Archive for the ‘Libya’ Category

New government must be formed in Libya: Parliament Speaker Saleh | Daily Sabah – Daily Sabah

Libya's speaker of parliament called Monday for a new interim government to be established in the capital Tripoli, noting that the current executive has outlived its mandate.

A presidential election was due to take place on Dec. 24, followed by legislative polls, but the United Nations-sponsored electoral process was postponed indefinitely due to political tensions.

Those tensions pit a long-standing eastern-based parliament loyal to military strongman putschist Gen. Khalifa Haftar against a Tripoli-based interim government formed last year.

The Tripoli government was selected amid intensive diplomacy after an October 2020 cease-fire between warring eastern and western factions.

The government's mandate "expired due to a censure motion voted by parliament, and the fact that its mandate ended on Dec. 24," speaker Aguila Saleh said during a parliamentary session, in the eastern port city of Tobruk.

"A new government must be formed," he added.

Parliament in September passed a vote of no confidence in the interim government.

Saleh, himself a candidate in the postponed presidential election, called on the attorney general to "investigate" the government's expenses along with "abuses of power" including nominations to posts.

He also demanded that the central bank avoid transferring funds to the government in the absence of parliamentary approval.

No new date has been set for the elections.

The country plunged into turmoil after the NATO-backed 2011 uprising and split into rival governments one in the east, backed by Haftar, and another, U.N.-supported administration in the capital of Tripoli, in the west. Each side is supported by a variety of militias and foreign powers.

In April 2019, Haftar and his forces, mainly backed by Egypt and the United Arab Emirates (UAE), launched an offensive to try and capture Tripoli. His campaign collapsed after Turkey and Qatar stepped up their military support of the Tripoli government.

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New government must be formed in Libya: Parliament Speaker Saleh | Daily Sabah - Daily Sabah

Three NGOs want Malta and Italy investigated for war crimes in Libya – Times of Malta

The International Criminal Court (ICC) has been asked to investigate alleged war crimes committed against thousands of migrants trapped in Libyan detention centres with the support of Italian and Maltese authorities.

Three NGOs - UpRights, StraLi, and Adala for All - submitted evidence to the ICC on Monday and called on the prosecutor's office to investigate the alleged crimes.

According to their submission to the ICC, and seen by Times of Malta, the NGOs are alleging that six detention centres "under the nominal control of the Department for Combatting Illegal Migration (DCIM), of the Government of National Accord(now the Government of National Unity), are in fact operated by armed groups taking an active part in the hostilities".

They claim that members of those armed groups "systematically subject migrants (men, women and children) to various forms of mistreatments and abuse including murder, torture, rape, forced labour and forced conscription."

On the alleged role of the Maltese authorities, the NGOs claim the evidence submitted shows that together with the Italian authorities, Maltese officials "operated conjointly with the Libyan Coast Guard coordinating its rescue operations to ensure that migrants at sea would be intercepted and returned to Libya".

"The information available indicates a causal connection between such contribution and the crimes migrants suffered in the detention centres," the NGOs said.

The ICC was set up to prosecute individuals for gross violations of international humanitarian law, including genocide, war crimes and crimes against humanity. Malta ratified the Rome Treaty establishing the ICC in 2002.

For the ICC to prosecute any such claims, it needs to prove that a country involved must be unwilling or unable to genuinely investigate itself.

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On this, the NGOs said: "There is substantial inactivity vis--vis the alleged criminal conduct carried out by Italian authorities and officials. In Malta, only one criminal investigation addressed the conduct of Maltese authorities. It was swiftly terminated by the Maltese judiciary."

Requests to investigate alleged war crimes or crimes against humanity must be assessed by the ICC prosecutor's office, which then decides whether there are the grounds to request a full-scale investigation into claims.

Independent journalism costs money. Support Times of Malta for the price of a coffee.

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Three NGOs want Malta and Italy investigated for war crimes in Libya - Times of Malta

World Report 2022: Libya | Human Rights Watch

After five months of UN-brokered political talks between Libyan stakeholders, the countrys House of Representatives swore in on March 15 a new interim authority, the Government of National Unity (GNU).

As of October, the first round of a two-round presidential election was due to take place on December 24. Parliamentary elections were due to take place 52 days after the first round of presidential elections.

The country reeled from continued mass displacement, dangers caused by newly-laid landmines, and thedestruction of critical infrastructure, including healthcare and schools. Hundreds of people remain missing, including many civilians, and the authorities made grim discoveries ofmass gravescontaining dozens of bodies that remain unidentified.

Migrants, asylum seekers, and refugees in Libya faced arbitrary detention, during which many experienced ill-treatment, sexual assault, forced labor, and extortion by groups linked with the Government of National Unitys Interior Ministry, members of armed groups, smugglers, and traffickers.

UN-facilitated political talks involving 75 Libyan stakeholders at the Libyan Political Dialogue Forum (LPDF) since November 2020 culminated in the nomination of the GNU. The new interim authority replaced theGovernment of National Accordand the Interim Government in eastern Libya.

While members of a joint military commission known as the 5+5 were negotiating the merging of Libyan fighters into a unified force, the Libyan Arab Armed Forces (LAAF), the armed group under the command of General Khalifa Hiftar, remained in control of eastern Libya and parts of the south.

The GNUs core mandate is to conductpresidential and parliamentary elections on December 24 and to implement a ceasefire agreement from October 2020 between parties. As of October, the House of Representatives (HOR) passed a law for electing a president on December 24, and a separate law on electing a new parliament, paving the way for national elections. The High Council of the State, mandated to approve elections laws per political agreements, contested the legislation citing lack of consultation.

Libya remains without a permanent constitution, with only the 2011 constituent covenant in force. Adraft constitutionproposed by the elected Libyan Constitution Drafting Assembly in July 2017 has yet to be put to a national referendum. As of October, no date had been scheduled for the referendum.

The constitutional chamber of the Supreme Court has remained shuttered since 2014 due to armed conflict. The lack of a constitutional court to review and revoke legislation deemed unconstitutional, including elections-related legislation, only deepens Libyas constitutional crisis.

The October 2020 ceasefire agreement between former Government of National Accord and Hiftars LAAF stipulated the departure of all foreign fighters from the country. According to the UN mission in Libya, as of September, thousands of foreign fighters from Syria, Russia, Chad, and Sudan, including members of private military companies, remained in Libya.

Since the discovery of mass graves in the town Tarhouna after the end of the armed conflict in June 2020, Libyan authorities said they had retrieved more than 200 bodies from more than 555 mass graves as of October. The Public Authority for Search and Identification of Missing Persons as of October had yet to confirm how many individuals were identified based on DNA matching or other means, such as clothing.

The use of landmines during the armed conflict in Tripoli and surroundings, reportedly by the Wagner Group, a Russian government-linked company, has killed and maimed dozens of people and deterred families from returning to their homes. In September, eight members of one family were injured when a landmine exploded near their home in southern Tripoli. According to a Marchreportby the UN Panel of Experts on Libya, internationally banned antipersonnel landmines manufactured in Russia and never before seen in Libya were brought into the country and used in Libya in 2019 and early 2020.

Libyas criminal justice system remained dysfunctional in some areas due to years of fighting and political divisions. Where prosecutions and trials took place, there were serious due process concerns and military courts continued to try civilians. Judges, prosecutors and lawyers remained at risk of harassment and attacks by armed groups. Libyan courts are in a limited position to resolve election disputes, including registration and results.

Libyas Justice Ministry as of August held 12,300 detainees, including women and children, in 27 prisons under their control and other detention facilities acknowledged by the GNU, according to the UN Support Mission in Libya(UNSMIL). Forty-one percent of the detainees were held in arbitrary, long-term pre-trial detention, according to UNSMIL. Armed groups held thousands of others in irregular detention facilities. Prisons in Libya are marked by inhumane conditions such as overcrowding and ill treatment.

Libyan authorities in March deported to Tunisia 10 Tunisian women and 14 children held in Libyan prisons, some for more than 5 years, for having ties to suspected members of ISIS.

The Libyan Supreme Court in May annulled a 2015 verdict against Gaddafi-era officials whose prosecution and trials for their roles during the 2011 revolution had been marred by due process violations. Muammar Gaddafis son Saif al-Islam was among nine sentenced to death. The Supreme Court ordered a retrial, yet at time of writing none of the defendants had appeared in court.

Authorities in western Libya on September 5 released eight detainees linked with former leader Muammar Gaddafi held since 2011, including one of Gaddafis sons, Al-Saadi, held since 2014 after his extradition from Niger. A Tripoli appeals court in April 2018 had cleared Al-Saadi of all charges, including first degree murder, yet he remained held in arbitrary detention and subjected to ill-treatmentfor three more years.

The International Criminal Courts (ICC) former prosecutor in May reported to the Security Council that members of her office had traveled to Libya and interviewed witnesses but she did not announce any new arrest warrants against Libyan suspects.

Saif al-Islam Gaddafi, wanted by the ICC since 2011 for serious crimes during the 2011 uprising, remains a fugitive and Libya remains under legal obligation to surrender him to the Hague.

Al-Tuhamy Khaled, former head of the Libyan Internal Security Agency and wanted by the ICC for crimes he allegedly committed in 2011, reportedly died in Cairo in February; Mahmoud el-Werfalli, a commander linked with the LAAF and wanted by the ICC for multiple killings in eastern Libya, was reportedly killed in March in Benghazi by unidentified armed men.

Khalifa Hiftar faces three separate lawsuits filed in a US District Court in Virginia by families who allege their loved ones were killed or tortured by his forces in Libya after 2014. In July, the judge ruled that Hiftar cannot claim head-of-state-immunity in his defense.

The Libya Fact-Finding Mission (FFM) established by the UN Human Rights Council (HRC) in June 2020 to investigate alleged violations and abuses since 2016 only became fully operational in June due to delays caused by the Covid-19 pandemic. On October 3, the FFM issued its report, which found that several parties to the conflicts violated International Humanitarian Law and potentially committed war crimes.

On October 11, the HRC renewed the missions mandate for an additional nine months to allow completion of its investigations.

The death penalty is stipulated in over 30 articles in Libyas penal code, including for acts of speech and association. No death sentences have been carried out since 2010, although both military and civilian courts continued to impose them.

Libyas Penal Code levies severe punishments, including the death penalty, for establishing unlawful associations, and prohibits Libyans from joining or establishing international organizations unless they receive government permission.

Presidential Decree 286 on regulating NGOs, passed in 2019 by the former Presidential Council of the GNA, includes burdensome registration requirements and stringent regulations on funding. Fundraising inside and outside Libya is prohibited. The decree mandates onerous advance notification for group members wanting to attend events. The Tripoli-basedCommission of Civil Society, tasked with registering and approving civic organizations, has sweeping powers to inspect documents and cancel the registration and work permits of domestic and foreign organizations.

Authorities in eastern Libya on September 11 released freelance photojournalist Ismail Abuzreiba al-Zway, who had been detained since December 2018. In May 2020, a Benghazi military court had sentenced him in a secret trial to 15 years in prison for communicating with a TV station that supports terrorism. The General Command of the LAAF reportedly granted al-Zway amnesty, but the conditions of his release were not publicized.

In October, the Libyan parliament passed a cybercrime law that appears to contain overbroad provisions and draconian punishments including fines and imprisonment that could violate freedom of speech.

A number of provisions in Libyan laws unduly restrict freedom of speech and expression including criminal penalties for defamation of officials, the Libyan nation and flag, and insulting religion. The penal code stipulates the death penalty for promoting theories or principles that aim to overthrow the political, social or economic system.

In April, the Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW), responding to a complaint filed in 2017 by Libyan human rights defender Magdulien Abaida, found that Libya had violated the human rights of an activist by failing to investigate and prosecute her unlawful arrest and torture by a militia group affiliated with the government. In August 2012, the armed group Martyrs of 17 February Brigade, had seized Abaida from a hotel in Benghazi during a workshop and over the course of five days moved her between different military compounds while subjecting her to threats, harassment, insults and beatings. Abaida fled Libya soon after the group released her and was granted asylum in the United Kingdom.

Mansour Mohamed Atti al-Maghribi, a civic activist and head of the Red Crescent Society in the eastern town of Ajdabiya, has been missing since June 3 when unidentified armed men seized him while he was driving in the town. According to a joint submission to the GNU in July by two United Nations special rapporteurs and the Working Group on Enforced Disappearances, the Internal Security Agency (ISA) in Ajdabiya had previously harassed al-Maghribi and subjected him to intimidation. ISA agents in December 2020 and in February had summoned him for questioning on his civil society work, and in April the ISA briefly arrested him for promoting foreign agendas. As of October, the GNU had yet to respond.

Libyan law does not specifically criminalize domestic violence. Corporal punishment of children remains common. Libyas Family Code discriminates against women with respect to marriage, divorce, and inheritance.

The penal code allows for a reduced sentence for a man who kills or injures his wife or another female relative because he suspects her of extramarital sexual relations. Under the penal code, rapists can escape prosecution if they marry their victim. The 2010 nationality law stipulates that only Libyan men can pass on Libyan nationality to their children.

Online violence against women has reportedly grown steadily in recent years, often escalating to physical attacks, with no laws in place to combat the problem.

The penal code prohibits all sexual acts outside marriage, including consensual same-sex relations, and punishes them with flogging and up to five years in prison.

As of October, the International Organization for Migration (IOM) estimated there were 212,593 internally displaced people in Libya, or 42,506 families, with the largest number in Benghazi, followed by Tripoli and then Misrata.

They include many of the 48,000 former residents of the town of Tawergha, who were driven out by anti-Gaddafi groups from Misrata in 2011. Despite reconciliation agreements with Misrata authorities, massive and deliberate destruction of the town and its infrastructure and the scarcity of public services by consecutive interim governments have been the main deterrent for the vast majority to return to their homes.

Between January and September, at least 46,626 people arrived in Italy and Malta via the Central Mediterranean Route, most of whom had departed from Libya, according to the International Organization for Migration (IOM), which said arrivals in Malta and Italy in 2021 had been consistently higher when compared with the same period in 2019 or 2020. The organization recorded 1,118 deathsoff the shores of Libya between January and September 30.

The IOM identified 610,128 migrants in Libya as of October. According to the UN refugee agency, UNHCR, over 41,000 including more than 15,000 children were registered asylum seekers and refugees as of October. Between January and September, UNHCR assisted 345 vulnerable refugees and asylum seekers to depart Libya, and more than 1,000 refugees and asylum seekers had been identified as a priority for humanitarian evacuations.

The European Union continued to collaborate with abusive Libyan Coast Guard forces, providing speedboats, training, and other support to intercept and return thousands of people to Libya. As of October, 27,551 people were disembarked in Libya after the LCG intercepted them, according to UNHCR.

Migrants, asylum seekers and refugees were arbitrarily detained in inhumane conditions in facilities run by the GNAs Interior Ministry and in warehouses run by smugglers and traffickers, where they were subjected to forced labor, torture and other ill-treatment, extortion, and sexual assault. At least 5,000 were held in official detention centers in Libya as of August, according to IOM.

In June, Doctors Without Borders (MSF) reported that its staff had witnessed shooting by guards in one facility as well as repeated incidents of ill-treatment, physical abuse, and violence in two migrant detention centers in Tripoli, in Al-Mabani and Abu Salim, leading MSF to temporarily withdraw from these centers.

On October 1, authorities conducted raids in Hay al-Andalous municipality in Tripoli on houses and other shelters used by migrants and asylum seekers to curb irregular migration, arresting 5,152 people including women and children, according to IOM. One man was reportedly killed and 15 people injured during the raids. On October 8, during a riot in al-Mabani prison in Tripoli that resulted in a mass break-out of thousands of detainees, guards shot to death at least six migrants and injured at least 24, according to the IOM. As of October, thousands remained in front of the closed UNHCR headquarters in Tripoli protesting conditions and demanding shelter and evacuations outside of Libya.

UNHCR resumed resettlements of refugees and humanitarian evacuations to Niger as of November 3.

The UN Sanctions Committees Panel of Experts report from March found that all Libyan parties as well as Egypt, the United Arab Emirates, Jordan, Syrian Arab Republic, Russia and Turkey had violated the arms embargo. The panel said violations are extensive, blatant and with complete disregard for the sanctions measures. Their control of the entire supply chain complicates detection, disruption or interdiction.

In March, the European Union put on its sanctions list the brothers Mohammed and Abderrahim al-Kani, and their Kaniyat Militia, for extrajudicial killings and disappearances in the town of Tarhouna between 2015 and 2020. Mohamed al-Kani was reportedly killed during a raid by armed men on his dwelling in Benghazi in July. In April, the EU lifted sanctions against Khalifa Ghwell, a former prime minister. In June, the EU extended for two years the mandate of the European Integrated Border Management Assistance Mission in Libya (EUBAM Libya), tasked with assisting Libyan authorities in border management, law enforcement and criminal justice.

In June high representatives, including from Germany, the UN, Egypt, France, Italy, Russia, Turkey, the United Arab Emirates, the United States, and the European Union, convened for the Second Berlin Conference on Libya, which aimed to ensure implementation of the previously negotiated political roadmap and ceasefire agreement. Among the conclusions was a call on Libyan authorities to conduct judicial reviews of all detainees and the immediate release of all those unlawfully or arbitrarily detained.

US Congress in October passed two amendments to the National Defense Authorization Act for 2022 requiring the president to review violations of the Libya arms embargo for sanctions per Executive Order, and another requiring the US Department of State to report on war crimes and torture committed by US citizens in Libya. Hiftar is believed to hold US citizenship.

UN Security Council in October added Osama al-Kuni Ibrahim to the Libya sanctions list in his capacity as de facto manager of the Al-Nasr Migrant Detention Center in Zawiya for directly engaging in, or providing support to commit acts that violate international humanitarian law and human rights abuses. Violations include torture, sexual and gender-based violence, and human trafficking.

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World Report 2022: Libya | Human Rights Watch

Libya – People | Britannica

Ethnic groups and languages

Almost all Libyans speak Arabic, the countrys official language. They claim descent from the Bedouin Arab tribes of the Ban Hill and the Ban Sulaym, who are said to have invaded the Maghrib in the 11th century. The governments embrace of Arab nationalism has reduced Western influences, although English is still widely used as a second language in international business and politics. At the beginning of the 21st century, Libyas population included a substantial number of foreign migrant workerslargely from sub-Saharan African countriestemporarily residing in the country. The tribe (qablah), a form of social organization that allowed the grouping of nomadic peoples scattered across the countrys vast spaces, was the foundation of social order for much of Libyas history.

The Imazighen (Berbers) are believed to have been the earliest inhabitants of Libya. The main Amazigh (plural Imazighen) groups were the Luata, the Nefusa, and the Adassa. They lived in coastal oases and practiced sedentary agriculture. Most Imazighen have been assimilated into Arab society except in the Nafsah Plateau region, Awjilah, Hn, Socra, and Zuwarah. The Imazighen of Libya speak languages that are classified as Afro-Asiatic but have adopted the Arabic alphabet. Many are bilingual in Nafusi (an Amazigh language) and Arabic; most are Sunni Muslims. There is also a community of some 30,000 people once called Gypsies but known in North Africa as Dom (see also Roma), who speak Domari (an Indo-European language).

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Arab migrations to the region began with the rise of Islam in the 7th century. The initial Arab incursions were essentially military and had little effect upon the composition of the population. Oral tradition suggests that invasions of the Ban Hill in 1049 and the Ban Sulaym later in the 11th century took major migrations of nomadic tribes from eastern Arabia to Libya. However, scholarship later suggested that these movements too were not invasions but rather slow migrations of Arab peoples that occurred over several centuries.

The Ban Sulaym were composed of four main groupsthe Ban Hebib, the Awf, the Debbab, and the Zegb. The Hebib settled in Cyrenaica, while the others went to Tripolitania. The arrival of these and other Arab groups led to political upheaval and the steady Arabization of Libyas Amazigh populations. The result was that by the 20th century the great majority of Libyas inhabitants were Arabic-speaking Muslims of mixed descent.

Several other social groups exist alongside the tribes. Among these are the sharifs (holy tribes), who came originally from the Fezzan. The sharifs claim direct descent from the Prophet Muhammad; their alleged blood relationship with the Prophet gives them a powerful standing in Muslim society. Extensive tracts of land in the oases of western Libya are under sharifian control.

The marabouts (Muslim religious leaders credited with supernatural powers) arrived in Libya from Saguia el-Hamra, in what is now Western Sahara. The maraboutic tribes are descended from holy men who also claimed a privileged relationship with Muhammad. They believed in an ascetic life, manifested by their hermit lifestyle. In areas where their teachings and way of life made them acceptable to the local inhabitants, they settled and founded tribes pledged to the pure way of life.

The Koulouglis are descended from the Janissaries (elite Turkish soldiers who ruled Libya following the Ottoman conquest) and the Amazigh and Christian slave women with whom they intermarried. They have served since Ottoman times as a scribal class and are concentrated in and around villages and towns. They speak Arabic and practice Islam.

The trans-Saharan slave trade, which continued through the early 20th century, took black Africans and their cultures to Libya, particularly to the Fezzan and Tripolitania. Though they previously spoke Nilo-Saharan and Niger-Congo languages of the central Sahara and eastern Sudan, today they speak Arabic and have adopted Islam.

Small groups of Tuareg nomads live in the southwest, especially around the oases of Ghadames and Ght. They are gradually assuming a sedentary lifestyle. In the southeast, isolated nomadic Teda (Tubu) communities are slowly gravitating toward the north and the Al-Kufrah oasis in search of employment.

Most Libyans are Muslim, and the vast majority are Sunnis. There are also very small minorities of Roman Catholic and Orthodox Christians. In Cyrenaica the influence of the Sansiyyah, a 19th-century militant Islamic brotherhood, remains strong. Although a Jewish minority was long established in Tripolitania, most Jews left the country in the late 1960s, many of them immigrating to Italy.

The majority of the population lives in Tripolitania, mainly in Tripoli and other cities along the coast and on the Nafsah Plateau. A smaller proportion of the people live in Cyrenaica, primarily in Benghazi and other coastal cities. The remainder of the population is found in the oasis towns of the Fezzan.

The vast majority of the rural population lives in oases on the coast and is engaged in irrigation farming; plots of land are usually small and held in individual ownership. On the Nafsah Plateau, however, where water is less readily available, a sophisticated agrarian system based on olive- and fruit-tree cultivation and associated livestock raising has evolved. In Cyrenaica the premodern economy was based on nomadic and seminomadic pastoralism. Arable farming has largely been an adjunct of the pastoral system, with shifting dry-land cultivation rarely entailing sedentary farming. In this zone, land ownership is no longer exclusively communal. In southern Libya, isolated irrigated farming in the oases constitutes a third economic system with roots in the premodern era.

The most common mode of life in rural Libya is sedentary cultivation. In the oases most farmers rely on irrigation, and water is raised from shallow wells either by the animal-powered dal (a goatskin bag drawn by rope over a pulley) or, increasingly, by electric or diesel pumps. Landholdings in the oases are small and fragmented; the average farm of five to seven acres (two to three hectares) is usually divided into three or four separate parcels. In the coastal regions, lowland farmers normally live on their own plots but enjoy rights to graze stock and undertake shifting grain cultivation on communally held land. In Cyrenaica and Tripolitania, most Arab farmers tend to live on plots of between 12 and 600 acres (5 and 240 hectares) that were once part of large estates belonging to Italian settlers.

Pastoral nomadism is practiced in the arid and semiarid regions, particularly in the Akhar Mountains and surrounding steppe lands in Cyrenaica. Nomadic groups subsist primarily on their herds of sheep, goats, and camels but also practice shifting cereal cultivation. These Bedouins move south as soon as pasture sprouts in the fall and remain there until the grasslands disappear and necessitate their return to the northern hills.

Fixed, permanently occupied villages were not typical features of nomadic life among the Bedouins of the Libyan steppe and desert, although towns have existed in the coastal zones since Phoenician, Greek, and Roman times. With the arrival of the Ottoman Turks in the 16th century, however, the new authorities founded towns and villages in the hinterland and desert that served as military posts or administrative centres; some of these sites have been occupied ever since. Other smaller, temporary settlements began as gathering places for nomadic tribes during periods of summer residence in the oases or in pastures in the hills. In the west, however, Amazigh populations are thought to have maintained a more or less continuous series of fortified nucleated villages in the western Nafsah Plateau. In the southern oases, the villages served both as defense posts for the scattered communities and as watering and provisioning points on the trans-Saharan caravan routes. Since independence and the discovery of oil in the mid-20th century, economic development has led to the expansion of villages into towns and has attracted migrants from rural areas to these growing urban centres.

The two main cities are Tripoli and Benghazi. They contain about one-third of the countrys entire urban population and about one-fourth of the total population. Tripoli, with a metropolitan population of more than two million people, is the de facto political capital and the most important economic centre. Benghazi, with its metropolitan area of more than one million people, is the primary city in Cyrenaica. The modern cities have developed around the old city centres (medinas), with satellite towns and villages in surrounding oases. Shantytowns housing recent rural-to-urban migrants are also found near the two cities, although the government has built low-income housing.

Other important centres include Gharyn, Al-Khums, Misurata, Tjr, Sq al-Jumah, Janzr, and Zawiyah in the west and Ajdbiy, Al-Marj, Al-Bay, Derna, and Tobruk (ubruq) in the east. These cities are primarily regional administrative and commercial centres with some light industry. Several have petroleum refineries and petrochemical installations.

Libyas rate of population growth is among the highest in North Africa. The influx of foreign workers into the country since the 1960s accounts for part of this rapid growth, but Libyas annual rate of natural increase (birth rate minus death rate) has also been quite high. In the late 20th century and into the early 21st, death rates steadily declined to substantially below the world average, but birth rates remained relatively high. On the whole, Libyas population is quite young: more than half of the population is younger than 30 years of age, with about one-fourth younger than 15. Libyas infant mortality rate is the lowest in continental Africa and far below the global rate, portending continued rapid growth well into the 21st century.

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Libya - People | Britannica

Militants’ bodies left to rot for years, in symbol of Libya’s disarray – Reuters

Food refrigerated containers, that hold corpses of alleged Islamic State fighters, are pictured in Kararim, near Misrata, Libya January 4, 2022. Libyan Criminal Investigation Bureau/Handout via REUTERS

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MISRATA, Libya, Jan 13 (Reuters) - Hundreds of bodies of Islamic State fighters killed in battle years ago are rotting in food freezers outside a Libyan city while authorities work out what to do with them, a grim reminder of the disarray a failed election was meant to address.

Stored in a dusty corner of a compound southeast of Misrata, the 742 bodies were gathered by the internationally recognised government in 2016 from battlefields and informal graves, but there was no agreement on how or where they should be buried.

Instead, Libya's conflict rumbled on, frontlines shifted, governments changed and financial crises came and went. The corpses, meanwhile, began to decompose, as power supplies to refrigerated containers were interrupted.

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The compound, run by a police unit and surrounded by fences and security cameras, reeks of decay. Weeds grow between the containers and an abandoned forensic tent stands under the burning sun.

"Power cuts for long periods make the situation, the bad smell, worse," said Salah Ahmed of the police unit handling the compound.

Originally assembled for identification and proper burial, even those fighters identified by documents or former comrades remain uncollected by foreign states or family members, leaving it up to the Tripoli government to dispose of them.

One plan that assigned a burial ground in the city of Sirte, which Islamic State seized in 2015 and held for over a year, was thwarted when frontlines moved.

Another, to bury them at a cemetery originally dedicated to migrants who died while trying to cross through Libya and on to Europe, was cancelled because it was not big enough.

The police unit running the compound says the interim government has assigned a budget to bury the bodies soon. Neither a date nor a location have been announced.

The Government of National Unity did not respond to a request for comment.

Meanwhile, Tripoli authorities have other priorities amid political jostling that undermined the election and ongoing rivalries between local forces who control their own fiefdoms.

A planned ballot last month was seen as a possible way forward, giving Libya's new rulers a clearer mandate to deal conclusively with the ugly remnants of war. But the vote never happened amid rows over basic rules among rival factions.

MILITANTS EXPLOITED CHAOS

Libya fell apart after the 2011 NATO-backed uprising against Muammar Gaddafi, as victorious rebel groups fell out and political factions squabbled for control of lucrative organs of state.

Amid the chaos, and as Arab Spring uprisings elsewhere spawned a new wave of militancy, devotees of Islamic State started staging attacks and seizing territory, including Gaddafi's hometown of Sirte.

Hundreds of foreign supporters of the group slipped into Libya hoping to join local fighters who had rallied to its cause.

The image of Islamic State's black flag flying over a major Libyan city was for many a symbol of the country's collapse.

When pro-government forces overran the group in Sirte in late 2016 after months of fighting, hundreds of militants' bodies were left under the rubble or in shallow graves their comrades had dug.

Apart from a major shooting in Tripoli in 2019, Islamic State has since been limited to small raids on remote desert towns, but some experts warn that any major recurrence of warfare could give it space to return.

The previous government ordered bodies to be collected from the rubble and exhumed from mass graves for identification and return to their countries of origin or Libyan families.

It also wanted to gather evidence of the flow of foreign jihadists into Libya.

Using documents and photographs, and by speaking to captured militants, the authorities identified over 50 of the bodies, mostly from Arab and African countries but with provisional identifications of a British woman and a French child.

Now the police looking after the bodies say they hope the interim government can find a solution quickly. Four of the 10 refrigerator units are not working. When that happens, bodies have to be moved to ones that are.

Though Libya is a major oil producer, political chaos has undermined infrastructure, including power supply.

"Keeping the bodies in freezers is expensive and stressful," said Ahmad. "The conditions are not appropriate."

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Reporting by Ayman Elumami in Misrata and Nadeen Ebrahim in Cairo; additional reporting by Islam Alatrash; editing by Angus McDowall and Mike Collett-White

Our Standards: The Thomson Reuters Trust Principles.

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Militants' bodies left to rot for years, in symbol of Libya's disarray - Reuters