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Libyan Civil War (2014present) – Wikipedia, the free …

The Second Libyan Civil War[44][45] is an ongoing conflict between four rival organizations seeking to control Libya:

The belligerents are coalitions of armed groups that sometimes change sides.[46]

At the beginning of 2014, Libya was governed by the General National Congress (GNC) after the election of 2012. Since then, Islamist parties had controlled the assembly, outmaneuvering the majority centrists and liberals, and electing Nouri Abusahmain as president of the GNC in June 2013.[52][53] According to some, Abusahmain abused his powers to suppress debates and inquiries.[54] In December 2013, the GNC voted to enforce a variant of sharia law[55] and decided to extend its 18-month mandate for a year until the end of 2014.[56] On 14 February 2014, in a coup attempt, General Khalifa Haftar, who served under the former regime of Muammar Gaddafi, called on the GNC to dissolve and for the formation of a caretaker government committee to oversee new elections. In May 2014, forces loyal to General Haftar launched a large scale air and ground offensive codenamed Operation Dignity (Arabic: ; 'Amaliya al-Karamah) against Islamist armed groups in Benghazi and against the GNC in Tripoli.[57] In June, the GNC called for new elections to a Council of Deputies: Islamists were defeated, but rejected the results of the election, which saw only an 18% turnout.[58][59][60]

The conflict escalated on 13 July 2014, when Tripoli's Islamists and Misratan militias launched Operation Libya Dawn to seize Tripoli International Airport, capturing it from the Zintan militia on 23 August. Shortly thereafter, members of the General National Congress, whom had rejected the June election, reconvened as New General National Congress and voted themselves as replacement of the newly elected Council of Deputies, with Tripoli as their political capital, Nouri Abusahmain as president and Omar al-Hasi as prime minister. As a consequence, the majority of the Council of Deputies was forced to relocate to Tobruk, aligning itself with Haftar's forces and eventually nominating him army chief.[61] On 6 November, the supreme court in Tripoli, dominated by the new GNC, declared the Council of Deputies dissolved.[62][63][64] The Council of Deputies rejected this ruling as made "under threat".[65]

On 16 January 2015, Operation Dignity and Libya Dawn factions agreed on a ceasefire.[28] The country is now led by two separate governments, with Tripoli and Misrata controlled by forces loyal to Libya Dawn and the new GNC in Tripoli, while the international community recognizes Abdullah al-Thani's government and its parliament in Tobruk.[66] Benghazi remains contested between pro-Haftar forces and radical Islamists.[67] On 15 February, ISIL in Libya released a video showing the beheading of 21 Egyptian Coptic Christians the group had previously captured in Sirte.[68] Egyptian authorities carried out airstrikes on ISIL targets in Libya in response to the executions.[69]

At the beginning of 2014, Libya was governed by the General National Congress (GNC) (which had been elected by popular vote a year and a half earlier). The GNC had become the subject of considerable discontent for among other things: allegedly being dominated by Islamists despite that group's holding of only a minority of seats in the GNC; channeling government funds towards some Islamist armed groups and allowing others to conduct assassinations and kidnappings;[54] suppressing inconvenient debates and inquiries in the congress by removing them from the congressional agenda;[54] voting to declare sharia law and establishing "a special committee" to "review all existing laws to guarantee they comply with Islamic law";[55] imposing gender segregation and compulsory hijab at Libyan universities; and refusing to hold new elections when its electoral mandate expired in January 2014 until after Khalifa Haftar launched a military offensive against it.[70]

The GNC was perceived to be channeling government funding towards some Islamist armed groups and allowing others to operate with impunity. It was alleged that funding was particularly channeled towards the Libya Revolutionaries Operations Room, which Nouri Abusahmain set up himself.

In Benghazi, the GNC was perceived to be turning a blind eye to the expansion of armed Islamist groups, notably Ansar al-Sharia, the group linked to the assassination of the US ambassador to Libya in September 2012.[citation needed]

The GNC was believed by its opponents to be allowing Islamist groups to conduct assassinations, and kidnappings, especially in Benghazi. Prominent Islamist incidents in 2013-14 included the kidnapping of Prime Minister Ali Zeidan in October 2013, and the kidnapping of Egyptian diplomats in January 2014. Both incidents were carried out by the LROR.

In October 2013, following the kidnapping of the prime minister, Abusahmain used his presidency to change the agenda of the GNC in order to prevent a debate over disestablishing the LROR. At the same time, he cancelled a request to establish a committee to investigate the allocation, by Abusahmain himself, of 900 million Libyan Dinars (US $720 million) to the LROR and various other Islamist armed groups.[54] Instead, the LROR had its responsibilities reduced by the GNC but was allowed to continue to operate, and no one was prosecuted for the incident.

The kidnapping of Zeidan was believed to be a coup attempt supported by members of the GNC, who was viewed as too moderate (see: 2013 Libyan coup d'tat attempt).

Nouri Abusahmain has been perceived by some as linked to the Muslim Brotherhood in particular, which he denies.[71]

In April 2014, an anti-terrorist training base called "Camp 27", located between Tripoli and the Tunisian border, was taken over by forces fighting under the control of Abd al-Muhsin Al-Libi, also known as Ibrahim Tantoush,[72] a long-serving Al-Qaeda organizer and former member of the Libyan Islamic Fighting Group.[73] The Islamist forces at Camp 27 were subsequently been described as part of the Libya Shield Force.[74] The Libya Shield Force was already identified by some observers as linked to al-Qaeda as early as 2012.[75][76]

Although Islamists were outnumbered by Liberals and Centrists in the GNC, in May 2014 they lobbied for a law "banning virtually everyone who had participated in Qaddafis government from holding public office". "Armed militiamen" stormed government ministries to demand the laws passage. The law allowed Islamists to take power, removing from power several of their "key rivals", mostly political moderates and technocrats who "had served at the end of Qaddafis reign". Several months later in December, the GNC endorsed Sharia law and voted to extend its mandate.[77]

GNC opponents argue that it was supporting Islamist actions against women. Sadiq Ghariani, the Grand Mufti of Libya, is perceived to be linked closely to Islamist parties. He has issued fatwas ordering Muslims to obey the GNC,[78] and fatwas ordering Muslims to fight against Haftar's forces[79] He has also issued fatwas restricting women's rights.[80][81]

In March 2013, Sadiq Ghariani, the Grand Mufti, issued a fatwa against the UN Report on Violence Against Women and Girls. He condemned the UN report for "advocating immorality and indecency in addition to rebelliousness against religion and clear objections to the laws contained in the Quran and Sunnah".[81][82] Later in 2013, lawyer Hamida Al-Hadi Al-Asfar, advocate of women's rights, was abducted, tortured and killed. It is alleged she was targeted for criticising the Grand Mufti's declaration.[83] No arrests were made.

In June 2013, two politicians, Ali Tekbali and Fathi Sager, appeared in court for "insulting Islam" for publishing a cartoon promoting women's rights.[84] Under sharia law they were facing a possible death penalty. The case caused widespread concern although they were eventually acquitted in March 2014. After the GNC was forced to accept new elections, Ali Tekbali was elected to the new House of Representatives.

During Nouri Abusahmain's presidency of the GNC and subsequent to GNC's decision to enforce sharia law in December 2013, gender segregation and compulsory hijab were being imposed in Libyan universities from early 2014, provoking strong criticism from Women's Rights groups.

The GNC failed to stand down at the end of its electoral mandate in January 2014, unilaterally voting on 23 December 2013 to extend its power for at least one year. This caused widespread unease and some protests. Residents of the eastern city of Shahat, along with protesters from Bayda and Sousse, staged a large demonstration, rejecting the GNC's extension plan and demanding the resignation of the congress followed by a peaceful power transition to a legitimate body. They also protested the lack of security, blaming the GNC for failing to build the army and police.[70] Other Libyans rejecting the proposed mandate rallied in Tripoli's Martyrs Square and outside Benghazi's Tibesti Hotel, calling for the freeze of political parties and the re-activation of the country's security system.[85]

On 14 February 2014, General Khalifa Haftar ordered the GNC to dissolve and called for the formation of a caretaker government committee to oversee new elections. However his actions had little effect on the GNC, which called his actions "an attempted coup" and called Haftar himself "ridiculous" and labelled him an aspiring dictator. The GNC continued to operate as before. No arrests were made. Haftar launched Operation Dignity two months later, on 16 May.[citation needed]

On 25 May 2014, about one week after Khalifa Haftar started his "Operation Dignity" offensive against the General National Congress, that body set 25 June 2014 as the date for elections for a new House of Representatives.[86] Islamists who "suffered heavy defeats" in the election, accused the new Council of Deputies parliament of being dominated by supporters of the former dictator, and continued to support the GNC after the Council[46] when it took office replacing the GNC on 4 August 2014.[87][88]

The Islamist "Libyan Dawn" has been described as "an uneasy coalition" including "former al-Qaeda jihadists" who fought against Qaddafi in the nineties, Berber ethnic militias, members of Libyas branch of the Muslim Brotherhood, and a "network of conservative merchants" from Misrata, whose fighters make up "the largest block of Libya Dawns forces".[89] The Islamist forces are identified as "terrorists" by the elected parliament in Tobruk.[90] The city of Zawia and its associated brigades have been waging operations in western Libya in support of the Libya Dawn coalition. The motivations of the Zawia brigades participation in the war have been described as unrelated to religion and instead deriving foremost from tribal conflict with the Warshafana and secondarily as a result of opposition to the Zintani brigades and General Haftar.[91]

The Libya Shield Force supports the Islamists. Its forces are divided geographically into the Western Shield, Central Shield and Eastern Shield. Elements of the Libya Shield Force were identified by some observers as linked to Al-Qaeda as early as 2012.[75][76] The term "Libya Shield 1" is used to refer to the Islamist part of the Libya Shield Force in the east of Libya.[92]

In Eastern Libya, Islamist armed groups have organized themselves into the Shura Council of Benghazi Revolutionaries. These are:

In western Libya, the prominent Islamist forces are the Central Shield (of the Libya Shield Force), which consists especially of Misrata units, and the Libya Revolutionaries Operations Room. Two smaller organizations operating in western Libya are Ignewa Al-Kikly and the "Lions of Monotheism".

Al-Qaeda leader Abd al-Muhsin Al-Libi, also known as Ibrahim Ali Abu Bakr or Ibrahim Tantoush[73] has been active in western Libya, capturing the special forces base called Camp 27 in April 2014 and losing it to anti-Islamist forces in August 2014.[72] The Islamist forces around Camp 27 have been described as both Al-Qaida[72] and as part of the Libya Shield Force.[74] The relationship between Al-Qaeda and Al Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb is unclear, and their relationship with other Libyan Islamist groups is unclear. Al Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb are also active in Fezzan, especially in border areas.

The Zawia[disambiguation needed] tribe has been allied to Libya Dawn since August 2014[93] although in June 2014 at least one Zawia army unit had appeared to side with General Haftar, and reports in December claimed Zawia forces were openly considering breaking away from Libya Dawn.[94] Zawia militia have been heavily fighting the Warshefana tribe. In the current conflict, the Warshefana have been strongly identified with the forces fighting against both Libya Dawn and Al Qaeda. Zawia has been involved in a long-standing tribal conflict with the neighbouring Warshefana tribe since 2011.[95]

The anti-Islamist forces are built around Haftar's faction of the Libyan National Army, including land, sea and air forces.

Since the Battle of Tripoli Airport, armed groups associated with Zintan and the surrounding Nafusa region have become prominent. The Airport Security Battalion is recruited in large part from Zintan.

The "Zintan Brigades" fall under the leadership of the Zintan Revolutionaries' Military Council. They consist of:

The Airport Security Battalion at Tripoli Airport was linked to the Zintan Brigades.

Warshefana tribal armed groups, from the area immediately south and west of Tripoli, have been playing a growing role in the anti-Islamist forces. On 5 August, they were reported to have recaptured Camp 27, a training base west of Tripoli. But it had been captured by forces under Al-Qaeda organizer Ibrahim Ali Abu Bakr Tantoush in April 2014. Warshefana armed groups have also been involved in a long-standing tribal conflict with the neighbouring Zawia city since 2011.[95] Zawia has been allied to Libya Dawn since August 2014[93] although its commitment to Libya Dawn is reportedly wavering.[94]

A minority portion of the Libya Shield Force is reported to have not joined the Islamist forces. It is not clear if this means they have joined the anti-Islamist forces. Although journalists have referred to this group as "Libya Shield 2"[96] to distinguish it from the Islamist faction which calls itself Libya Shield 1, it is not clear that this name is commonly used.

On 19 May 2014, a number of Libyan military officers announced their support for Gen. Haftar, including officers in an air force base in Tobruk, and others who have occupied a significant portion of the country's oil infrastructure, as well as members of an important militia group in Benghazi. On the other hand, several fighters from Misrata moved to Tripoli to counter Haftar's offensive, but this happened after the general managed to gather allies from Bayda, 125 miles east of Benghazi.[97]

Additional supporters of the movement include Libya's former Prime Minister Ali Zeidan, ousted by General National Congress (GNC) Islamist parties, and Libya's ambassador to the United Nations who had announced his backing of Haftar's offensive against Islamist lawmakers and extremist militias, just hours after the country's air force commander had made a similar move, further building support for a campaign. The current Prime Minister has described Operation Dignity as a coup d'tat.[1][98] The commander of the army's special forces also said he had allied with Haftar.[2] However, the show of support for the general appears to have triggered a heavy backlash, as Libya's navy chief Brig. Gen. Hassan Abu-Shanaq, who also announced his support for Haftar's revolt, was wounded in an assassination attempt in the capital Tripoli along with his driver and a guard. On May 20, the air forces headquarters in Tripoli came under a rocket attack but no casualties were reported.[1][99]

On 21 May, the uprising was described by the Washington Post as the most serious challenge to the Libyan authorities since the overthrow of Muammar Gaddafi in 2011.[97]

The Islamist forces have attempted to secure some support by focusing on a tribal theme, arguing that the elected government is not adequately opposed to the idea of military units led by Zintanis.[100] As a Berber/Amazigh, Nouri Abusahmain's prominence has also secured the Islamists some Berber/Amazigh support. One unnamed pro-Dawn Amazigh commander has apparently claimed The majority of Dawn are not Islamist..." and We all have different reasons for wanting less Zintani influence in western Libya.[100]

In the Benghazi region, a salafist group calling itself "the Awakening" (sahwa), the "Islamic Awakening", or "the Awakening of Islam", co-operates with the Tobruk government specifically in the conflict against the Shura Council of Benghazi Revolutionaries. It is not clear what stance the group would take between the Tobruk government and Libya Dawn. The Awakening group appears to a proxy of the Saudi Islamic Awakening movement, which is linked to the Muslim Brotherhood, which is the largest group in the Libya Dawn government.

As of February 2015, damage and disorder from the war has been considerable.[101] There are frequent electric outages, little business activity, and a loss in revenues from oil by 90%.[101] Over 4,000 people have died from the fighting,[43] and some sources claim nearly a third of the countrys population has fled to Tunisia as refugees.[101]

Hostilities first broke out early in the morning of Friday 16 May 2014 when Gen. Haftar's forces assaulted the bases of certain Benghazi Islamist militia groups, including the one blamed for the 2012 assassination of US ambassador Christopher Stevens. Helicopters, jets and ground forces took part in the assault, killing at least 70, and injuring at least 250. Haftar has vowed to not stop until the extremists groups are purged.[102][103] Shortly before the assault Haftar reportedly asked a close friend, "Am I committing suicide?"[104]

The operation, codenamed "Operation Dignity" by Haftar, began when forces loyal to General Haftar attacked units of the February 17th Martyrs Brigade, the Libya Shield No. 1 Brigade (also known as Deraa No. 1 Brigade), and Ansar al-Sharia. Fighting was largely confined to the south western Benghazi districts of Hawari and Sidi Ferej. In particular the fighting focused on the area between the south-western gate checkpoint and the cement factory; an area controlled by Ansar al-Sharia. As part of the fighting helicopters were seen over Hawari. Fighting was also reported in the port area between marines and the Libya Shield No. 1 (Deraa No. 1) Brigade.[105]

Haftar's forces seemingly moved on Benghazi from the east, with some units originating from Marj. Included within these forces were various tribal units. Elements of the Libyan military in Benghazi then seemingly joined them. There were also unconfirmed reports of forces loyal to Ibrahim Jadhrans Cyrenaica federalist forces fighting alongside units loyal to Haftar.[105]

Although the Libyan Air Force and marines have close links with the Saiqa Special Forces Brigade, neither the Brigade, nor the Benghazi Joint Security Room (BJSR), were seemingly involved. The BJSR former spokesperson, Colonel Mohammad Hejazi, spoke of Libyan military forces fighting "terrorist formations" in the Benghazi districts of Sidi Ferej and Hawari. Hejazi also claimed that Libyan "army forces" were now in control of a camp at Rafallah Al-Sahati. Libya Herald also claimed that an eyewitness had claimed to have seen tanks belonging to the Saiqa Brigade stationed on the road in front of its camp at Buatni. The Brigade called for Benghazi residents to avoid districts witnessing the clashes.[105]

As a result of the fighting the streets of Benghazi were largely empty and roads into Benghazi were effectively closed.[105] The fighting also resulted in the closure of Benina International Airport, near Benghazi.[106]

The following day, fighters from Rafallah al-Sahati and the 17 February Brigade also returned to their bases, from which they had been driven off the previous day.[107]

On 17 May, Haftar held a press conference in which he proclaimed that the current GNC was no longer representing the Libyan people and was illegitimate. He claimed to have uncovered evidence that the GNC had opened Libya's borders to avowed terrorists and had invited numerous international Islamist fighters to come to Libya, offering them Libyan passports. He explained that his primary aim was to "purge" Islamist militants from Libya, specifically the "terrorist" Muslim Brotherhood.[108]

At a government press conference held as a response to the Benghazi assault, acting Prime Minister Abdullah Al-Thinni condemned the move by Haftar as illegal and claimed that the move undermined attempts to confront terrorism. Thinni had called Ansar al-Sharia a terrorist organisation earlier in May 2014.[105]

Thinni claimed that only 1 Libyan Air Force plane had taken part in the clashes, alongside 120 army vehicles, although eyewitnesses reported to CNN as having seen multiple aircraft involved in the assault.[109]

Major General Abdulsalam Jad Allah Al-Salheen Al-Obaidi, the Chief of Staff of the Libyan National Army, also condemned the attack by Haftar, and called forces loyal to him "intruders into Benghazi". Instead Obaidi urged "revolutionaries" in Benghazi to resist them.[105]

The next day, Libya's army responded to Haftar's airstrikes by proclaiming a no-fly zone over Benghazi banning all flights over the city in a direct challenge to Haftar in order to prevent the paramilitary force from using air power against Islamist militias in the region.[110][111][112]

By the end of the first day Haftar's LNA had seemingly suffered 4 dead and 24 wounded. LNA dead and wounded were taken to a hospital in Marj. The number of dead and wounded from the Islamist groups was made difficult due to Ansar al-Sharia's policy of not releasing casualty reports. The 17th February Brigade similarly released no figures.[105] Overall, the resulting battle claimed between 70 and 75 lives.[102]

Gen. Haftars militia allies backed by truck-mounted anti-aircraft guns, mortars and rocket fire attacked parliament, sending lawmakers fleeing for their lives as gunmen ransacked the legislature, declaring the body suspended. A commander in the military police in Libya read a statement announcing the body's suspension on behalf of a group led by Haftar.[113]

The clashes began on the evening of Sunday 18 May, beginning first at the GNC building, before then spreading to Hay Al-Akwakh, particularly in the area of the steel bridge on the Airport road. Missiles were also reported to have fallen close to the TV station on Ennasr Street. Heavy firing was also heard in the Corniche area on the way to Mitiga airbase. The clashes however died down by the late evening.[114]

Later on Sunday evening a group of 5 officers, who identified themselves as the Leaders of the Libyan Army, announced the suspension of the General National Congress. The officers, under the lead of the Zintani former head of Military Intelligence, Col. Muktar Fernana, instead announced that the Constitutional Committee would carry out the work of the GNC. Under the plan al-Thinni's government was to remain in office, and would oversee the formation of military and security forces. The statement therefore blocked Ahmed Maiteeq from assuming the position of Prime Minister. Col. Fernana also proclaimed that the Libyan people "would never accept to be controlled by a group or organization which initiates terror and chaos".[115] Col. Fernana claimed that Gen. Haftar had assigned a 60-member assembly to take over from the GNC, with the current government acting only on an emergency basis.[116]

On Monday 19 May Col. Wanis Abu Khamada, the commander of Libya's Special Forces, announced that his forces would be joining Haftar's operation against Islamist militant groups in Benghazi. Khamadas Special Forces had previously come under attack from Islamist militants in Benghazi, with dozens of members of the unit being killed. In his declaration Khamada announced that his unit would join Haftar's Libyan National Army "with all our men and weapons".[117] Khamada argued that the operation was "the work of the people".[118] By Monday the death toll for Friday's clashes had reached 79.[117] However, the Tripoli-based Al-Qaeda-inspired Lions of Monotheism group announced that it would fight forces loyal to Gen. Haftar.[119]

Forty members of parliament,[120] and the heads of the navy,[121] the air-force,[122] and much of the army have endorsed Haftar. On the evening of 21 May the National Forces Alliance issued a statement of support of Haftar, proclaiming that Libyans have found themselves "drowning in swamp of terrorism, darkness, killing and destruction". The following day the official Libyan news agency claimed that the Interior Ministry had announced its support for Haftar's operation, in direct contrast to the governments denunciation of the operation as a coup.[123]

The Libyan Revolutionaries Operations Room issued a call for serving military personnel to desert, claiming that they did not need the support of Haftar. The group called on its forces to temporarily withdraw from the Army, and to disclose to their commanders the names of anyone involved in attempting to kill either officials or members of the security forces. it would seek the prosecution of named individuals through the Attorney Generals office. In their announcement LROR claimed that they would lead the fight against criminals in Libya, and would carry on without Haftar or his operation.[124]

In a televised statement late Wednesday Haftar appeared in a military uniform surrounded by military officers and accused the current Islamist-led parliament of turning Libya to a state "sponsoring terrorism" and a "hideout to terrorists" who infiltrated the joints of the state, wasted its resources and controlled its decision making. He asserted that the military wants the continuation of political life and stressed that the new council is a civilian one in an apparent attempt to defuse fears of militarizing the state.[125]

Tripoli residents reported several loud explosions earlier that day near the al-Yarmouk air defense barracks. This came after the air defense top commander Juma al-Abani released a video message saying he was joining Haftar's campaign against Islamists. Heavy fighting involving anti-aircraft machine guns mounted on trucks also broke out overnight near an army camp in Tajoura, an eastern suburb. The city was quiet by dawn. The health ministry reported that at least two people from Mali died in the fighting.[126]

Ansar al-Sharia issued a statement denouncing Haftar's operation as a "war against the religious Muslim youth". The group instead claimed that they had been the subject of a hate campaign by those against Islam and Sharia, and that their opponents were the real terrorists. The group instead claimed that they wished to safeguard Muslim blood and had not hindered the building of Libya's security organisations. The group claimed that the campaign against them was being conducted by "evil television channels" and were led by "ex-regime sympathisers and secularists supported by their masters in the west". The group also asked tribes to prevent their sons from joining Haftars forces.[127]

On both 23 May and 30 May after Friday prayers, tens of thousands of demonstrators rallied in various cities including Tripoli and Benghazi in support of Gen. Haftar and his campaign against Islamist militias and also in support of Haftar's calls to suspend parliament. In Benghazi, thousands of pro-Haftar demonstrators gathered outside Tibesti Hotel and in the city's Tahreer Square, as well as others in the city of Bayda further east. "No to militias, Libya will not become another Afghanistan" and "Yes to the army, yes to the police", their banners read. Meanwhile, crowds in Tripoli's Martyr's Square chanted against the parliament and in support of a national army and police force to replace the militias that run rampant in the country. They sang the national anthem as they waved the flag and carried banners that read "Yes to Dignity". They called for an official response to the militias. "Libya is in trouble, we want police, we want army", they chanted. While some Libyans don't back Haftar and don't want military rule, they support what he is doing.[128][129][130] The protest, dubbed the "Friday of Dignity", took its name from the offensive launched by Haftar, one week ago in the eastern city of Benghazi. The demonstrations were some of the largest the country has seen since the uprising three years ago and were the first since then to be held simultaneously in cities across Libya, which put more pressure on the embattled Islamist-led parliament to offer concessions. The interim government issued a statement in support of Fridays protests and reasserted its proposal this week to suspend parliament. "The participation of tens of thousands [in the protests] requires all to answer to the demands of the people who represent legitimacy that can't be ignored", the statement said.[130]

In opposition to Haftar, Islamist militias from Misrata, known collectively as the Libyan Central Shield, have deployed in the capital amid a standoff with forces loyal to Haftar.[131] They are under the command of the country's chief of staff who answers to the GNC.[132] This followed calls by the head of the now boycotted GNC and the army chief on the Islamist militias to defend the interests of the Islamist backed position of the GNC.[131][133][134]

Meanwhile, within the Libyan government itself, an intense power struggle has emerged between Maiteeq and Thinni for leadership of the Libyan government, including conflicting orders and statements.[135] On May 28, Operation Dignity forces carried out airstrikes on the February 17th Martyrs Brigade, one of the biggest and best-trained Islamist militias in eastern Libya. The Islamists allegedly responded with anti-aircraft fire.[136][137]

On 2 June, fighting re-erupts in Benghazi when Ansar al-Sharia militants attacked Haftar's forces, the latter responding with combat helicopter strikes in the west of the city. At least 22 people were killed and 70 wounded, with both sides accusing one another of indiscriminate firing on residential areas. It started the previous day, when aircraft pounded one of the militants' compounds in region. The education ministry closed schools and postponed exams until the violence is quelled and hospitals called for blood donations. Residents in south Benghazi set up checkpoints to avoid being taken by cross-fire in case rival fighters decided to take shelter in their homes. There was also fighting in the eastern town of Al-Marj where dozens were wounded.[138][139][140]

The next day, Libya's new prime minister Ahmed Maiteeq took office following his previous election by Libya's Islamist-dominated parliament in a contested vote. This was during a power struggle between him and outgoing PM Abdullah al-Thani. Maiteeq was surrounded by an Islamist militia, the Libyan Central Shield, who escorted him to the cabinet building to assume his new post and hold his first cabinet meeting after Al-Thani ordered his forces guarding the building to stand down in order to avoid bloodshed. Al-Thani called on the General National Congress to wait until the country's Supreme Constitutional Court decides whether the Maiteeq's election is legal or not, while Islamist lawmakers who back the new prime minister blamed Al-Thani for Benghazi's violence and accused him of failing to restore security and of preventing the transition of power in favor of Maiteeq.[139]

On 4 June, four people were killed and several others were wounded, among them was air division chief Gen. Saghr al-Jerushi, in an assassination attempt on Gen. Haftar in his home in the town of Abyar east of Benghazi. Haftar himself survived the attack which took place when a vehicle exploded in a farmhouse where the general held his meetings. His spokesman accused Islamist militias of being behind the attempt.[141][142] The same day, Michael Greub, a 42-year-old Swiss national who was head of the International Committee of the Red Cross sub-delegation in Misrata, was killed in the city of Sirte when his vehicle was ambushed by masked gunmen right after he left a meeting with two other colleagues. The attackers opened fire on the car, killing him, while his driver and escort managed to escape unharmed. Yves Daccord, the ICRC's director-general condemned the attack and said that the organization was "devastated and outraged".[143]

The Supreme Constitutional Court of Libya said on June 5 that Ahmed Maiteeq's election was illegal. "The election of Ahmed Maitiq took place without a majority of votes and his appointment was unconstitutional," the court stated. Al Arabiya reported that Abdullah al-Thani and his interim government left the capital for Bayda after being threatened by militia groups that support Maiteeq.[144] The following day, Libya's intelligence chief Salem al-Hassi submitted his resignation, expressing disapproval over the parliament's insistence on appointing Maiteeq in contested circumstances.[145]Tarek Mitri, head of the United Nations Support Mission in Libya, announced an initiative for dialogue bringing together the country's political forces, expressing concern over the violence in Benghazi.[146] On the same day, Haftar's forces launched air raids on Islamist bases in Benghazi's Sidi Faraj and al-Qawarsheh and destroyed an ammunition warehouse in Derna.[147]

On 9 June, the Supreme Constitutional Court gave its final ruling on Maiteeq's contested vote, declaring that it was unconstitutional and invalid without citing a legal basis for the decision. The GNC accepted the ruling via a statement by the parliament's second deputy speaker. Maiteeq stepped down shortly after, saying that he would be "the first" to comply with the judiciary's ruling. "Abdullah al-Thani is the caretaker prime minister until congress learns the court's reasons for deciding Maiteeq's election was unconstitutional," he said.[148] The next day, Haftar announced that he had agreed to a ceasefire deal brokered by the Crisis Committee appointed by the government which also includes dialogue with other warring parties. The deal was attempted to allow Libyans to vote during GNC elections that were to be held on June 25 after parliament agreed to dissolve itself following a ruling by the country's elections commission.[149][150][151] Meanwhile, Ansar al-Sharia denied reports that it would hold talks with Haftar. "We have not reached agreement with the Crisis Committee, and we did not even agree to negotiate with this dictator [Haftar]," the group said in a statement. This came after the body of one of Ansar al-Sharia's leaders, Al-Mahdi Saad Abu al-Abyad, was found south of Derna. However, the militia group added that it would welcome any talks with tribal leaders instead.[150] On June 11, a suicide car bomber targeted a checkpoint manned by fighters loyal to Gen. Haftar in Benghazi.[152] The lorry exploded upon arriving at the post, killing the perpetrator and injuring five soldiers, one losing his leg.[153]

On 15 June, Haftar's forces launched a new assault on a number of jihadist camps in western Benghazi. The offensive consisted of tanks and rocket launchers and explosions were heard throughout the city. The general's spokesman said that the forces managed to capture several senior Islamists, among them were five militant leaders. An electricity plant near the city's airport was hit by rockets, causing power outages. The number of casualties was unclear but hospital sources indicated that 12 people were killed during the clashes, among them five soldiers and three civilians.[154][155]

On 17 June, American special forces and FBI personnel captured Ahmed Abu Khattala, whom they suspect to have a connection with the 2012 attack in Benghazi that killed US ambassador Christopher Stevens and three other American nationals. President Barack Obama said that Abu Khattalah will face "the full weight of the American justice system".[156]

On 22 June, Gen. Haftar gave a 48-hour ultimatum for Turkish and Qatari nationals to leave eastern Libya, accusing both countries of supporting terrorism in the country.[157]

On 26 June, shortly after the elections, Salwa Bughaighis, a human rights lawyer in Benghazi, who was a critic of both Muammar Gaddafi and several of the Islamist militias which overthrew him, was assassinated in her home.[158]

Libya Body Count claimed June saw 43 people killed in fighting.[43]

Islamist extremists are reported to have killed some 270 lawyers, judges, activists, military officers, and policemenactivists in civil societyin the course of taking over Benghazi in the summer of 2014.[159]

On 13 July, a coalition of military entities and militias, including the Libya Revolutionaries Operations Room (LROR) and some brigades from the Misrata Union of Revolutionaries, such as Hatten, Mercer, and Haraka,[160] launched an offensive codenamed "Operation Dawn" on Tripoli International Airport,[161] thus beginning the Battle of Tripoli Airport. They were later joined by other militias from Misrata, Tripoli, and Zawiya, as well as by Islamist militias, the Knights of Janzour, Amazigh units, and some militias associated with cities of the Jebel Nafusa.[162] The following day, the United Nations Support Mission in Libya evacuated its staff after 13 people were killed in clashes in Tripoli and Benghazi. The fighting, between government forces and rival militia groups, also forced Tripoli's airport to close. A militia, including members of the LROR, tried to seize control of the airport from the Qaaqaa & Sawaiq Brigades[163] of the Zintani militia, which has controlled it since Gaddafi was toppled. Both the attacking and defending militias are believed to be on the official payroll.[164][165] In addition Misrata Airport was closed, due to its dependence on Tripoli International Airport for its operations. Government spokesman, Ahmed Lamine, stated that approximately 90% of the planes stationed at Tripoli International Airport were destroyed or made inoperable in the attack, and that the government may make an appeal for international forces to assist in reestablishing security.[165][166] A week of prolonged fighting between rival militias in Tripoli airport resulted in at least 47 deaths: the battle involved use of artillery and Grad rockets.[167]

On 26 July, the United States evacuated its embassy in Tripoli, moving all State Department employees to Tunisia.[168]

On 27 July, (last day of the fasting month of Ramadan in Libya) an oil depot near Tripoli International Airport was hit by rocket fire, igniting a large blaze. The oil depot has a capacity of 6 million liters, and nearby liquid gas storage facilities were at risk of being ignited by the blaze. Libyan TV stations urged residents to evacuate the area.[169] By 28 July (Eid al-Fitr day in Libya), firefighters had withdrawn from the site due to fighting in the area, though the fire was not yet under control.[170]

On 29 July, Islamist groups including Ansar al-Sharia seized a military base in Benghazi that served as the headquarters of the Saiqa Special Forces Brigade; a unit that supports General Khalifa Haftar.[171] Saiqa Special Forces officer Fadel Al-Hassi claimed that Saiqa abandoned the base, which included both Camp 36 in the Bu Attni district as well as the special forces school, after coming under heavy shelling. The battle for the base involved the use of rockets and warplanes, and resulted in the deaths of at least 30 people. During the fighting a pro-Haftar MiG crashed into waste ground in Kuwaifiya, although the pilot however managed to eject. Operation Dignity Spokesperson Mohamed Hejazi claimed that the aircraft had suffered a technical malfunction, and insisted it had not been shot down.[172] Following the fall of the base, video footage emerged of Mohamed al-Zahawi, the head of Ansar al-Sharia, as well as Wissam Ben Hamid, the leader of Libya Shield 1, standing outside the base.[173] Saiqa initially denied the loss of the base, although Saiqa Commander Wani Bukhamada acknowledged the loss by the afternoon of the 29th.[174] A senior Saiqa official later claimed to the Libya Herald that Saiqa losses in Benghazi between the 21 and 30 July totaled some 63 dead and 200 wounded. Whilst the official was unsure of the number of Islamist dead, he claimed that it was in the dozens. The fighting, having involved indiscriminate shelling and bombing in and around the predominantly residential area of Buatni, also resulted in dozens of civilians being killed in crossfire.[175]

Mustafa A.G. Abushagur, a politician elected in the July elections, and who was widely tipped to become the next President of the House of Representatives, was kidnapped from his Tripoli home in the late afternoon of the 29 July by an armed group in an ambulance.[176] He was released several hours later, at 3am in the morning of the 30 July, without any ransom having been paid.[177] Abushagur later held a conference on the 1 August in Tripoli, where he claimed to have been kidnapped by The Zintani Barq Al-Nasr militia, although he stressed he did not believe the group to have been acting on behalf of their city.[178]

On 30 July Mohamed Sowan, the leader of the Justice and Construction Party; the Libyan wing of the Muslim Brotherhood, voiced support for the ongoing offensive in Tripoli by Islamist militias against Zintani Militias at Tripoli International Airport. Sawan claimed the offensive was a legitimate response to the anti-Islamist Operation Dignity being led by General Haftar.[179]

The same day the leader of Ansar al-Sharia declared that Benghazi is an "Islamic Emirate". Protesters opposed to the militia group marched to the al-Jalaa hospital that the militants were guarding and temporarily seized it. The protesters also rallied to the special forces base that Ansar al-Sharia captured, but were dispersed when militants fired upon them.[180] By 31 July, Islamist forces affiliated with the newly formed Shura Council of Benghazi Revolutionaries, which includes Ansar al-Sharia, was reported to have captured most of Benghazi. Forces loyal to General Haftar appeared to have had the territory under its control in the region reduced to Benina International Airport.[181] Speaking to al-Arabiya News, Haftar denied that Benghazi was under the control of militias, and instead claimed that his National Libyan Army was in control of the city, claiming instead that his LNA forces had only withdrawn from certain positions, and had done so for tactical reasons.[182]

Aircraft under the command of Brigadier-General Saqr Geroushi, the commander of Operation Dignity Air Force units, later launched nighttime air strikes on what they claimed to be an Ansar al-Sharia base in Ajdabiya, which had recently been taken by Ansar al-Sharia. Geroushi claimed the target; the compound of a Chinese construction company, had been being used by Ansar al-Sharia as an arms depot and a support base for its operations in Benghazi. In response to questions over reported deaths resulting from exploding arms in the depot, Geroushi claimed he did not know if anyone had been killed or injured in the raid. Geroushi claimed however that the assault would continue until Ansar al-Sharia was forced out of the town. Geroushi also claimed that Ansar al-Sharia had been taking their wounded from the fighting in Benghazi to the hospital in Ajdabiya, which he claimed had been taken over by Islamists. He also claimed the more severely wounded were being transported to Misrata, and then on to Turkey for treatment.[183]

On 1 August, the Libyan Health Ministry announced that the recent fighting in the greater Tripoli and Benghazi areas had, up to Wednesday 30 July, resulted in a total of 214 deaths and 981 injuries recorded at hospitals. Libya Body Count, an independent NGO, claimed that July alone had seen over 400 deaths, with 253 recorded in Benghazi, and 130 in Tripoli.[184]

On 2 August, twenty-two people were killed and more than 70 wounded when a battle broke out in Tripoli International Airport, during which the government claimed that heavily armed groups attacked civilians, displacing hundreds of families.[185] Over the next couple of days, several missiles landed randomly on the city's airport road and in nearby districts such as Abu Sleem, Seraj and Krimea among others. Rocket attacks in Hadba killed several people, including a 59-year-old Indian worker. In Tripoli's western suburb of Janzour, the local Fursan Janzour militia as well as the National Mobile Forces camp, which is part of the Misrata-led Operation Dawn and allied to the militia, came under attack and were overrun by Zintan's Barq al-Nasr Brigade, backed by Warshefana forces. The number of fatalities during the fighting is unknown. Libya's Red Crescent estimated that 2,500 families were forced to flee during the violence.[186]

On 5 August, Warshefana forces captured Camp 27, an important military barracks, in an overnight joint operation with the Zintanis from Libya Shield 1, an Islamist militia.[3] On 6 August 2014, the Benghazi Revolutionary Shura Council announced that they had seized three additional army bases in Benghazi, seizing a large number of heavy weapons and armored vehicles in the process.[187] On 7 August 2014, Camp 27 was reported to have been retaken by forces affiliated with the Operation Libya Dawn coalition.[188]

On Sunday 10 August Maj. Gen. Abdulsalam Al-Obaidi, the Chief of Staff of the Libyan National Army, gave evidence in a three-hour session before the newly elected House of Representatives in Tobruk.[189] During the session Obaidi claimed he had no control over the various government funded rebel groups.[190] Speaking about the Libya Shield Force, Obaidi claimed he had no way to find out how many soldiers were fighting under the Force, and also claimed to have no way to either reform the group or change its leadership.[190] Mohammed el-Jarh, a Libyan analyst based in Tripoli, claimed that members of the House of Representatives were determined to hold Obaidi accountable after his comments.[190] Benghazi representative Salih al-Shawihidi denied that there were plans to replace Obaidi with Saad al-Qatrani.[190] The following day a letter that had been sent by Obaidi to numerous militias on the 6 August was leaked on the internet. In the letter Obaidi instructed all groups, including the Libya Shield Forces which are officially under his command, and which he had assigned to Tripoli, to stop fighting. The letter reflected the House of Representatives decision No. 3, which had been issued on the same day, and which ordered all sides to commit to an immediate cease fire.[191]

On 11 August Brig. Gen. Saqr Adam Geroushi, Command of Operation Dignity's Air Force Units, stated that Operation Dignity units would attack any ships attempting to enter Benghazi port, despite any orders from Benghazi Municipal Council or the Libyan government.[192] Geroushi claimed that the port was being used by Islamist fighters to reinforce and resupply their positions in Benghazi, and that reinforcements were being shipped to Benghazi form the ports of Mirsata, Ras Lanuf and Derna.[192] Operation Dignity Air Units reportedly proceeded to bomb the port of Derna on August 11.[192]

Operation Dignity forces had previously ordered the port to close, although the Benghazi council had announced on 9 August that the port would remain open.[192] The same day Operation Dignity spokesperson Mohamed Hejazi claimed all shipping to or from the ports of Misrata or Derna would also be fired upon.[192] Instead all shipping was ordered to redirect to the Operation Dignity stronghold of Tobruk.[192]

On 12 August, masked gunmen shot dead Col. Muhammad Swaysi, head of Tripoli's police department, when his car was ambushed by two other vehicles after he left a meeting with local authorities in the Tajoura suburb. Two of his colleagues were kidnapped when they attempted to leave the car.[193] Suways was a supporter of Haftar's Operation Dignity, and had come out against the Misrata-led Operation Libya Dawn. Earlier in the week Suways, who was in charge of security in Tripoli, had ordered Tripoli's police officers to return to work, as Tripoli's police officers had not been in active service since the Civil War. A group calling itself the Official Operations Room, said to be linked with the LROR, claimed on its Facebook page that Misratan militias, with the help of others from Suq al-Huma, had arrested four individuals who it accused of planning to take over a camp in Tajoura. The group described the four as Gaddafi supporters, and claimed two, including Suways, had been killed.[194]

On 13 August the House of Representatives passed a law disbanding all officially recognized and funded militias formed after the 2011 February revolution, including Joint Operations Rooms[195] in an effort to strip the various groups of the legitimacy they claim to have been bestowed on them by the GNC & various government ministries.[196]

Out of the 104 Representatives present 102 voted in favour of the motion.[195] A deadline of 31 December 2014 was given for implementing the law.[195] The House had tried to pass the law the previous day although had failed to agree on the laws wording.[197] In spite of the law it was unclear how it would be enforced.[196]

A Libyan lawmaker speaking to Reuters claimed the law to cover "all armed brigades, including all the Shields and Qaqaa and Sawaiq."[196] Ali Saedy, Representative for Wadi Shatti, in live comments on Libyan TV, claimed that the law had been passed by a large majority of the House. He claimed that some of those opposed to the law felt that the time was not right to dissolve all Libyan militias, whilst others were opposed due to having different opinions or ideologies.[195] Ali Tekbali, a Representative for Tripoli, claimed that the reason only 104 of the House's 200 members took part was because many Representatives were unable to attend the vote in Tobruk due to being busy with various business.[195]

The same day the House also called for the United Nations & the Security Council to intervene in Libya in order to protect civilians & government institutions.[196] Representative Saedy claimed that the House had been forced into calling for international support after the House' calls for a ceasefire were ignored.[195]

On 17 August, the Al-Saiqa special forces abandoned their last stronghold in the city, Benina Airport. They were pushed out through Gwarsha into Benghazi's Buatni district where Operation Dignity forces had asked the residents to leave the area for their safety. The head of Al-Saiqa said that the unit took over the airport road which was held by Ansar al-Sharia, adding that the Islamist group had been firing shells into Buatni's surroundings and that heavy clashes took place in Ard Bayera.[198]

Later that day, unidentified warplanes bombarded a number of positions in Tripoli, including the Islamist-held Wadi Rabie camp and an ammunition store owned by Misrata's Hattin Brigate in the town of Qasr bin Ghashir near the city's international airport. Five people were killed and more than 30 were wounded during the overnight operation. The government confirmed the incident and the Libyan armed forces' chief of staff, Gen. Abdulsalam Al-Obaidi, said that the attack involved two unidentified aircraft powered by laser-guided smart bombs and missiles fired from a 7 to 8 kilometers altitude.[199] He also said that the government's air force was not equipped with such weaponry and did not have the required technology nor the capacity to carry out the raids.[200] Furthermore, none of the country's militias are known to have warplanes. The Libya Revolutionaries Operations Room (LROR) allied to the Misratan brigades blamed Gen. Khalifa Haftars forces. Operation Dignity forces initially denied any involvement, adding that they only provided the coordinates.[199] However, Haftar's air chief, Gen. Saqr Geroushi, later confirmed his forces' involvement in a statement to Reuters. "We, the Operation Dignity, officially confirm to have conducted air strikes on some militias' locations belonging to Misrata militias," he said.[201] Geroushi also added that a munitions base at Sdada, south of Misrata, had also been bombed.[199]

The same weekend delegations from the cities of Misrata, Khoms, Zliten and Emsalata travelled to Sebha to in an attempt to try and persuade the local council and civil society organisations to order the areas nine representatives in the new House of Representatives to withdraw.[202] Several days later the Sebha Municipal Council building was stormed by armed men who prevented council officials from reading a joint statement on Operation Dawn. One official claimed those responsible were members of the Awlad Sulaiman tribe, which is opposed to Operation Dawn.[203]

On 19 August, the Amazigh towns of Nalut and Kabaw in the Nafusa Mountains announced a boycott of the House of Representatives, which they claimed was unconstitutional.[202] The Nalut Municipal Council, along with Nalut's revolutionary brigades and civil society organisations called on Salem Ignan, the towns representative, to withdraw from the parliament, which they claimed had an obvious bias towards Haftar's Operation Dignity, as seen in the fact that it was based in Tobruk. The Kabaw town leadership claimed that they would not recognise any decisions made by the new parliament, and also that the towns representative, Ali Al-Asawi, did not, and had never, represented the town. Both towns in particular rejected the House's call for foreign intervention in Libya in response to the upsurge in violence. Despite the timing of the announcements, the boycotts were seen as having more to do with long standing Amazigh boycott of the parliament over the issue of Amazigh representation, and less to do with the opposition to the parliament from Misrata and Islamist groups. It was immediately unclear whether the representatives from the towns would boycott the parliament.[202]

The following day leaders in Tarhuna released a statement announcing their opposition to the House of Representatives and their support for Operation Dawn. The town released a joint statement from the towns revolutionaries, Local Council, Military Council, Elders, Shura Council and a number of civil society organisations, in which they announced that the towns four representatives in the parliament did not represent the town, and represented only themselves. The town leaders also rejected all decisions made by the parliament, especially its recent call for a foreign intervention in Libya. The statement denounced the call as a "flagrant violation of the sovereignty of Libya and a betrayal of the will of the Libyan people," and claimed that the airstrikes conducted several days prior against Operation Dawn were the result of the decision. The groups also declared that they had set up a Revolutionary Shura Council of Tarhuna, which they claimed would assume full responsibility for correcting the path of the nation and implementing the principles of and goals of the Libyan Revolution.[204]

Splits between Islamist groups in Benghazi also began to emerge in mid-August. On 16 August, a Muslim Brotherhood group made up of more moderate Islamists announced a new group to deal with problems in the city, called the Shura Council of Benghazi. In response, the Shura Council of Benghazi Revolutionaries, a jihadist group, denounced the new group and claimed that they would not recognize it. The Shura Council of Benghazi Revolutionaries also claimed that the new rival group was attempting to grab power and capitalize on the gains made by the jihadists.[205][206]

On 23 August, after more than a month of fighting, Tripoli International Airport finally fell to fighters from Libyan Central Shield, a coalition of Islamist and Misrata forces.[207][208] The following day, Operation Dawn forces announced that they have consolidated the whole city and adjacent towns after driving out rival Zintan militias 90 kilometers south of the capital.[209] Libya's newly elected parliament condemned the offensive and called the militants now in control of Tripoli "terrorist organizations". Operation Dawn spokesman later called for the re-assembly of the previous Islamist-dominated GNC and said that the taking over of the airport was necessary to "save the country's sovereignty".[210] The Los Angeles Times reported that at least 90% of the airport's facilities, and 20 airplanes, were destroyed in the fighting.[211]

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Libyan Civil War (2014present) - Wikipedia, the free ...

Libya – The New York Times

The State ofLibya, situated along theMediterraneanSea on Africas northern coast, shares borders with Egypt, Sudan,Chad, Niger, Algeria and Tunisia. Inhabited by its native Berber population since the Bronze Age, the region has variously been ruled by Persians, Egyptians and the Roman and Ottoman Empires. Its capital city of Tripoli is home to more than one million of the nations roughly six million residents.

Libyaemerged as an independent kingdom in 1951 after serving as a key battleground in World War II. Its relatively poor economy was given a major boost in 1958 with the discovery of petroleum. To this day, oil accounts for some 80 percent of the nations gross domestic product andLibyacontinues to boast the largest proven reserves in Africa.

In 1969 a group of officers led by 27-year-old Col Muammar el-Qaddafi ousted King Idris I in a coup. Qaddafi would remainLibyas de facto absolute ruler for more than 40 years, establishing a policy of Arab nationalism and a unique, if erratic, admixture of socialist policies and anti-Communist principles.

Qaddafi was pushed from power by a popular revolt in 2011 amid Arab Spring uprisings across the Middle East.He was killed the same year following a six-month struggle between loyalists and rebel militias that eventually gained significant military support from NATO.

The country has since struggled to attain stability, with a weak and divided central government failing to curtail the power of rival armed militias. This instability was punctuated in September 2012, when Islamist militants executed a deadly surprise attack on the American embassy in Benghazi, claiming the life of US Ambassador J. Christopher Stevens.

Keep up to date on breaking news in Libya and explore our extensive archive below.

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Libya - The New York Times

Libya | U.S. Agency for International Development

About Libya

The United States Government is committed to working with the Libyan people to build a democratic and prosperous future.

In the aftermath of the Libyan revolution, USAID programs focused on bolstering key political and economic elements of Libyas transition to a stable, prosperous democracy. The programs included emphasis on supporting civil society and media organizations to inform the public about political transition processes; building links between the government and its citizens and promoting justice, reconciliation and economic opportunity. Today despite Libyas political and security instability, USAID maintains its existing programming focused on strengthening the ability of the countrys representative governing bodies, independent institutions and civil society. USAID is helping Libyans as they navigate their transition to build a democratic and prosperous Libya that is a capable of utilizing its human, financial and natural resources for the benefit of all Libyans.

USAID is particularly focused on engaging marginalized populations, including youth, women and minorities, and increasing opportunities for their voices and interests to be heard in critical decision-making processes that will shape Libyas future.

Last updated: April 16, 2016

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Libya | U.S. Agency for International Development

Libya Map / Geography of Libya / Map of Libya – Worldatlas.com

Libya is literally covered by the Sahara Desert. The only exception is the narrow 1200 mile coastline bordering the Mediterranean Sea, where almost 80% of its population resides. Once part of the Roman province of New Africa, it was subsequently controlled by the Byzantine and Ottoman empires. In modern times it was occupied by the British and French, but since 1969, the country is led by the government of Colonel Muammar Qaddafi.

In total, there are six distinct historical periods of Libya: Ancient Libya, the Roman era, the Islamic era, Ottoman rule, Italian rule, and the Modern era.

Archaeological evidence suggests that Libya's coastal plain was once inhabited by nomadic hunters and herders around the thirtieth millennium BC. This culture prospered until 2000 BC as the desert began expanding, thus forcing the population to migrate into the Sudan.

Eventually the Berbers arrived in North Africa, and settled much of the region from Egypt to the Niger Basin.

Tripoli, the ancient capital city, was designed by the Romans, and remains one of the most exotic destinations on the planet. They conquered the region around Tripoli (Tripolitania) in 106 BC, and unified all three of Libya's provinces into the single Africa proconsularis.

Libya flourished under Roman ruling, and experienced a golden age during the 2nd century AD. Tripoli remained wealthy and prosperous for over 400 years, and grew to be a major exporter of olive oil.

An army of 40,000 Arabs conquered the area in 647 AD, and integrated Libya into the Abbasid dynasty by the year 750.

Although the Abbasid dynasty managed to restore order and bring a measure of prosperity to the region, the economic and political stability of Libya began to slowly collapse.

The beginning of the 16th century marked a period of minimal central authority within Libya, and its waterways grew into a haven for pirates. The Ottomans arrived in the mid-1500s, and Libya was divided into three provinces: Algiers, Tripoli, and Tunis.

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Libya Map / Geography of Libya / Map of Libya - Worldatlas.com

Libya | history – geography | Britannica.com

Alternative titles: Al-Jamhryah al-Arabyah al-Lbyah ash-Shabyah al-Ishtirkyah al-Um; Peoples Socialist Libyan Arab Jamhriyyah; Socialist Peoples Libyan Arab Jamahiriyah

Libya, country located in North Africa. Most of the country lies in the Sahara desert, and much of its population is concentrated along the coast and its immediate hinterland, where Tripoli (arbulus), the de facto capital, and Banghz, another major city, are located.

LibyaEncyclopdia Britannica, Inc.Libya comprises three historical regionsTripolitania in the northwest, Cyrenaica in the east, and Fezzan in the southwest. The Ottoman authorities recognized them as separate provinces. Under Italian rule, they were unified to form a single colony, which gave way to independent Libya. For much of Libyas early history, both Tripolitania and Cyrenaica were more closely linked with neighbouring territories than with one other.

Before the discovery of oil in the late 1950s, Libya was considered poor in natural resources and severely limited by its desert environment. The country was almost entirely dependent upon foreign aid and imports for the maintenance of its economy; the discovery of petroleum dramatically changed this situation. The government long exerted strong control over the economy and attempted to develop agriculture and industry with wealth derived from its huge oil revenues. It also established a welfare state, which provides medical care and education at minimal cost to the people. Although Libyas long-ruling leader, Muammar al-Qaddafi, espoused an idiosyncratic political ideology rooted in socioeconomic egalitarianism and direct democracy, Libya in practice remained an authoritarian state, with power concentrated among members of Qaddafis inner circle of relatives and security chiefs. Opposition to the Qaddafi regime reached an unprecedented level in 2011, developing into an armed revolt that forced Qaddafi from power. (For a discussion of unrest in Libya in 2011, see Libya Revolt of 2011.)

LibyaEncyclopdia Britannica, Inc.Libya is bounded by the Mediterranean Sea on the north, Egypt on the east, Sudan on the southeast, Niger and Chad on the south, and Tunisia and Algeria on the west.

Libya is underlain by basement rocks of Precambrian age (from about 4 billion to 540 million years ago) mantled with marine and wind-borne deposits. The major physical features are the Nafsah Plateau and the Al-Jifrah (Gefara) Plain in the northwest, the Akhar Mountains (Green Mountains) in the northeast, and the Saharan plateau, which occupies much of the rest of the country.

The Al-Jifrah Plain covers about 10,000 square miles (26,000 square km) of Libyas northwestern corner. It rises from sea level to about 1,000 feet (300 metres) at the foothills of the Nafsah Plateau. Composed of sand dunes, salt marshes, and steppe, the plain is home to most of Libyas population and to its largest city, Tripoli. The Nafsah Plateau is a limestone massif that stretches for about 212 miles (340 km) from Al-Khums on the coast to the Tunisian border at Nlt. West of Tarhnah it rises steeply from the Al-Jifrah Plain, reaching elevations between 1,500 and 3,200 feet (450 and 975 metres).

In northeastern Libya, the Akhar Mountains stretch along the coast between Al-Marj and Darnah. These limestone mountains rise steeply from the coast to about 2,000 feet (600 metres) and then stretch about 20 miles (30 km) inland, reaching nearly 3,000 feet (900 metres) at their highest points.

The Saharan plateau makes up about nine-tenths of Libya. About half of the plateau is sand desert, making it truly a sea of sand. Al-Harj al-Aswad is a hilly basaltic plateau in central Libya. Covered with angular stone fragments and boulders, it rises to about 2,600 feet (800 metres) and is crowned by volcanic peaks. Al-amr Plateau lies south of the Nafsah Plateau. It harbours bare rock outcroppings that rise to 2,700 feet (820 metres). In the Fezzan region in the southwest, a series of long depressions and basins contain wadis (dry riverbeds) and oasis settlements. Mobile sand dunes that reach heights of 300 feet (90 metres) are found in the Fezzans Marzq desert and in the eastern Libyan Desert, which extends into Egypt. The countrys highest elevations are Bkk Btt peak (Picco Bette), which rises to 7,436 feet (2,267 metres) on the Libya-Chad border, and Mount Al-Uwaynt, with an elevation of 6,345 feet (1,934 metres) on the Libya-Sudan-Egypt border.

There are no permanent rivers in Libya. The numerous wadis that drain the uplands are filled by flash floods during the rains but then quickly dry up or are reduced to a trickle. The largest wadi systems are the Wadi Zamzam and Wadi Bayy al-Kabr, both of which empty into the sea on the western coast of the Gulf of Sidra. Other large wadis drain the interior basins of Sirte, Zalan, and the Fezzan. There is also, however, extensive underground water. Numerous oases are watered by wells and springs, and artesian wells tap large deep fossil aquifers in the Fezzan and southeastern Libya; the Great Man-Made River was one of the more ambitious projects designed to make use of these underground reserves. (See map illustrating the phases of the Great Man-Made River project that were planned or completed in the late 20th century.) Along the coastal strip there are several salt flats, or sabkhas, formed by the ponding and evaporation of water behind coastal dunes. Principal salt flats are found at Twurgh, at Zuwrah, and on the Banghz Plain.

The gray-brown soils of the Al-Jifrah Plain and the Nafsah Plateau in the west are fertile, although overirrigation has led to increased soil salination. In the east, the soils of the Barce plainwhich stretches between the Akhar Mountains and the seaare light and fertile. Rich alluvial soils are found in the coastal deltas and valleys of large wadis. On the margins of the Sahara, cultivation and overgrazing have seriously depleted the soil. The rest of the country is covered by wind-eroded sand or stony desert. The soils in these areas are poorly developed, with little organic material.

Libyas climate is dominated by the hot, arid Sahara, but it is moderated along the coastal littoral by the Mediterranean Sea. The Saharan influence is stronger in summer. From October to March, prevailing westerly winds bring cyclonic storms and rains across northern Libya. A narrow band of semiarid steppe extends inland from the Mediterranean climate of the Al-Jifrah Plain, the Nafsah Plateau, and the Akhar Mountains. The desert climate of the Sahara reaches the coast along the southern fringes of the Gulf of Sidra, where Al-amryah (Sirte) Desert borders the sea. Periodic droughts, often lasting several years, are common in the steppe and desert.

Along the coast, the Mediterranean climate is characterized by a cool, rainy winter season and a hot, dry summer. The warmest months are July and August, when average temperatures in Banghz and Tripoli, in the Mediterranean zone, reach between the low 70s and mid-80s F (low to upper 20s C) and the low 60s and mid-80s F (upper 10s and low 30s C), respectively. The coolest months are January and February; winter monthly temperatures in Banghz range from the low 50s to low 60s F (low to mid-10s C), while those in Tripoli range from the upper 40s to low 60s F (low to mid-10s C). Banghz has an average annual precipitation of about 10 inches (250 mm), and Tripoli receives an annual average of about 15 inches (380 mm).

Elena, FortJ. Allan Cash Photolibrary/EB Inc.Inland from the coast, annual precipitation declines, and its variability increases. Most rain falls in a few days between November and January. Less than 4 inches (100 mm) of rain falls annually in the steppes, and Saharan zones receive less than 1 inch (25 mm). In the Sahara, 200 consecutive rainless days in a year have been recorded in many areas, and the worlds highest degree of aridity has been recorded at Sabh, which averages only 0.4 inch (10 mm) of precipitation annually. Average temperatures at Sabh are in the low 50s F (low 10s C) in January and in the upper 80s F (low 30s C) in July, but these averages mask the fact that temperatures may vary enormously over the course of a day. The dry climate is exacerbated by the ghibli, a hot, arid wind that blows from the south over the entire country several times a year. It is usually preceded by a short lull in the prevailing winds, followed by the full force of the ghibli. The wind carries large quantities of sand dust, which turns the sky red and reduces visibility to less than 60 feet (18 metres). The heat of the wind is increased by a rapid drop of relative humidity, which can fall dramatically within hours.

In years of ample precipitation, the coastal plains are covered with herbaceous vegetation and annual grasses; the most noticeable plants are the asphodel (an herb of the lily family) and jubule. The northern area of the Akhar Mountainswhere the influence of the Mediterranean is most dominantsupports low and relatively dense forest (or maquis) of juniper and lentisc. Annual plants are abundant and include brome grass, canary grass, bluegrass, and rye grass. The forest becomes more scattered and stunted south of the mountain crest, and annual plants are less frequent. In the west, plant life is more sparse on the Nafsah Plateau, where grasslands lie between the barren hills.

In the semiarid steppes, vegetation is also sparse, characterized by pockets of isolated drought-resistant plants. The most commonly found species are saltwort (a plant used in making soda ash) and spurge flax (a shrubby plant), while goosefoot, wormwood, and asphodel also are widespread. Annual grasses grow in the rainy season, and leguminous plants appear in years of good precipitation. Although precipitation is extremely low in the true desert zone and the vegetation cover is scant, some plants from the semiarid region penetrate the occasional wadi valley, and date palms are grown in the southern oases.

Wild animals include desert rodents, such as the desert hare and the jerboa; hyenas; foxes, such as the fennec and the red fox; jackals; skunks; gazelles; and wildcats. The poisonous adder and krait are among the reptiles that inhabit the scattered oases and water holes. Native birds include the wild ringdove, the partridge, the lark, and the prairie hen. Eagles, hawks, and vultures are also common.

Almost all Libyans speak Arabic, the countrys official language. They claim descent from the Bedouin Arab tribes of the Ban Hill and the Ban Sulaym, who are said to have invaded the Maghrib in the 11th century. The governments embrace of Arab nationalism has reduced Western influences, although English is still widely used as a second language in international business and politics. At the beginning of the 21st century, Libyas population included a substantial number of foreign migrant workerslargely from sub-Saharan African countriestemporarily residing in the country. The tribe (qablah), a form of social organization that allowed the grouping of nomadic peoples scattered across the countrys vast spaces, was the foundation of social order for much of Libyas history.

The Imazighen (Berbers) are believed to have been the earliest inhabitants of Libya. The main Amazigh (plural Imazighen) groups were the Luata, the Nefusa, and the Adassa. They lived in coastal oases and practiced sedentary agriculture. Most Imazighen have been assimilated into Arab society except in the Nafsah Plateau region, Awjilah, Hn, Socra, and Zuwrah. The Imazighen of Libya speak languages that are classified as Afro-Asiatic but have adopted the Arabic alphabet. Many are bilingual in Nafusi (an Amazigh language) and Arabic; most are Sunni Muslims. There is also a community of some 30,000 people once called Gypsies but known in North Africa as Dom (see also Roma), who speak Domari (an Indo-European language).

Arab migrations to the region began with the rise of Islam in the 7th century. The initial Arab incursions were essentially military and had little effect upon the composition of the population. Oral tradition suggests that invasions of the Ban Hill in 1049 and the Ban Sulaym later in the 11th century took major migrations of nomadic tribes from eastern Arabia to Libya. However, scholarship later suggested that these movements too were not invasions but rather slow migrations of Arab peoples that occurred over several centuries.

The Ban Sulaym were composed of four main groupsthe Ban Hebib, the Awf, the Debbab, and the Zegb. The Hebib settled in Cyrenaica, while the others went to Tripolitania. The arrival of these and other Arab groups led to political upheaval and the steady Arabization of Libyas Amazigh populations. The result was that by the 20th century the great majority of Libyas inhabitants were Arabic-speaking Muslims of mixed descent.

Several other social groups exist alongside the tribes. Among these are the sharifs (holy tribes), who came originally from the Fezzan. The sharifs claim direct descent from the Prophet Muhammad; their alleged blood relationship with the Prophet gives them a powerful standing in Muslim society. Extensive tracts of land in the oases of western Libya are under sharifian control.

The marabouts (Muslim religious leaders credited with supernatural powers) arrived in Libya from Saguia el-Hamra, in what is now Western Sahara. The maraboutic tribes are descended from holy men who also claimed a privileged relationship with Muhammad. They believed in an ascetic life, manifested by their hermit lifestyle. In areas where their teachings and way of life made them acceptable to the local inhabitants, they settled and founded tribes pledged to the pure way of life.

The Koulouglis are descended from the Janissaries (elite Turkish soldiers who ruled Libya following the Ottoman conquest) and the Amazigh and Christian slave women with whom they intermarried. They have served since Ottoman times as a scribal class and are concentrated in and around villages and towns. They speak Arabic and practice Islam.

The trans-Saharan slave trade, which continued through the early 20th century, took black Africans and their cultures to Libya, particularly to the Fezzan and Tripolitania. Though they previously spoke Nilo-Saharan and Niger-Congo languages of the central Sahara and eastern Sudan, today they speak Arabic and have adopted Islam.

Small groups of Tuareg nomads live in the southwest, especially around the oases of Ghadmis and Ght. They are gradually assuming a sedentary lifestyle. In the southeast, isolated nomadic Teda (Tubu) communities are slowly gravitating toward the north and the Al-Kufrah oasis in search of employment.

Most Libyans are Muslim, and the vast majority are Sunnis. There are also very small minorities of Roman Catholic and Orthodox Christians. In Cyrenaica the influence of the Sansiyyah, a 19th-century militant Islamic brotherhood, remains strong. Although a Jewish minority was long established in Tripolitania, most Jews left the country in the late 1960s, many of them immigrating to Italy.

The majority of the population lives in Tripolitania, mainly in Tripoli and other cities along the coast and on the Nafsah Plateau. A smaller proportion of the people live in Cyrenaica, primarily in Banghz and other coastal cities. The remainder of the population is found in the oasis towns of the Fezzan.

The vast majority of the rural population lives in oases on the coast and is engaged in irrigation farming; plots of land are usually small and held in individual ownership. On the Nafsah Plateau, however, where water is less readily available, a sophisticated agrarian system based on olive- and fruit-tree cultivation and associated livestock raising has evolved. In Cyrenaica, the premodern economy was based on nomadic and seminomadic pastoralism. Arable farming has largely been an adjunct of the pastoral system, with shifting dry-land cultivation rarely entailing sedentary farming. In this zone, land ownership is no longer exclusively communal. In southern Libya, isolated irrigated farming in the oases constitutes a third economic system with roots in the premodern era.

The most common mode of life in rural Libya is sedentary cultivation. In the oases most farmers rely on irrigation, and water is raised from shallow wells either by the animal-powered dal (a goatskin bag drawn by rope over a pulley) or, increasingly, by electric or diesel pumps. Landholdings in the oases are small and fragmented; the average farm of five to seven acres (two to three hectares) is usually divided into three or four separate parcels. In the coastal regions, lowland farmers normally live on their own plots but enjoy rights to graze stock and undertake shifting grain cultivation on communally held land. In Cyrenaica and Tripolitania, most Arab farmers tend to live on plots of between 12 and 600 acres (5 and 240 hectares) that were once part of large estates belonging to Italian settlers.

Pastoral nomadism is practiced in the arid and semiarid regions, particularly in the Akhar Mountains and surrounding steppe lands in Cyrenaica. Nomadic groups subsist primarily on their herds of sheep, goats, and camels but also practice shifting cereal cultivation. These Bedouins move south as soon as pasture sprouts in the fall and remain there until the grasslands disappear and necessitate their return to the northern hills.

Fixed, permanently occupied villages were not typical features of nomadic life among the Bedouins of the Libyan steppe and desert, although towns have existed in the coastal zones since Phoenician, Greek, and Roman times. With the arrival of the Ottoman Turks in the 16th century, however, the new authorities founded towns and villages in the hinterland and desert that served as military posts or administrative centres; some of these sites have been occupied ever since. Other smaller, temporary settlements began as gathering places for nomadic tribes during periods of summer residence in the oases or in pastures in the hills. In the west, however, Amazigh populations are thought to have maintained a more or less continuous series of fortified nucleated villages in the western Nafsah Plateau. In the southern oases, the villages served both as defense posts for the scattered communities and as watering and provisioning points on the trans-Saharan caravan routes. Since independence and the discovery of oil in the mid-20th century, economic development has led to the expansion of villages into towns and has attracted migrants from rural areas to these growing urban centres.

The two main cities are Tripoli and Banghz. They contain about one-third of the countrys entire urban population and about one-fourth of the total population. Tripoli, with a metropolitan population of more than two million people, is the de facto political capital and the most important economic centre. Banghz, with its metropolitan area of more than one million people, is the primary city in Cyrenaica. The modern cities have developed around the old city centres (medinas), with satellite towns and villages in surrounding oases. Shantytowns housing recent rural-to-urban migrants are also found near the two cities, although the government has built low-income housing.

Other important centres include Gharyn, Al-Khums, Mirtah, Tjr, Sq al-Jumah, Janzr, and Al-Zwiyah in the west and Ajdbiy, Al-Marj, Al-Bay, Darnah, and Tobruk (ubruq) in the east. These cities are primarily regional administrative and commercial centres with some light industry. Several have petroleum refineries and petrochemical installations.

Libyas rate of population growth is among the highest in North Africa. The influx of foreign workers into the country since the 1960s accounts for part of this rapid growth, but Libyas annual rate of natural increase (birth rate minus death rate) has also been quite high. In the late 20th century and into the early 21st, death rates steadily declined to substantially below the world average, but birth rates remained relatively high. On the whole, Libyas population is quite young: more than two-thirds of the population is younger than 30 years of age; of that, about one-third is younger than 15. Libyas infant mortality rate is the lowest in continental Africa and far below the global rate, portending continued rapid growth well into the 21st century.

Libyas per capita income is among the highest in Africa. Oil revenues remain Libyas main source of income; at the beginning of the 21st century, oil and natural gas together accounted for almost three-fourths of the national income and nearly all of the countrys export earnings, although they employed less than one-tenth of the labour force. Under Muammar al-Qaddafi (19692011), the government exerted strong control over the economy; the petroleum industry was nationalized in the 1970s, and state trade unions and industrial organizations ran most other industries and utilities. To reduce the countrys heavy dependence on oil, economic policy has emphasized agricultural and industrial developments. Declining oil revenues during the 1980s, however, led to frequent revisions and delays in planned developments. Domestic reforms designed to liberalize economic policy and encourage private enterprise, begun in the late 1980s, continued into the 21st century.

Al-Kufrah oasisImage courtesy of the Earth Science and Remote Sensing Unit, NASA Johnson Space CenterAgriculture is limited by the environment and by shortages of labour. Only about 1 percent of the total land area is cultivated, mostly on the Al-Jifrah and Barce plains, and about one-tenth of that is irrigated. An additional almost one-tenth of the land is in pasture. Agricultural development by land reclamation and irrigation is a government priority. The largest projects are at the Al-Kufrah oasis, Twurgh, and Sarr, on the Al-Jifrah Plain, and in the Akhar Mountains. The Great Man-Made River project, begun at the end of the 20th century, is the most ambitious undertaking. Pipelines will carry water from wells in the southern Sahara to Tripoli, Surt, Banghz, Tobruk, and the Al-Kufrah oasis.

Cereals are the major crops throughout the country. Wheat (grown primarily on the eastern and western plateaus) is the largest cereal crop, although barley, which adapts well to different climates and soils, is also a chief cereal and remains a dietary staple. In addition, sorghum is raised in the Fezzan. Olive plantations were introduced by the Italians on the Al-Jifrah Plain and on the Nafsah Plateau, and there are smaller olive groves in the east. Orchards of almonds, citrus fruit, apricots, and figs grow on small and large farms and on small, crowded plots in the oases. Dates are the principal crop of the southern oases. Grapes, broad beans, and peanuts (groundnuts) also are grown. Tobacco is raised in Tripolitania.

Animal husbandry is important in Cyrenaica, where the herds are raised on communal grazing lands. Livestock includes sheep, goats, cattle, camels, horses, mules, and donkeys. Animals are raised for their milk, meat, and hides or for their services as a means of transportation. Cattle often serve as draft animals. A small amount of milk is produced commercially, and commercial poultry farms are developing around the larger cities.

Less than 1 percent of the land is covered by forest. Prior to the 1950s, Libyas sole wooded area lay in the Akhar Mountains. Since then, the government has launched a massive forestation program. Between 1957 and 1964, for example, 27 million acacia, eucalyptus, cypress, cedar, and pine trees were planted in Tripolitania.

There is little demand in Libya for fish, and most fishing is done off the Tripolitanian coast by Libyan, Tunisian, Greek, and Maltese fishermen. The catch includes tuna, sardines, and red mullet. Sponge beds are also important. The sponges are harvested mainly by Greeks licensed by the Libyan government.

Petroleum was first discovered in Libya in 1956 near the Algerian border and is Libyas most important mineral resource. Subsequent finds have been mainly concentrated in onshore reserves located in the Sirte Basin. The major oil fields there include the Bahi, Dahra, and Sam fields, in the west of the basin; the Daf-Wah (Defa-Waha) and Nasser fields, in the north-centre; and the ml, Intir, and Sarr fields, located toward the east. Additional deposits have been located elsewhere in the country, including near Ghadmis on the western border, Murzuq in the southwest, and the Al-Kufrah oasis in the southeast. Exploration for new deposits has concentrated on Tripolitania and offshore, where a large field was discovered northwest of Tripoli in 1988. Libyas proven oil reserves represent a large part of Africas total reserves and about 3 percent of the worlds total reserves. Libyan crude oil is low in sulfur content and therefore causes less corrosion and less pollution than most crude oils, which has made it popular in countries that have imposed stringent emissions standards. The deposits are associated with natural gas.

The first pipeline was constructed from the Zalan (later Nasser) field to Mars al-Burayqah in 1961. Since then, additional lines have been built from Dahra to Al-Sidrah and to Ras al-Unf; other pipelines connect the Tobruk field to Mars al-arqah and the Intir field to Al-Zuwaytnah. Refineries are located at Al-Zwiyah, Mirtah, Ras al-Unf, and Tobruk. A natural-gas pipeline runs parallel to the oil pipeline from Nasser. The gas liquefaction plant at Mars al-Burayqah is one of the worlds largest.

Sales of Libyan oil to Europe were enhanced by the closure of the Suez Canal between 1967 and 1975. During the 1980s, however, production and revenues declined because of an increased supply of oil on the world market. The oil industry experienced a resurgence in the first decade of the 21st century as Qaddafi began to take steps to liberalize the Libyan economy and reduce the countrys international isolation. After the uprising that removed Qaddafi from power in 2011, however, political instability and factional fighting caused wide fluctuations in oil production.

Other mineral resources are limited. There are important deposits of natron (hydrated sodium carbonate) in the Fezzan and potash in Al-amryah Desert near Mardah. Iron ore deposits at Shi, although low in iron content, supply the iron-steel complex at Mirtah. Marine salt is produced in Tripolitania, where there are also small deposits of gypsum, manganese, and lignite coal. Sulfur has been found in Al-amryah Desert, and there are scattered deposits of chalk, limestone, and marble that are quarried for the growing construction trade.

The production of electricity for public consumption is a government monopoly. There are also private plants, such as the 25,000-kilowatt facility built by an oil company at Mars al-Burayqah. The total installed capacity, all thermal plants powered by oil, grew more than sevenfold during the 1970s. In the early 21st century, efforts were under way to convert Libyas thermal plants from oil to natural gas in order to maximize petroleum available for export.

Industrial development is limited, although it expanded during the United Nations (UN) embargo of the country in the 1990s. Most factories are located in Tripoli and Banghz and are managed by Arabs. The industrial workforce is small, with many factories employing fewer than 100 people. A majority of the factories manufacture processed food, cement, and textiles. There are also oil-related industries, which produce steel drums, tanks, and pipe fittings; petrochemical plants are located near refineries.

Financial services are headed by the Central Bank of Libya, which supervises the banking system, regulates credit and interest policies, and issues the national currency, the Libyan dinar. The Libyan Arab Foreign Bank has made some investments, primarily in Italy.

Since 1963, Libya has usually enjoyed a favourable balance of trade. Almost all its exports are represented by crude petroleum, but agricultural products and hides and skins also are exported. Imports consist of equipment for the oil and construction industries, farm machinery, consumer goods, and agricultural products. Most of the countrys imports come from Italy, Germany, the United Kingdom, France, and South Korea. Exports, almost all petroleum, usually go to Italy, Germany, Spain, France, Tunisia, and Turkey.

A large proportion of the Libyan workforce is engaged in the service industries. The countrys tourism industry, largely underdeveloped during Libyas period under UN sanctions, has undergone significant expansion. In order to promote the growth of tourism, government finances were increasingly dedicated to the construction of hotels and tourist complexes and to the development of coastal areas.

Independent trade unions were not permitted in Libya during the Qaddafi era. Libyan labourers were instead organized under the countrys single government-controlled association, the National Trade Unions Federation, with the exception of foreign workers, who were not permitted to participate. Factional chaos in the aftermath of Qaddafis ouster largely prevented the emergence of an effective organized labour movement.

The majority of Libyas labour force is employed in the services, with smaller proportions of the working population employed in various other sectors, including manufacturing and agriculture. Libyans are increasingly unable to rely upon employment with the state, where many once sought work. Rates of unemployment are generally high, especially among the countrys youth. At the beginning of the 21st century, women participated actively in the labour force, although discrimination in the workplace remained.

A large number of foreign migrant workersmostly from sub-Saharan African countriesparticipate in the Libyan economy, particularly in agriculture and industry. In the late 20th and early 21st centuries, Libya periodically sought the repatriation of much of its unlicensed migrant population, citing its role in the high level of unemployment among Libyan youth; statements calling for the expulsion of the migrant community, however, were in general not fully implemented.

The main road is the 1,100-mile (1,170-km) national coastal highway between the borders of Tunisia and Egypt. The Sabh road runs from the coastal highway at Al-Qaddiyyah south and southwest to Ght near the Algerian border. Other national roads run from Tripoli to Ght and Sabh and from Ajdbiy to Al-Kufrah. More than half the countrys roads are paved. The two railroads that served Tripoli and Banghz were closed in the late 1960s.

Tripoli is the main port, and Tripoli and Banghz together handle most of the countrys maritime trade. Tripoli handles the bulk of the imports, particularly those associated with the oil industry and the booming trade in consumer goods. There is also an important port located at Tobruk.

Petroleum is shipped from Al-Sidrah, Mars al-Burayqah, Tobruk, and Al-Zuwaytnah. Mirtah, Zuwrah, and Al-Khums have been developed as fishing ports. Libyas merchant fleet is modest, and most oil is shipped in foreign vessels.

The country has several international airports, located in Tripoli, Bannah (outside Banghz), Sabh, and Mirtah. Domestic airfields include those at Mars al-Burayqah, Tobruk, Al-Bay, Ghadmis, and Ght. The Libyan Arab Airlines and foreign airlines operate domestic flights and services to countries in the Middle East and North Africa and to several countries in Europe. There are also domestic flights operated by the oil companies.

At the beginning of the 21st century, Libyan telecommunications services continued to reach a rather low proportion of that countrys population. The number of telephone main lines increased during the late 1990s. A mobile telephone system was set up in the mid-1990s, and Internet access increased in the early years of the 21st century.

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