Archive for the ‘Media Control’ Category

Opinion | The Extraordinarily Misguided Attack on TikTok – POLITICO

The stated concern is that because TikToks parent company is Chinese owned, the government in Beijing could ultimately access data on hundreds of millions of American users. As FBI Director Christopher Wray said, This is a tool that is ultimately within the control of the Chinese government and it, to me, it screams out with national security concerns. The other concern held by some critics is that the Chinese government could use TikToks algorithms to barrage American users with disinformation and propaganda, potentially creating domestic havoc in the United States.

These issues cant be dismissed out right, but they are almost certainly overblown, according to security experts.

The data of TikTok users age, region, passwords, names, buying habits is no different than that collected by countless online merchants and other social media sites. While that data is private and encrypted, much of it can either be scraped anonymously (and often is for use in the vast and profitable commercial data market) or already accessed by cyber spy agencies. User data isnt particularly secure anywhere. Whatever the Chinese government wanted to glean from TikTok users, it likely can glean anyway, regardless of where that data is stored.

Then theres the chaos engine theory that TikTok on instructions from the Chinese government could sow confusion in domestic politics or promote a certain ideology in the United States. It has echoes of Russian meddling in the 2016 election, which naturally causes some alarm. But while a foreign government can try to use social media to spread disinformation and spur division, the net effect of that in the context of so much other noise in the cyber world is unclear. Could it amplify an already fractious political climate? Maybe, but almost certainly not on its own and not in any clear directional way, and that assumed full and total control of TikTok by Beijing, which is something hardly anyone currently believes or alleges.

But lets say that the Communist Party of China could and will use TikTok. Even then, banning the app is a terrible idea for the United States. Why? Because the foundational strength of the United States is that it is an open society where information can and does flow freely. Banning TikTok, a platform of often astonishingly creative and often incredibly banal content that reaches 150 million Americans, is a step back from an open society and toward a closed one.

That is why the United States mulling a TikTok ban is a very different thing than, say, India, which has already barred TikTok. The government of Narendra Modi in India has been tightening its censorship in multiple spheres, and its moves against TikTok and other Chinese apps are part of a broader attempt to control information. The United States, however, has a rich tradition of free speech and has erected a legal apparatus designed to protect it and encourage the open flow of information. Its not just the First Amendment to the Constitution and subsequent court cases and precedent designed to bolster the right of free expression; its the implied link between a healthy, robust democracy and the ability to communicate all ideas, even ones that many find wrong and reprehensible, without fear of censorship or government suppression.

Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi has already banned TikTok and has been tightening control over the information in multiple spheres.|Lintao Zhang/Getty Images

The Chinese government holds no such values, and indeed it believes that information should first and foremost serve the interests of the state. Yes, the Chinese constitution does provide for the right of free speech but not if such speech undermines the interests of the state. Free speech in China is not seen as a key pillar of societal strength; it is provisional and valuable only insofar as it does not challenge the primary of the Communist Party.

The United States, by contrast, has championed an open society as the ultimate guarantor of human liberty and prosperity, and as one of the most robust checks on the untrammeled exercise of government or corporate power. We can debate if openness and free speech do in fact serve those functions, but they at the very least make exercising control more difficult. And the sheer noisy vibrancy of American society has been a notable contrast to many other countries over time and one of the hallmarks of a democracy that has allowed individuals to say and do what they choose.

That has, in turn, been the fuel for a rich culture of innovation and creativity, scientifically and artistically, including the invention and commercialization of the cyber world that we all now inhabit. TikTok may be a Chinese app, but it is built on American innovation.

But if TikTok as a social media app par excellence is in essence a manifestation of American strength, banning TikTok is in essence a mimicking of Chinese policy. China has created its own internal intraweb and erected its Great Fire Wall to keep unwelcome information out of the public sphere. The Chinese government, with its legion of censors, polices what can be said and how, and punishes those who deviate too far from accepted parameters. That has only increased after the countrys zero-Covid policies that relied on mass surveillance of smart phones to control the movement of Chinese citizens. The efforts to control 1.5 billion people, what they say and how they say it publicly, are one way that the party retains control in China. It is a source of their strength.

The United States will never be able to compete with China in censoring information, nor should it. But it could undermine its own vitality as an open society if it heads down the path of trying to ban apps in the name of national security. The wave of blacklists and McCarthy era crackdowns on Americans who professed Communist and even socialist beliefs and sympathies did not make the United States more secure in the early days of the Cold War; it made the country more paranoid and brittle, undermined creativity and the free flow of scientific information and briefly threatened to undermine the stability of the very government agencies such as the State Department and the Defense Department that were tasked with preserving national security.

America does not do suppression of free speech particularly well, which is a good thing. And we should not optimize for a future where we do it better by making a new go at censorship. For the United States, the risks of TikTok are far outweighed by the risks of banning TikTok.

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Opinion | The Extraordinarily Misguided Attack on TikTok - POLITICO

Todays management-speak has a lot in common with 1930s Soviet propagandaand its making people miserable – Fortune

One summer night in August, 1935, a young Soviet miner named Alexei Stakhanov managed to extract 102 tonnes of coal in a single shift. This was nothing short of extraordinary (according to Soviet planning, the official average for a single shift was seven tonnes).

Stakhanov shattered this norm by a staggering 1,400%. But the sheer quantity involved was not the whole story. It was Stakhanovs achievement as an individual that became the most meaningful aspect of this episode. And the work ethic he embodied then which spread all over the USSR has been invoked by managers in the west ever since.

Stakhanovs personal striving, commitment, potential and passion led to the emergence of a new ideal figure in the imagination of Stalins Communist Party. He even made the cover of Time magazine in 1935 as the figurehead of a new workers movement dedicated to increasing production. Stakhanov became the embodiment of a new human type and the beginning of a new social and political trend known as Stakhanovism.

That trend still holds sway in the workplaces of today what are human resources, after all? Management language is replete with the same rhetoric used in the 1930s by the Communist Party. It could even be argued that the atmosphere of Stakhanovite enthusiasm is even more intense today than it was in Soviet Russia. It thrives in the jargon of Human Resource Management (HRM), as its constant calls to express our passion, individual creativity, innovation and talents echo down through management structures.

But all this positive talk comes at a price. For over two decades, our research has charted the evolution ofmanagerialism,HRM,employabilityandperformance management systems, all the way through to thecultures they create. We haveshownhow it leaves employees with a permanent sense of never feeling good enough and the nagging worry that someone else (probably right next to us) is alwaysperforming so much better.

From the mid-1990s, we charted the rise of a new language for managing people one that constantly urges us to see work as a place where we should discover who we truly are and express that unique personal potential which could make us endlessly resourceful.

The speed with which this language grew and spread was remarkable. But even more remarkable are the ways in which it is now spoken seamlessly in all spheres of popular culture. This is no less than the very language of the modern sense of self. And so it cannot fail to be effective. Focusing on the self gives management unprecedented cultural power. It intensifies work in ways which are nearly impossible to resist. Who would be able to refuse the invitation to express themselves and their presumed potential or talents?

Stakhanov was a kind of early poster boy for refrains like: potential, talent, creativity, innovation, passion and commitment, continuous learning and personal growth. They have all become the attributes management systems now hail as the qualities of ideal human resources. These ideas have become so entrenched in the collective psyche that many people believe they are qualities they expect of themselves, at work andat home.

So, why does the spectre of this long-forgotten miner still haunt our imaginations? In the 1930s, miners lay on their sides and used picks to work the coal, which was then loaded on to carts and pulled out of the shaft by pit ponies. Stakhanov came up with some innovations, but it was his adoption of the mining drill over the pick which helped drive his productivity. The mining drill was still a novelty and required specialist training in 1930s because it was extremely heavy (more than 15kgs).

Once the Communist Party realised the potential of Stakhanovs achievement, Stakhanovism took off rapidly. By the autumn of 1935, equivalents of Stakhanov emerged in every sector of industrial production. From machine building and steel works, to textile factories and milk production, record-breaking individuals were rising to the elite status of Stakhanovite. They were stimulated by the Communist Partys ready adoption of Stakhanov as a leading symbol for a new economic plan. The party wanted to create an increasingly formalised elite representing the human qualities of a superhero worker.

Such workers began to receive special privileges (from high wages to new housing, as well as educational opportunities for themselves and their children). And so the Stakhanovites became central characters in Soviet Communist propaganda. They were showing the world what the USSR could achieve when technology was mastered by a new kind of worker who was committed, passionate, talented and creative. This new worker was promising to be the force that would propel Soviet Russia ahead of its western capitalist rivals.

Soviet propaganda seized the moment. A whole narrative emerged showing how the future of work and productivity in the USSR should unfold over the coming decades. Stakhanov ceased to be a person and became the human form of a system of ideas and values, outlining a new mode of thinking and feeling about work.

It turns out that such a story was sorely needed. The Soviet economy was not performing well. Despite gigantic investments in technological industrialisation during the so-calledFirst Five-Year Plan(1928-1932), productivity was far from satisfactory. Soviet Russia had not overcome its own technological and economic backwardness, let alone leap over capitalist America and Europe.

The five-year plans were systematic programmes of resource allocation, production quotas and work rates for all sectors of the economy. The first aimed to inject the latest technology in key areas, especially industrial machine building. Its official Communist Party slogan wasTechnology Decides Everything. But this technological push failed to raise production; the standard of living and real wages ended up lower in 1932 than in 1928.

TheSecond Five-Year Plan(1933-1937) was going to have a new focus:Personnel Decides Everything. But not just any personnel. This was how Stakhanov stopped being a person and became an ideal type, a necessary ingredient in the recipe for this new plan.

On May 4, 1935, Stalin had already delivered anaddressentitledCadres [Personnel] Decide Everything. So the new plan needed figures like Stakhanov. Once he showed that it could be done, in a matter of weeks, thousands of record-breakers were allowed to try their hand in every sector of production. This happened despite reservations from managers and engineers who knew that machines, tools and people cannot withstand such pressures for any length of time.

Regardless, the party propaganda needed to let a new kind of working class elite grow as if it was spontaneous simple workers, coming from nowhere, driven by their refusal to admit quotas dictated by the limits of machines and engineers. Indeed, they were going to show the world that it was the very denial of such limitations that constituted the essence of personal involvement in work: break all records, accept no limits, show how every person and every machine is always capable of more.

On November 17, 1935, Stalin provided a definitive explanation of Stakhanovism. Closing the First Conference of Stakhanovites of Industry and Transport of the Soviet Union, hedefinedthe essence of Stakhanovism as a leap in consciousness not just a simple technical or institutional matter. Quite the contrary, the movement demanded a new kind of worker, with a new kind of soul and will, driven by the principle of unlimited progress. Stalin said:

These are new people, people of a special type the Stakhanov movement is a movement of working men and women which sets itself the aim of surpassing the present technical standards, surpassing the existing designed capacities, surpassing the existing production plans and estimates. Surpassing them because these standards have already become antiquated for our day, for our new people.

In the ensuing propaganda, Stakhanov became a symbol burdened with meanings. Ancestral hero, powerful, raw and unstoppable. But also one with a modern, rational and progressive mind which could liberate the hidden, untapped powers of technology and take command of its limitless possibilities. He was cast as a Promethean figure, leading an elite of workers whose nerves and muscles, minds and souls, were utterly attuned to the technological production systems themselves. Stakhanovism was the vision of a new humanity.

The Stakhanovites celebrity-status offered enormous ideological opportunities. It allowed the rise of production quotas. Yet this rise had to remain moderate, otherwise Stakhanovites could not be maintained as an elite. And, as an elite, Stakhanovites themselves had to be subjected to a limitation: how many top performers could really be accommodated before the very idea collapsed into normality? So quotas were engineered in a way which we might recognise today: by theforced distribution or stack rankingof all employees according to their performance.

After all, how many high-performers can there be at any one time? The former CEO of General Electric, Jack Welch,suggested 20%(no more, no less) every year. Indeed, the Civil Service in the UK operated onthis principleuntil 2019 but used a 25% top performer quota. In 2013, Welchclaimedthis system was nuanced and humane, that it was all about building great teams and great companies through consistency, transparency and candor as opposed to corporate plots, secrecy or purges. Welchs argument was, however, always flawed. Any forced distribution system inextricably leads to exclusion and marginalisation of those who fall in the lower categories. Far from humane, these systems are always, inherently, threatening and ruthless.

And so Stakhanovism is still flowing through modern management systems and cultures, with their focus on employee performance and constant preoccupation with high performing individuals.

Something that often gets forgotten is that Stalinism itself was centred on an ideal of theindividualsoul and will: what is there that I am not able to do? Stakhanov fitted perfectly this ideal. Western culture has been telling itself the same ever since the possibilities are endless.

This was the logic of the Stakhanovite Movement in the 1930s. But it is also the logic of contemporary popular and corporate cultures, whose messages are now everywhere. Promises that possibilities are endless, that potential is limitless, or that you can craft any future you want, can now be found in inspirational posts onsocial media, inmanagement consultancy speiland in just about everygraduate job advertisement. One management consultancy firm even calls itselfInfinite Possibilities.

Indeed, these very sentences made it on to a seemingly minor coffee coaster used by Deloitte in the early 2000s for their graduate management scheme. On one side it said: The possibilities are endless. While on the other side, it challenged the reader to take control of destiny itself: Its your future. How far will you take it?

Insignificant though these objects may appear, a discerning future archaeologist would know that they carry a most fateful kind of thinking, driving employees now as much as it drove Stakhanovites.

But are these serious propositions, or just ironic tropes? Since the 1980s, management vocabularies have grown almost incessantly in this respect. The rapid proliferation of fashionable management trends follows the increased preoccupation with the pursuit of endless possibilities, of new and unlimited horizons of self-expression and self-actualisation.

It is in this light that we have to show our selves as worthy members of corporate cultures. Pursuing endless possibilities becomes central to our everyday working lives. The human type created by that Soviet ideology so many decades ago, now seems to gaze at us from mission statements, values and commitments in meeting rooms, headquarters and cafeterias but also through every website and every public expression of corporate identity.

Stakhanovisms essence was a new form of individuality, of self-involvement in work. And it is this form that now finds its home as much in offices, executive suites, corporate campuses, as in schools and universities. Stakhanovism has become a movement of the individual soul. But what does an office worker actually produce and what do Stakhanovites look like today?

In 2020, the drama series,Industry, created by two people with direct experience of corporate workplaces, gave us a glimpse into modern Stakhanovism. It is a sensitive and detailed examination of the destinies of five graduates joining a fictional, bututterly recognisable, financial institution. The shows characters become almost instantly ruthless neo-Stakhanovites. They knew and understood that it was not what they could produce that mattered for their own success, but how they performed their successful and cool personas on the corporate stage. It was not what they did but how they appeared that mattered.

The dangers of failing to appear extraordinary, talented or creative were significant. The series showed how working life descends into unending personal, private and public struggles. In them, every character loses a sense of direction and personal integrity. Trust disappears and their very sense of self increasingly dissolves.

Normal days of work, normal shifts, no longer exist. Workers have to perform endlessly, gesturing so that they look committed, passionate and creative. These things are compulsory if employees are to retain some legitimacy in the workplace. So working life carries the weight of potentially determining a persons sense of worth in every glance exchanged and in every inflection of seemingly insignificant interactions whether in a board room, over a sandwich or a cup of coffee.

Friendships become impossible because human connection is no longer desirable since trusting others weakens anyone whose success is at stake. Nobody wants to fall out of the Stakhanovite society of hyper-performing top talents. Performance appraisals that may lead to dismissal are a scary prospect. And this is the case both in the series and in real life.

The last episode of Industry culminates in half the remaining graduates getting sacked following an operation called Reduction In Force. This is basically a drastic final performance appraisal where each employee is forced to make a public statement arguing why they should remain much like on the reality TV series The Apprentice. In Industry, the characters statements are broadcast on screens throughout the building as they describe what would make them stand out from the crowd and why they are worthier than all others.

Reactions to Industry emerged very quickly and viewers were enthusiastic about the shows realism and how it resonated with their own experiences. One YouTube channel host with extensive experience of the sector reacted to each episodein turn; thebusiness presstoo reacted promptly, alongside othermedia. They converged in their conclusions: this is a serious corporate drama whose realism reveals much of the essence of work cultures today.

Industry is important because it touches directly on an experience so many have: the sense of a continuous competition ofall against all. When we know that performance appraisals compare us all against each other, the consequences on mental health can be severe.

This idea is taken further in an episode ofBlack Mirror. EntitledNosedive, the story depicts a world in which everything we think, feel and do becomes the object of everyone elses rating. What if every mobile phone becomes the seat of a perpetual tribunal that decides our personal value beyond any possibility of appeal? What if everyone around us becomes our judge? What does life feel like when all we have to measure ourselves by are other peoples instant ratings of us?

We asked these questions in detail inour researchwhich charted the evolution of performance management systems and the cultures they create over two decades. We found that performance appraisals are becoming more public (just as in Industry), involving staff in360-degree systemsin which every individual is rated anonymously by colleagues, managers and even clients on multiple dimensions of personal qualities.

Management systems focusing onindividual personalityare now combining with the latest technologies to becomepermanent. Ways of reporting continuously on every aspect of our personality at work are increasingly seen as central to mobilising creativity and innovation.

And so it might be that the atmosphere of Stakhanovite competition today is more dangerous than in 1930s Soviet Russia. It is even more pernicious because it is now driven by a confrontation between people, a confrontation between the worth of me against the worth of you as human beings not just between the worth of what I am able to do against what you are able to do. It is a matter of a direct encounter of personal characters and their own sense of worth that has become the medium of competitive, high-performance work cultures.

The Circle, by Dave Eggers, is perhaps the most nuanced exploration of the world of 21st-century Stakhanovism. Its characters, plot and context, its attention to detail, bring to light what it means to take up ones personal destiny in the name of the imperative to hyper-perform and over-perform ones self and everyone around us.

When the ultimate dream of becoming the central star of corporate culture comes true, a new Stakhanov is born. But who can maintain this kind of hyper-performative life? Is it even possible to be excellent, extraordinary, creative and innovative all day long? How long can a shift of performative work be anyway? The answer turns out not to be fictional at all.

In the summer of 2013, an intern at a major city financial institution,Moritz Erhardt, was found dead one morning in the shower of his flat. It turns out that Erhardt really did try to put in a neo-Stakhanovite shift: three days and three nights of continuous work (known among London City workers and taxi drivers as a magic roundabout).

But his body could not take it. We examined this case in detail in ourpreviousresearch as well as anticipating just such a tragic scenario a year before it happened. In 2010, we reviewed a decade of theTimes 100 Graduate Employersand showed explicitly how such jobs can embody the spirit of neo-Stakhanovism.

Then in 2012, wepublished our reviewwhich signalled the dangers of the hyper-performative mould promoted in such publications. We argued that the graduate market is driven by an ideology of potentiality which is likely to overwhelm anyone who follows it too closely in the real world. A year later, this sense of danger became real in Erhardts case.

Stakhanov died after a stroke in Donbass, in eastern Ukraine, in 1977. A city in the region is named after him. The legacy of his achievement or at least the propaganda that perpetuated it lives on.

But the truth is that people do have limits. They do now, just as they did in the USSR in the 1930s. Possibilities are not infinite. Working towards goals of endless performance, growth and personal potential is simply not possible. Everything is finite.

Who we are and who we become when we work are actually fundamental and very concrete aspects of our everyday lives. Stakhanovite models of high-performance have become the register and rhythm of our working lives even though we no longer remember who Stakhanov was.

The danger is that we will not be able to sustain this rhythm. Just as the characters in Industry, Black Mirror or The Circle, our working lives take destructive, toxic and dark forms because we inevitably come up against the very real limits of our own purported potential, creativity or talent.

Bogdan Costea is a professor of Management and Society at Lancaster University

Peter Watt is an international lecturer in Management and Organisation Studies at Lancaster University

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Todays management-speak has a lot in common with 1930s Soviet propagandaand its making people miserable - Fortune

Trump uses his indictment to unify GOP, even as his vulnerabilities are glaring – Houston Public Media

Former President Donald Trump speaks during a rally at the Waco Regional Airport on March 25 in Waco, Texas. Brandon Bell | Getty Images

Well, it actually happened. For the first time in U.S. history, a former president is facing criminal charges.

A grand jury in New York voted to indict former President Donald Trump on charges related to hush money payments made to allegedly cover up affairs Trump had, multiple sources close to Trump confirmed to NPR Thursday.

And the Trump GOP machine went right to work, rolling out a political playbook meant to insulate the former president with his base. It has appeared to work with them, but a unique divergence has emerged: While Trump has been strengthened with Republicans, his brand has become toxic with much of the rest of America.

This is Political Persecution and Election Interference at the highest level in history, Trump said in a statement Thursday night. He added that it was an act of blatant Election Interference that would backfire on Democrats, and he attacked the New York district attorney, Alvin Bragg, a Democrat who brought the charges.

House Speaker Kevin McCarthy called the indictment an unprecedented abuse of power.

House Judiciary Chairman Jim Jordan put out a one-word statement that only said: Outrageous.

Of course, the indictment brought against Trump isnt the result of something a prosecutor or judge did by fiat. A grand jury hears evidence from a prosecutor, then decides whether theres enough there to file charges against a suspect in a crime. And they did so.

If theres a conspiracy, then a jury of his peers is on it, too.

Politically, an indictment is very different from a conviction, and there are questions about the actual case Bragg has.

All of this plays into the air of grievance Trump, a New York billionaire, has puffed into existence that hes used to propel his political fortunes. Hes argued, successfully with his base of supporters, that the left has it out for him and, in turn, them that the system is rigged, and that this indictment and investigation in New York are nothing more than a politically motivated attempt to derail his presidential campaign.

Trump goes back to that oldie in his statement Thursday night:

From the time I came down the golden escalator at Trump Tower, and even before I was sworn in as your President of the United States, the Radical Left Democrats the enemy of the hard-working men and women of this Country have been engaged in a Witch-Hunt to destroy the Make America Great Again movement.

Its all right off the greatest hits heard during the 2016 campaign, the Mueller Russia investigation, two impeachments, the FBI search of his Florida home where they recovered boxes of classified documents and with relation to, not just this case, but the other three criminal investigations stemming from his conduct after the 2020 presidential election he lost and his role in the leadup to the Jan. 6 insurrection.

It has appeared to work in his effort to win another GOP nomination and, to an extent, more broadly on the New York case.

While the latest NPR/PBS News Hour/Marist poll this week showed that a majority 57% said the criminal investigations into him are fair, 8 in 10 Republicans agree with Trump and call the investigations a witch hunt, and 8 in 10 Republicans continue to have a favorable opinion of him.

To Trumps messaging, a Quinnipiac poll released Wednesday found that two-thirds of all respondents think that the charges in New York are not that serious and 6 in 10 agree that the investigation is politically motivated.

By most accounts, the other three criminal investigations two federal and one out of Georgia put Trump in far more potential peril than the New York case. But Bragg brought this case first, and the stakes are incredibly high not only for him personally, but also politically.

If Trumps convicted, it will be harder for him to claim the charges were frivolous and politically motivated. But you can imagine how Trump would boast of vindication if hes acquitted. He did so even when the Mueller investigation didnt exonerate him and after his second impeachment following Jan. 6 when a majority of senators but not the two-thirds required for a conviction found him guilty.

Republicans have suffered because of the brand they appear so wedded to in three straight election cycles.

When Trump took office, the GOP had unified control of power in Washington. Trump was in the White House, and Republicans were in charge of both the House and Senate.

But soon thereafter that began to change. In 2018, the GOP lost dozens of House seats and Democrats wrested control of the lower chamber.

In 2020, Trump was ousted from office, losing his bid for reelection by 7 million in the popular vote. Democrats won control of the Senate.

In the 2022 midterms, lots of Trump-backed and Trump-styled candidates lost key races in swing states and competitive districts, costing the GOP. Democrats expanded their majority in the Senate. And in the House, Republicans took control, but more narrowly than they had anticipated despite the history of a presidents party usually incurring big losses in a first midterm.

Republicans have now lost the popular vote in seven of the last eight presidential elections. Thats the worst streak for either party in their histories since the Republican Partys creation in the 19th century.

So even as Trump appears to be unifying this version of the Republican Party behind him through his claims of witch hunts and conspiracies, Americans more broadly have lined up against him and the GOP over and over these past several years.

That was evident this week in the latest NPR/PBS NewsHour/Marist poll that found 6 in 10 dont want Trump to be president again, including two-thirds of independents.

Yet, three-quarters of Republicans said they do want him to be president again. Thats whats important when it comes to a presidential primary.

The only way that could change, according to Republican strategists and theres no guarantee it would even work is if other Republican candidates home in on Trumps political vulnerabilities, including that he can only serve four more years, paint his legal troubles as emblematic of the chaos and drama that surrounds Trump and make that argument clear to the GOP base.

But so far, none have really been willing to do that in any kind of sustained way, which has been the story of the Trump era.

Instead, his potential chief rival, Florida Gov. Ron DeSantis, on Thursday was blasting the prosecutor in New York and tweeting that Florida will not assist in an extradition request .

Theres no indication thats even a possibility. Trumps lawyers and the New York DAs office will likely simply agree on an arraignment date with Trump either virtually or in person.

But DeSantis supportive tweet shows the hold Trump has on the GOP base. DeSantis has to walk a line not to offend the very pro-Trump GOP base, while Trump blasts DeSantis record and personal characteristics daily.

Wanting to beat the king, but saying you really like the king a lot is a heck of a way to try and win a presidential nomination.

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Trump uses his indictment to unify GOP, even as his vulnerabilities are glaring - Houston Public Media

Laredo Sector Border Patrol arrests convicted sex offender – Customs and Border Protection

LAREDO, Texas Laredo Sector Border Patrol agents assigned to Laredo South Station arrested a convicted sex offender in Laredo, Texas.

On March 30, Border Patrol agents while working their duties apprehended an individual crossing the Rio Grande in west Laredo. After transporting the individual to the Laredo South Station for processing, agents identified him as Magdaleno Campos-Escobar, a 57-year-old Mexican citizen. Campos-Escobar had a prior felony conviction for Rape-Sexual Assault in Houston, Texas. He was taken into custody and was processed for Felony Re-Entry.

Follow @CBPSouthTexas for breaking news, current events, human interest stories and photos. Please visit http://www.cbp.govto view additional news releases and other information pertaining to Customs and Border Protection.

Follow Laredo Sector on Twitter & Instagram atUSBPChiefLRT and on Facebook at US Border Patrol Laredo Sector .

U.S. Customs and Border Protection welcomes assistance from the community. Citizens are encouraged to report suspicious activity to the Laredo Sector Border Patrol while remaining anonymous at 1-800-343-1994.

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Laredo Sector Border Patrol arrests convicted sex offender - Customs and Border Protection

Netflix might let you use an iPhone to control games on your TV – The Verge

According to Moser, the iOS app apparently contains code that says: A game on your TV needs a controller to play. Do you want to use this phone as a game controller?

Netflix first launched its mobile games service in late 2021, and said earlier this month that it has released 55 games so far with 40 more set to come out this year. But those games are only playable on iOS and Android devices theyre not available on screens like TVs or laptops. Using your phone as a controller would be a way Netflix gets around having to release a dedicated game controller of its own, like Google did for its now-defunct Stadia service. Netflix also said this month that work on a cloud gaming service is underway after the company first announced it was seriously exploring the project in 2022, and perhaps youll be able to use your phone to control cloud games from that service.

Netflix spokesperson Chrissy Kelleher declined to comment.

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Netflix might let you use an iPhone to control games on your TV - The Verge