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Distinguished members of the LPDF Advisory Committee,

Ladies and Gentlemen

I would like to welcome you and thank you for participating in this meeting of the Advisory Committee, which has been convened at the request of members of the LPDF ahead of the in-person LPDF plenary session planned to start on the 28 June, graciously hosted by the Swiss Federal Government.

The plenary meeting of the LPDF will be convened in line with UN Security Council resolution 2570 (2021) and with the Conclusions of the Second Berlin Conference for Libya, which took place yesterday, and which strongly reconfirmed the full commitment of the international community to the UN-facilitated, Libyan-led and Libyan owned political process, including the 24 December elections and the sovereignty, independence, territorial integrity and national unity of Libya.

As you know, Security Council Resolution 2570 called on the relevant authorities and institutions, including the House of Representatives, to take the actions set out in the LPDF roadmap to facilitate the 24 December 2021 Presidential and Parliamentary elections, which include clarifying the constitutional basis for elections and enacting necessary legislation by 1 July 2021 in order to allow the High National Elections Commission adequate time to prepare for elections according to the prescribed timeline. The resolution also called on the LPDF to take steps to facilitate the elections if necessary. We are very close to the 1 July deadline and the HOR has not moved, has not provided a solution yet. This is why we are convening the LPDF next week, and why your work remains of critical importance, as in the past.

As reiterated yesterday by the High Representatives of the members of the Berlin Process, which now also includes Libya, free, fair, and inclusive national Parliamentary and Presidential Elections need to take place on 24 December 2021 as agreed in the Roadmap adopted by the LPDF in Tunis, and their results need to be accepted by all.

As indicated in the agenda proposed for your consideration, we expect the present meeting to achieve two key objectives:

First, we expect you to pave the way for a successful LPDF meeting that would put an end to the current deadlock around the constitutional basis for the elections. To this effect, members of the LPDF developed several proposals that you have received before this meeting.

The proposals before you today include different options to overcome the differences and address many points made during the last virtual LPDF meeting on 26 and 27 May, during which the LPDF considered the proposal adopted by the Legal Committee of the LPDF.

Allow me here to take the opportunity to thank once more the Legal Committee that worked tirelessly on putting together their proposal. I also thank the LPDF members, inspired by the Libyan society that firmly supports holding of the elections, who have offered bridging proposals to the remaining outstanding points.

These proposals represent an opportunity for you to consider potential solutions that can facilitate holding the national elections on 24 December and to make a clear recommendation to the LPDF on a proposal that can serve as a constitutional basis for the holding of elections. Your role is critical in succeeding to bridge the remaining differences and enable the LPDF plenary next week to deliberate and reach an agreement with the largest possible support of its members.

I call on you to consider the broadest possible compromise, building on the Legal Committee proposal and LPDF discussions in May, a compromise, that would address concerns expressed by different LPDF members, noting that this could be an interim arrangement to enable the country to go to elections in December and move beyond the current transitional phase by restoring the democratic legitimacy of Libyan institutions.

We strongly encourage you to reach an agreement on a single proposal which you will recommend for adoption by the LPDF, preferably by consensus.

Bridging these gaps and reaching an inclusive compromise on the constitutional basis, based on the Constitutional Declaration and consistent with the Libyan legal system, will also facilitate its adoption by the competent legislative authority and the adoption of the requisite electoral legislation.

The second objective for you at this meeting is to make recommendations on a decision-making mechanism for the LPDF. It is our hope that an inclusive proposal on the constitutional basis will be further considered and endorsed with a large consensus by the LPDF.

In the past, you demonstrated the ability to reach a compromise that facilitated the decision-making and voting by the LPDF on the current Libyan interim executive authority.

I thank you, once again, for shouldering this heavy responsibility of helping your country to move toward institutional unity and stability through an inclusive democratic political process, which is the only path to securing unity, peace, and prosperity for Libya and its people.

UNSMIL stands by you to assist you in this difficult task and facilitate your work.

Thank you all

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Opening remarks for the Advisory Committee meeting of the LPDF Tunis, 24 June - Libya - ReliefWeb

At a key point during last week's Berlin II negotiations on Libyas political future, Turkeys foreign minister intervened to deal a blow to the communique as the conference concluded.

In the long oak-panelled room in a leafy part of the German capital, Mevlut Cavusoglu targeted Article V on the withdrawal of foreign troops from the country. The result was a single footnote to the entire document. [1] Turkey introduced a reservation, it said.

Officials who attended the meeting said Turkey insisted that its military forces in Libya enjoy exceptional status with a formal invite from the governing authorities preceding the current interim government. Turkey makes a distinction between these troops and the mercenaries many of them Syrian rebel militia members it has flown there and directed in frontline fighting.

Few need to be convinced that the Turkish government was flat out keeping its toehold in Libya. At a time when the whole Libyan diplomatic process is posited on the removal of foreign forces, Turkey is a stumbling block. After all, the clock is ticking on pledges to hold elections under a new constitution on December 24.

Amid the turmoil since the demise of Col Muammar Qaddafi, Libya has suffered two fundamental challenges: the encroachment on its sovereign ability to run its own affairs and a spread of extremist militias.

For once in a sorry decade, there is more than a sliver of hope in Libya. The German government has worked hard through the Berlin meetings in 2020 and 2021 to put the political process back together. Jan Kubis, the UN Secretary Generals special envoy, has gained valuable backing for his efforts through the Libyan Political Dialogue Forum.

There have been false dawns. Even compared with the elections in 2012 for Libyas national congress and those in 2014 for the House of Representatives, the current process is admittedly still in the gestation phase. The perils of trying to cobble together a national government from a peace accord process has already been illustrated in the failed 2015 negotiations in Morocco.

All the factions in Libya can somehow trace their authority such that it is from one of these episodes. All are now pretty much exhausted entities. That has given an opening to the interim government to work with the diplomats for a new start for the country.

Turkey appears wedded to the old structures that allowed it a landing point in Libya. Foreign Minister Najla Mangoush wants to see the withdrawal right away. When she last said that, government buildings were occupied in Tripoli in a clear act of intimidation.

Turkey sees a period of bartering ahead. Either directly with Russia or through diplomatic circles supporting the interim government, it could withdraw 300-odd Syrian mercenaries in return for a like-for-like concession.

The Turks, however, can count on a certain weariness on the side of others who nevertheless might see this as a tangible first step. After all, the UN Security Council's call for an immediate withdrawal of foreign forces hasnt worked. Neither has the 2020 ceasefire agreements 90-day deadline for withdrawal.

Turkey is a deadweight on Libya's efforts to escape a dark period in its history

In the clashes in the state room in Berlin, Mr Cavusoglu made several efforts for expanded language protecting the Turkish troop presence. His first push would have applied to the withdrawal of mercenaries only. Having failed to gain traction for that open door, the Turkish foreign minister moved for additional language to say that the withdrawal should be aligned with the terms of the ceasefire agreement thrashed out in Tunisia last year. That was rejected, too. The conclusions went ahead with the square brackets footnote above stuck at the end.

What the development demonstrated was how the energy behind the reconciliation process can be sapped by just one heavyweight player.

Turkey seeks not only to keep its uniformed presence on the ground in Tripoli and Misurata. It has also carved up the eastern Mediterranean basin by agreeing a deal for a common exclusive economic area in a Maritime Boundary Treaty it agreed with the defunct Government of National Accord last year. The European Parliament Research Service produced a report saying that the deal was breaking with republican tradition of Kemal Ataturk in Turkish foreign policy and a return to the imperial overreach that typical of the erstwhile Ottoman Empire.

The Turkey-Libya MoU effectively drew a dividing line between the eastern and western parts of the Mediterranean, threatening maritime security, natural gas exploration and new infrastructures such as the EastMed pipeline, it said. Turkey's behaviour, beyond its geoeconomic interests, reflects a more ambitious geopolitical 'neo-Ottoman' agenda intent on remodelling the whole region by spreading the country's influence from northern Iraq and Syria to Libya and leaving behind the Kemalist tradition of secularism and regional neutrality.

The opportunity for driving a solution in Libya is open. The moment is a good test of US President Joe Bidens claims to offer serious and well thought out leadership. What it will take is pressure to stand up for the principles of the Libyan state governing itself as a grown-up regional actor.

After Berlin, Libya's Interim Prime Minister Abdul Hamid Dbeibah travelled to Downing Street to meet UK Prime Minister Boris Johnson. The two men were reported to have discussed the return of a looted statue of the goddess Persephone to Libya, which in its own way is an act of normalisation.

According to Greek legend, Persephone straddles the seasonal turning points between darkness and light. She escaped the underworld to bring the bounty of harvests but when the season changed, she had to return to hell.

That is as good as any summation of Libyas recent course. Turkey is a deadweight on its efforts to escape a dark period in its history.

Damien McElroy is the London bureau chief at The National

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Why Turkey is blocking Libya's path to peace - The National

Libyas interim authorities reopened on Sunday the Mediterranean coastal highway linking the countrys long-divided eastern and western cities, in the latest bid to reunite the territories after years of civil war

By NOHA ELHENNAWY Associated Press

June 21, 2021, 12:06 AM

3 min read

CAIRO -- Libyas interim authorities reopened on Sunday the Mediterranean coastal highway linking the countrys long-divided eastern and western cities, in the latest bid to reunite the territories after years of civil war.

The announcement comes three days ahead of an international conference on Libya that will be hosted by Germany and the United Nations in Berlin.

I am so delighted to participate in the opening of this essential lifeline linking the east of our country to its west, Libyan Prime Minister Prime Minister Abdul Hamid Dbeibah told a crowd that gathered as bulldozers were towing away rocks and sand dunes blocking the road.

The coastal highway has been closed since April 2019 after east-based military commander Khalifa Hifter launched a military offensive to wrest the capital, Tripoli, from the U.N.-recognized government. Its reopening was a long-held demand by the U.N. to enable the safe passage of civilians and goods.

The United States' embassy in Libya hailed the move, saying in a tweet it was paving the path for Libyans to have full control over their own affairs.

Dbeibah was elected as interim prime minister, along with a four-member presidential council, by Libyan delegates at a U.N.-sponsored conference in February. They are meant to shepherd the country to nationwide elections late this year.

In March, the transitional government announced the resumption of flights between eastern Benghazi and western Misrata after seven years of suspension. Both cities have been key strongholds of Libyas warring factions.

Libya has been mired in chaos since a NATO-backed uprising toppled and later killed longtime dictator Moammar Gadhafi in 2011. Afterwards, the oil-rich country was long divided between a U.N.-supported government in the capital, Tripoli, and rival authorities based in the countrys east, each backed by armed groups and foreign governments.

On Wednesday, an international conference on Libya is set to kick off in Berlin to discuss preparations for the general elections, and withdrawal of foreign forces who were brought in to fight for the opposing sides.

The resumption of traffic on the route stretching along Libyas Mediterranean coastline comes amid tensions between interim authorities and Hifters troops. On Saturday, Hifters self-styled Libyan Arab Armed Forces announced the deployment of more troops in the largely lawless south, and the closure of the western border with Algeria, saying it was to combat terrorism. In response, Libyas presidential council issued a decree sending their own brigades to the south.

Jalel Harchaoui, a Libya expert and senior fellow at the Global Initiative, said that he saw the announcement as posturing ahead of the Berlin negotiations. He said Hifter wants his troops to continue to be seen as a force to be reckoned with, but that its unlikely that they could enforce such a closure.

Hifter does not have the ability to send forces to close the Algeria borders. It is just too long, too far away and beyond his capacity, he said.

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Libya's interim government reopens Mediterranean highway ...

Do not travel to Libya due tocrime, terrorism, civil unrest, kidnapping,andarmed conflict.Reconsider travel to Libya due toCOVID-19.

Readthe Department of StatesCOVID-19pagebeforeyouplan any internationaltravel.

The Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) has issued aLevel3Travel Health Notice forLibyadue to COVID-19, indicating ahigh level of COVID-19 in the country.Your risk of contracting COVID-19 and developing severe symptoms may be lower if you are fully vaccinated with an FDA authorized vaccine. Before planning any international travel, please review the CDC's specific recommendations forvaccinatedandunvaccinatedtravelers.

Visitthe State DepartmentsCOVID-19 pagefor more information on COVID-19and related restrictions and conditionsin Libya.

Crime levels in Libya remain high, including the threat of kidnapping for ransom. Westerners and U.S. citizens have been targets of these crimes.

Terrorist groups continue plotting attacks in Libya. Violent extremist activity in Libya remains high, and extremist groups have made threats against U.S. government officialsandcitizens.. Terrorists may attack with little or no warning, targeting tourist locations, hotels, transportation hubs, markets/shopping malls, andgovernment facilities.

Outbreaks of violence between competing armed groups can occur with little warning and have the potential to impact U.S. citizens. The capital, Tripoli, and other cities, such asSurman, Al-Jufra, Misrata, Ajdabiya, Benghazi, Sabha, andDernah, have witnessed fighting among armed groups, as well as terrorist attacks. Hotels and airports frequented by Westerners have beenthe targets of these attacks. Even demonstrations intended to be peaceful can turn confrontational and escalate into violence.

Militiaor armedgroups sometimes detain travelers for arbitrary reasons, do not grant detainees access to a lawyer oralegal process, and do not allow detainees to inform others of their status. U.S. citizens should carry proof of citizenship and valid immigration status at all times, but having these documents does not guarantee fair treatment.

Some international and national airports are closed, and flights out of operational airports are sporadic and may be cancelled without warning. The U.S. government is very concerned about the targeting of commercial transportation in Libya and prohibits U.S. commercial aviation operations within Libyan airspace.

The U.S. government is unable to provide emergency or routine assistance to U.S. citizens in Libya, as the U.S. Embassy in Tripoli suspended its operations in July 2014.

Due to risks to civil aviation operating within or in the vicinity of Libya, the Federal Aviation Administration (FAA) has issued a Notice to Airmen (NOTAM) and/or a Special Federal Aviation Regulation (SFAR). For more information U.S. citizens should consult theFederal Aviation Administrations Prohibitions, Restrictions and Notices.

Read the Safety and Security section on thecountry information page.

If you decide to travel to Libya:

Last Update: Reissued with updates to COVID-19 information.

Continued here:
Libya Travel Advisory

For Aisha, sexual slavery was something you only heard about happening to others in television reports, until she found herself locked in a living "hell" in Libya.

"I had left a nightmare only to fall into hell," said the migrant from Guinea, lured to the North African country that criminal gangs have turned into a den of racketeering.

Aisha fled her home country after five miscarriages: for her in-laws and the neighbourhood, she was either sterile or a witch.

But the young woman was simply diabetic.

"I just wanted to disappear from my country," said Aisha, a graduate in hotel management.

She contacted a former classmate who appeared to have made a life for herself in neighbouring Libya and who lent Aisha money to join her.

"I didn't even see the country. As soon as I arrived, I was locked up, I was a slave. She brought men to me and she got the money."

Locked in a room with a toilet, she only saw the "friend" who had duped her when she was brought in food, "like a dog".

"The men came drunk. I'd rather not remember it," said Aisha, still trembling. "I thought my life was over."

Aisha, a migrant from Guinea, plays with her baby daughter at a park in the Tunisian town of Medenine Photo: AFP / FATHI NASRI

After three months, a Libyan man took pity on her, threatened her captor and put Aisha on a bus to Tunisia with 300 Libyan dinars ($65) in her pocket.

After her diabetes was treated, she even gave birth to a baby girl late last year.

She now dreams of Europe, but returning to Libya is out of the question.

"I wouldn't wish that on my worst enemy."

For the past two years, she has lived with other migrant women in Medenine, southern Tunisia.

Most of the others who'd experienced Libya had also been forced into prostitution, raped or sexually assaulted, said Mongi Slim, head of the local Red Crescent.

"Some of them, if they had the protection of a man, they fared better. But for single women, it's almost systematic," said Slim.

Some migrants said they had been advised to take a three-month contraception jab before departure, and some travel with morning-after pills, according to UN reports.

Aisha fled Guinea to Libya only to find herself reduced to a sex slave. She now dreams of Europe Photo: AFP / FATHI NASRI

Mariam, an Ivorian orphan, left with 1,000 euros ($1,200) to pay for the crossing from Abidjan to Libya via Mali and Algeria.

She hoped to earn enough in Libya to reach Europe.

But she ended up spending most of her year there in prison, where she was sexually exploited, before fleeing to Tunisia in 2018.

"I worked for six months with a family, then I set off by sea from Zuwara," a port in western Libya, said Mariam, 35.

"Armed men caught us, took us to prison and abused us," she said.

Mariam said she had fallen into the hands of militiamen who run illegal migrant camps where extortion, rape and forced labour are common.

Official centres under Libyan government control, and where the European Union-funded coastguard transfers would-be exiles it intercepts, are also riddled with corruption and violence, including sexual assault, according to the United Nations.

"Every morning, a chief would make his choices and send the chosen girls to Libyans who had rented special rooms," said Mariam.

"They fed me bread, sardines and salad. I stayed there a month until they moved me to another place," she recalled, her voice spiked with anger.

"They were armed, they smoked drugs, they paid the chief but not me."

According to rights groups, men and boys are also sexually abused.

"Sexual violence continues to be perpetrated with impunity by traffickers and smugglers along migration routes, in detention centres, judicial police prisons, and against urban migrants by militants and armed groups", the United Nations said in a 2019 report.

Such criminality increased with the intensification of the Libyan conflict from 2014.

Three migrant detention centres in Libya were closed in mid-2019 and the establishment in March of a new UN-sponsored transitional government has raised hope of a decline in impunity and violence.

The UN decided last year to deploy protection officers to combat sexual crimes.

But they have yet to even be recruited, and intercepted migrants are still turned back to Libya, to the dismay of international organisations.

On June 12, a record of more than 1,000 people caught at sea were sent back to Libyan jails, according to the UNHCR.

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Women Migrants Reduced To Sex Slaves In Libya 'Hell'