expected under Qadhafi. In November 2005, the OPCW granted Libya an extension until December 2011 for destruction of its entire stockpile. [49] Although Libya and the United States initially agreed to cooperate on, and share the cost of, destroying Libya's CW stockpile, this agreement ended in June 2007 due to disputes over bureaucratic arrangements and the distribution of costs. [50] Before the 2011 uprising, the Qadhafi regime had stated its intent to partner with Italy for the construction of an appropriate chemical weapons destruction facility. [51] Upon the outbreak of the 2011 uprising and the fall of the Qadahfi regime, roughly 6.5 - 9.5 MT of sulfur mustard and 800 MT of precursor chemicals remained declared but undestroyed.

Recent Developments and Current Status

Speculation about the remnants of Qadhafi's CW stockpiles abounded during the 2011 armed uprising. Some analysts argued that Qadhafi did not use chemical weapons during the uprising because he may not have considered Libya's sulfur mustard weapons to be militarily or politically viable. [52] Jean Pascal Zanders further noted that any effort by Qadhafi to carry out a CW attack against Libyan rebels would be "extremely difficult" because Libya had "only a limited amount of aging chemical agent" and had already "destroyed all of its CW bomb casings." [53] Despite the escalation of protests into a fully armed rebellion that eventually overthrew the Qadhafi regime, neither loyalist nor rebel forces deployed chemical weapons at any point during the conflict, potentially indicating that Libya's CW stockpile was not in a position or condition to be readily deployed.

Following the establishment of the Libyan National Transitional Council, Libyan authorities announced the discovery of two sites containing additional undeclared chemical weapons assets. [54] Although press reports initially indicated that Libya had discovered artillery shells filled with mustard agent and potentially acquired from Iran, the OPCW has thus far only confirmed the discovery of mustard agent that "is not loaded into munitions," as well as empty munitions consisting largely of artillery shells with chemical weapons applications. [55] The discovery of additional hidden CW assets, primarily artillery shells, and the tumultuous end of the Qadhafi regime, opens the possibility that the international community may never know the true size and scope of Qadhafi's CW program and what remains of it. However, on-site inspections have revealed that the declared stockpiles were not compromised during the 2011 uprising. [56]

Even despite these positive steps however, the volatile conditions that continue to wrack post-civil war Libya, as well as the broader region, call into question the security of the remaining chemical stockpiles. According to a November 2014 OPCW report, Libya continues to move "towards the completion of the chemical precursors disposal phase." [60] However, given the "extraordinary circumstances," currently defining Libya's security landscape, the country is making efforts to explore "more efficient alternatives and searching for specific options to best ensure that Libya will fulfill its obligation to meet the destruction completion deadline." [61] The report states that about 846.2 metric tons, or 60%, of Libya's Category 2 chemical cache, still needs to be destroyed. [62]

Adding to these security concerns are questions of whether or not all Category 1 chemical weapons have in fact been declared and destroyed. February 2015 media reports allege that despite OPCW confirmation over the destruction of Libya's declared Category 1 chemical weapons, members of the so-called Islamic State terrorist organization have sized Libyan chemical weapons including mustard gas and sarin. [63]One Libyan military official explained, "Unfortunately [chemical weapons] exist in locations known to the militias, who have seized large amounts of them to use in their war against the [Libyan] army." [64] Such reports however, are not widely substantiated.

Sources: [1] Col (Dr.) Jim A. Davis, USAF, "A Biological Warfare Wakeup Call: Prevalent Myths and Likely Scenarios," The Gathering Biological Warfare Storm (Maxwell Air Force Base, AL: USAF Counterproliferation Center, 2002), p. 300. [2] Gordon M. Burck and Charles C. Flowerree, International Handbook on Chemical Weapons Proliferation (New York: Greenwood Press, 1991), p. 267; and Joshua Sinai, "Libya's Pursuit of WMD," The Nonproliferation Review, Vol. 4, No. 3, Spring-Summer 1997, p. 93. [3] Joshua Sinai, "Libya's Pursuit of WMD," The Nonproliferation Review, Vol. 4, No. 3, Spring-Summer 1997, pp. 93-95. [4] Qadhafi has turned over highly destructive weapons to terrorist groups before. In the 1980s, Libya provided the Irish Republican Army (IRA) with surface-to-air SA-7 missiles and tons of the plastic explosive Semtex. David Ottaway, "Middle East Weapons Proliferate," The Washington Post, 19 December 1988, p. A1. [5] Organisation for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons, "Initial Inspection in Libya Completed," OPCW News & Publications, 22 March 2004, http://www.opcw.org. [6] Organisation for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons, "Initial Inspection in Libya Completed," OPCW News & Publications, 22 March 2004, http://www.opcw.org. [7] The Commission on the Intelligence Capabilities of the United States Regarding Weapons of Mass Destruction, "Report to the President of the United States," 31 March 2005, pp. 254-262. [8] Jonathan B. Tucker, "The Rollback of Libya's Chemical Weapons Program," The Nonproliferation Review, March 2009, p. 373; and The Commission on the Intelligence Capabilities of the United States Regarding Weapons of Mass Destruction, "Report to the President of the United States," 31 March 2005, p. 254. Some Libyan CW agents were manufactured to such a poor standard that they rapidly degraded almost immediately upon synthesis. [9] Arthur Max, "Watchdog says Libya destroys chemical weapons," The Associated Press, 23 February 2011. [10] Jean Pascal Zanders, "Destroying Libya's Chemical Weapons: Deadlines and Delays," WMD Junction, 19 May 2011, http://cns.miis.edu/wmdjunction; Organisation for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons, "OPCW Inspectors Return to Libya," OPCW News & Publications, 04 November 2011, http://www.opcw.org. [11] Jomna Karadsheh, "Jibril: Two chemical weapons sites found in Libya," CNN, 30 October 2011, articles.cnn.com, accessed 8 March 2012; R. Jeffrey Smith, and Joby Warrick and Colum Lynch, "Iran may have sent Libya shells for chemical weapons," The Washington Post, 20 November 2011; Organisation for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons, "OPCW Inspectors Verify Newly Declared Chemical Weapons Materials in Libya," OPCW News & Publications, 20 January 2012, http://www.opcw.org. [12] "Libyan chemical weapons stockpiles intact, say inspectors," The Guardian (London), 4 November 2011. [13] "Libyan chemical weapons stockpiles intact, say inspectors," The Guardian (London), 4 November 2011; Organisation for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons, "OPCW Inspectors Verify Newly Declared Chemical Weapons Materials in Libya," OPCW News & Publications, 20 January 2012, http://www.opcw.org. [14] "Libya Destroys Bulk Mustard Agent Stocks," Global Security Newswire, 7 May 2013, http://www.nti.org. [15] Diane Barnes, "Destruction of Libyan Chemical-Loaded Arms Remains on Hold," Global Security Newswire, 11 September 2013, http://www.nti.org. [16]Organisation for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons "Libya Completes Destruction of its Category 1 Chemical Weapons,"OPCW News & Publications, 4 February 2014. http://www.opcw.org; "Libya 'Destroys all chemical weapons,'" BBC, 4 February 2014, http://www.bbc.co.uk [17]Organisation for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons "Libya Completes Destruction of its Category 1 Chemical Weapons," OPCW News & Publications, 4 February 2014. http://www.opcw.org; "Libya 'Destroys all chemical weapons,'" BBC, 4 February 2014, http://www.bbc.co.uk [18] Organisation for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons, "OPCW Director-General Meets Permanent Representative of the Libyan Arab Jamahiriya," OPCW News & Publications, 11 March 2011, http://www.opcw.org. [19] R. Jeffrey Smith, and Joby Warrick and Colum Lynch, "Iran may have sent Libya shells for chemical weapons," The Washington Post, 20 November 2011. [20] Joshua Sinai, "Libya's Pursuit of WMD," The Nonproliferation Review, Vol. 4, No. 3, Spring-Summer 1997, p. 92; Clyde R. Mark, "Libya," CRS Issue Brief for Congress, updated 2 May 2005. [21] "Libya Says Egyptians Plan to Attack," The New York Times, 30 November 1985, Section 1, Page 4; and "Qaddafi Announces Pullback of Troops on Egypt's Border," The New York Times, 29 March 1988, p. A-12. [22] Joshua Sinai, "Libya's Pursuit of WMD," The Nonproliferation Review, Vol. 4, No. 3, Spring-Summer 1997, p. 92. [23] Joshua Sinai, "Libya's Pursuit of WMD," The Nonproliferation Review, Vol. 4, No. 3, Spring-Summer 1997, p. 96. [24] W. Andrew Terrill, "Libya and the Quest for Chemical Weapons," Conflict Quarterly, Vol. 14, No. 1, 1994, p. 49. [25] Department of Defense, the United States of America, Proliferation: Threat and Response, November 1997, http://www.defenselink.mil. [26] Kenneth R. Timmerman, Weapons of Mass Destruction: The Cases of Iran, Syria, and Libya (Los Angeles, CA: Simon Wiesenthal Center, August 1992), p.80. [27] "Terrorist Attacks on Americans, 1979-1988: The Attacks, the Groups, and the U.S. Response," PBS Frontline, 2001, http://www.pbs.org. [28] Proliferation: Threat and Response (Washington, DC: Office of the Secretary of Defense, April 1996), p. 26. [29] W. Andrew Terrill, "Libya and the Quest for Chemical Weapons," Conflict Quarterly, Vol. 14, No. 1, 1994, p. 50. [30] Bill Gertz, "Chinese Move Seen as Aiding Libya in Making Poison Gas," Washington Times, 12 July 1990. [31] Kenneth R. Timmerman, "The Poison Gas Connection: Western Suppliers of Unconventional Weapons and Technologies to Iraq and Libya," Middle East Defense News, Simon Wiesenthal Center, 1990, p.31. [32] Michael R. Gordon, "U.S. Says Evidence Points to Hoax in Fire at Libyan Chemical Plant," The New York Times, 19 June 1980, p. A-8. [33] Kenneth R. Timmerman, Weapons of Mass Destruction: The Cases of Iran, Syria, and Libya, (Los Angeles, CA: Simon Wiesenthal Center, August 1992), p. 80. [34] W. Andrew Terrill, "Libya and the Quest for Chemical Weapons," Conflict Quarterly, Vol. 14, No. 1, 1994, p. 49; and Joshua Sinai, "Libya's Pursuit of WMD," The Nonproliferation Review, Vol. 4, No. 3, Spring-Summer 1997, p. 92; U.S. Congress, Office of Technology Assessment, "Technologies Underlying Weapons of Mass Destruction," OTA-BP-ISC-115 (Washington, DC: Government Printing Office, December 1993), pp. 42-43; Kenneth R. Timmerman, Weapons of Mass Destruction: The Cases of Iran, Syria, and Libya (Los Angeles: Simon Wiesenthal Center, 1992), p. 80; Kenneth R. Timmerman, The Poison Gas Connection: Western Suppliers of Unconventional Weapons and Technologies to Iraq and Libya (Los Angeles: Simon Wiesenthal Center, 1990), pp. 114-127; and Bill Gertz, "Chinese Move Seen as Aiding Libya in Making Poison Gas," Washington Times, 12 July 1990. [35] Jonathan B. Tucker, War of Nerves: Chemical Warfare from World War I to Al-Qaeda, (New York, NY: Anchor Books), p. 291. [36] "3 Germans jailed for selling equipment to Libya," The Gazette (Montreal), 10 October 1991; and Anthony H. Cordesman, Weapons of Mass Destruction in the Middle East: Regional Trends, National Forces, Warfighting Capabilities, Delivery Options, and Weapons Effects (Washington, DC: Center for Strategic and International Studies, 1999), p. 17. [37] Jonathan B. Tucker, War of Nerves: Chemical Warfare from World War I to Al-Qaeda, (New York, NY: Anchor Books), p. 320. [38] Serge Schmemann, "Belgian Charged in Illicit Shipment for Libyan Plant," The New York Times, 13 January 1989, p. A14. [39] Organisation for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons, "Libya Submits Initial Chemical Weapons Declaration," OPCW News & Publications, 22 March 2004, http://www.opcw.org. [40] Organisation for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons, "Libya Completes the First Phase of Chemical Weapons Destruction," OPCW News & Publications, 22 March 2004, http://www.opcw.org. [41] Organisation for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons, "Initial Inspections in Libya Completed," OPCW News & Publications, 22 March 2004, http://www.opcw.org. [42] W. Andrew Terrill, "Libya and the Quest for Chemical Weapons," Conflict Quarterly, Vol. 14 No. 1, 1994, p. 51. [43] Jonathan B. Tucker, "The Rollback of Libya's Chemical Weapons Program," The Nonproliferation Review, March 2009, p. 373. [44] The Commission on the Intelligence Capabilities of the United States Regarding Weapons of Mass Destruction, "Report to the President of the United States," 31 March 2005, p. 254. [45] The Commission on the Intelligence Capabilities of the United States Regarding Weapons of Mass Destruction, "Report to the President of the United States," 31 March 2005, p. 258. [46] The Commission on the Intelligence Capabilities of the United States Regarding Weapons of Mass Destruction, "Report to the President of the United States," 31 March 2005, p. 260-261. [47] The Commission on the Intelligence Capabilities of the United States Regarding Weapons of Mass Destruction, "Report to the President of the United States," 31 March 2005, p. 260-261. [48] The Commission on the Intelligence Capabilities of the United States Regarding Weapons of Mass Destruction, "Report to the President of the United States," 31 March 2005, pp. 261. [49] U.S. Department of State, "Adherence to and Compliance with Arms Control, Nonproliferation, and Disarmament Agreements and Commitments," July 2010. [50] U.S. Department of State, "Adherence to and Compliance with Arms Control, Nonproliferation, and Disarmament Agreements and Commitments," July 2010. 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