Archive for the ‘Media Control’ Category

AG warns Marylanders of potential online sports betting scams – wmar2news.com

BALTIMORE Maryland Attorney General Anthony Brown issued a consumer alert urging Marylanders to always be aware of deceptive online sports betting companies, especially in advance of large events like Preakness.

Maryland's online sports betting industry attracts bettors with aggressive marketing.

Fine print on things like "risk-free"bets contain limitations that negate the promised benefits. Those funds may only be credited to use again with the sportsbook, not as a refund of the money the consumer initially invested.

They also require users to gamble their own money before accessing any bonuses they advertised.

Online betting is a target for cybercriminals looking to defraud unsuspecting bettors.

Online sports betting was launched in Maryland in November 2022, and is available through multiple sports betting companies.

RELATED: Online sports betting in Maryland launches November 23 at 9am

To protect against fraudulent platforms and scammers looking to steal money and personal information, follow the these tips:

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AG warns Marylanders of potential online sports betting scams - wmar2news.com

Methane must fall to slow global heating but only 13% of … – QMUL

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Methane a potent greenhouse gas and the second biggest driver of global warming after carbon dioxide (CO) had its moment in the spotlight in 2021. Over 100 countries signed on tothe Global Methane Pledgeto cut emissions by 30% compared to 2020 levels by 2030.

This is a useful goal, but ournew researchshows that something is still missing: stringent policies to eliminate methane emissions.

Our study is the first global review of methane policies which have been adopted across the world since the 1970s. It reveals that only around 13% of man-made methane emissions from the biggest sources (agriculture, energy and waste) is regulated by policies capable of controlling and preventing them.

This falls to 10% if we take a conservative view of the total emissions and regions covered by specific policies and whether they have been fully or partially implemented.

These policies may mandate companies to find and fix methane leaks, install equipment which can capture emissions, charge them for every unit of methane released or reward them for making use of methane, like extracting biogas from rotting food and other organic waste. Our study showed that the majority (70%) of policies have been adopted in the US and Europe.

Methane is over 80 times more powerful in trapping heat in Earths atmosphere than CO but lasts for a much shorter time. Since methane in the air breaks down within about a decade (compared to centuries for CO), phasing out emissions could rapidly reduce the rate at which the planet is heating.

For any hope of meeting global climate targets, deep methane reductions are needed immediately. Our research shows that countries which have committed to deep cuts must now expand and strengthen policies for eliminating their emissions. The remaining countries should step up their efforts on methane too.

We systematically examined policies which have been introduced in 79 countries to reduce methane emissions across farming, solid and liquid waste management and the energy sectors (including the extraction, transportation and consumption of fossil fuels coal, oil and gas).

Motivations for regulating methane varied. Not only does the gas contribute to climate change, but it can also generate tropospheric ozone a harmful air pollutant. Methane is also a safety hazard if its concentration in the air reaches an explosive range (5-15%).

But if it is captured, methane becomes a source of energy as the major component of natural gas. And so regulating methane, for example by incentivising the capture of methane from coalbeds, can be cheap and useful.

How effective such policies have been is far from clear though, as countries do not tend to quantify their emissions using direct measurements.

Regulations are more frequently used to address fossil (oil, gas and coal) rather than biogenic (livestock, solid and liquid waste) sources of methane. In fact, 41% of all policies targeted methane from coal mines and oil refineries, compared with 25% for farms and landfills.

Taxes and charges, on the quantities of waste for example, are more common for regulating biogenic sources whereas financial incentives, like feed-in tariffs for electricity generated from captured coal mine methane, are more frequently used in fossil methane policies.

Policies targeting methane emissions from the oil and gas sector tend to be more stringent than those targeting coal mines. Similarly, policies targeting methane emissions from solid and liquid waste are more stringent than those addressing livestock emissions.

These divergent approaches to regulating different methane sources may be the result of opposition from the fossil fuel and agricultural industries. The relative importance of these industries to national and regional economies and energy and food supply may also explain why government regulation has so far proved inadequate.

More stringent policies and a consistent approach for quantifying how much methane is being emitted from each source will be key to bringing regulation in line with global commitments.

Improving the monitoring of methane emissions is particularly important for enabling deeper cuts. Historically, methane emissions have been difficult and costly to measure, partly because it is an invisible gas and compared to CO, only minor emissions cause substantial warming.

However, methane reduction is still often perceived by policymakers as a choice rather than a necessary complement to ongoing decarbonisation efforts focused on CO.

Within almost every sector there are major methane sources that have been largely overlooked. These include the digestive gases of cows and other livestock, methane from the ventilation shafts of coal mines, high-emitting sources in the oil and gas sector (so called super-emitters), and from abandoned mines and oil and gas wells.

In the energy sector, emissions from non-operated joint ventures are particularly neglected by regulation. This is a type of business structure where a company owns an equity interest without assuming day-to-day operational control.

These are usually owned by major oil and gas companies, but operated by local partners national oil and gas firms in developing countries are a prime example. Supply chains are another important source, particularly with internationally-traded commodities like liquefied natural gas (LNG) and coking coal used in steelmaking.

In the oil and gas sector, where methane may be more cost-effective to reduce because the captured gas could be monetised, global commitments like the Paris Agreement require the industrys own emissions to fall alongside falling demand for fossil fuels across all economies.

As Dr Fatih Birol, executive director of the International Energy Agency,recently put it, the next UN climate change conference (COP28) in the United Arab Emirates will be a moment of truth for both oil- and gas-rich countries and the industries exploiting these climate-damaging fuels.

This article first appeared in The Conversation on 19th May.

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Methane must fall to slow global heating but only 13% of ... - QMUL

‘Losing control of the borders is the most serious breach of duty a … – The Telegraph

The Home Office has privately predicted a further sharp rise in legal migration, with an influx of over a million foreign workers and students projected in 2024.

Also hotly debated by Telegraph readers this week was Britain pledging to send Ukraine custom-built suicide drones to further support the countrys efforts against Russia and Suzanne Moore writing on the real reason the birth rate is dropping.

Read on to see how readers contributed to the conversation in the comments section and via the Front Page newsletter.

The Telegraph revealed that an official document sent by the Home Office to Downing Street last year warned that there will be a further sharp rise in immigration by the next election, unless ministers take action. This came after Suella Braverman, the Home Secretary, stated on Monday that an unchecked drive towards multiculturalism without successful integration is a recipe for disaster.

Readers shared their indignation in the comments section and blamed the Conservative Party for failing to get immigration levels under control.

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'Losing control of the borders is the most serious breach of duty a ... - The Telegraph

Law Week raises awareness of how everyone can combat coercive … – Media Statements

Attorney-General and Minister for Justice, Minister for Women and Minister for the Prevention of Domestic and Family ViolenceThe Honourable Shannon Fentiman

This week, Australias legal sector comes together for Law Week 2023, and to raise awareness about how we can all take part in combating coercive control.

Throughout Law Week, a range of community activities will be hosted, showcasing the importance of the legal system for all legal professions, students considering a career in law, and the public.

Law Week 2023 will also promote ways the community can help address the patterned nature of coercive control and better protect those at risk and understand new laws being introduced.

The message is important but simple it is everyones responsibility to understand the many elements of domestic and family violence (DFV), including coercive control, and support is available for those impacted.

It aligns with the ongoing work of the Queensland Government to end DFV and coercive control, including the introduction of a standalone offence criminalising coercive control later this year.

Those attending Law Week 2023 activities are encouraged to learn more about Queenslands new laws and how the community can continue to support those at risk of DFV.

For more information and support, visit https://www.qld.gov.au/law/law-week and http://www.qld.gov.au/domesticviolence.

Quotes attributable to the Attorney-General and Minister for Justice, Shannon Fentiman:

Law Week is an incredible opportunity to bring the legal sector together, while educating Queenslanders about the importance of new laws.

I encourage all Queenslanders, and especially students who are considering a career in the law, to learn more about the many components of our legal system during Law Week.

Thats why were promoting the warning signs of coercive control, and how individuals, communities, and workplaces can help to end domestic and family violence.

This is also an important reminder to victims impacted by all forms of domestic and family violence services are available that can offer support as well as practical advice and assistance.

ENDS

Media contact Natarjsha Kramer 0456 436 934

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Law Week raises awareness of how everyone can combat coercive ... - Media Statements

Steps to Repair Canada’s Alcohol Policy – University of Victoria

A University of Victoria-led project on Wednesday revealed worsening alcohol policy grades across the country and proposed detailed steps to get Canada back on track.

News of alcohols harms and costs has dominated headlines post-COVID. The Canadian Alcohol Policy Evaluation (CAPE) Project, led by UVics Canadian Institute for Substance Use Research (CISUR), brought together researchers from institutions across Canada to evaluate alcohol control policies federally and in all 13 provinces and territories. Today, they release their results alongside evidence-based solutions to improve health and well-being.

This is about more than asking individuals to consider cutting down on their drinking. Yes, that can be important, but governments need to make changes to the broader drinking environment. CAPE offers a scientific evaluation of where our governments are at in terms of health-oriented alcohol policy, while also giving the tools they need to improve.

Dr. Tim Naimi, CISUR director and lead of the CAPE Project

While the project offers a less than rosy picture of where government alcohol policy sits today, it comes with solutions. CAPE has prepared a detailed report card for each of the provinces and territories and the federal government, which shows them how they are faring in 11 different policy domains including pricing and taxation, physical availability, control system, marketing and advertising, health and safety messaging and more. It offers tailored recommendations for how they can improve their scores and strengthen their policies in support of public health.

Some of these recommendations include creating minimum prices tied to alcohol content and indexed to inflation, moving the oversight of alcohol regulation and sales to a government ministry focused on health or safety rather than finance, reducing hours of sale, mandating warning labels for alcohol containers or officially endorsing the new Canadian Guidance on Alcohol and Health, explains Naimi. Governments could also develop an alcohol strategy on a provincial or territorial level or create a federal Alcohol Act.

Many of these strong policies are in place in some parts of Canada today. If governments were to implement the best existing policies consistently across Canadas provinces and territories, they could score 80 per cent or an A-.

The Canadian Alcohol Policy Evaluation (CAPE) looked at how well Canadas provinces and territories are implementing alcohol policies with strong evidence for protection of public health and safety.

This is the CAPE Projects third evaluation of alcohol policy across Canadas provincial, territorial and federal governmentsand the results arent great. Every single jurisdiction got an overall failing grade, with the lowest scoring jurisdiction, Northwest Territories, only getting 32%. The highest-scoring jurisdictionsManitoba and Quebeconly scored 44% and 42%, respectively. The federal governments score was just 37%.

This reflects red tape reduction, modernizing initiatives and other erosions of public-health-focused alcohol policies we have seen in recent years, says Naimi. We were starting to see it ramp up when we released our last evaluation in 2019, and during the COVID-19 pandemic we have only seen it get worse.

The CAPE Project is a collaborative project involving researchers from the Centre for Addiction and Mental Health (CAMH), Western University, St Francis Xavier University, Dalhousie University, and the Canadian Institute for Health Information. The institutions worked together to create the evidence-based scoring rubric, collect relevant policy data from across the country, and score the individual provincial, territorial and federal governments on how they fared across the 11 different policy domains. The project also relied on stakeholders withinthe government to validate the data and ensure its accuracy.

This was a massive, scientifically rigorous project that could only be achieved via these strong partnerships with institutions and governments across Canada, says Norman Giesbrecht, scientist emeritus at CAMHs Institute for Mental Health Policy Research who has been a key part of CAPE since its first iteration. We are grateful to be able to do this evaluation for a third time and build on the excellent work that began with the first CAPE in 2011.

The CAPE Project was funded by Health Canada and the Public Health Agency of Canada.

For more details on the project, visitalcoholpolicy.cisur.ca.

A media kit containing infographics detailing overall provincial, territorial and federal scores, details and recommendations by provincial, territorial and federal governments is available viaDropbox.

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Amanda Farrell-Low (Communications Officer, CISUR) at 250-472-5445 or farlow@uvic.ca

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Steps to Repair Canada's Alcohol Policy - University of Victoria