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Nigerians would like to hear from the presidential candidates their definitive positions on issues of reform and decentralisation of policing, citizens involvement in security management, tackling terrorism, border security management, and youth unemployment. It is our duty as an electorate to demand these from the candidates. And cast our votes based on our conviction of who holds the best chance of making Nigeria great again.

Security, economy, and corruption were the most outstanding issues in the 2015 and 2019 elections. Of the triune matters, security has already placed itself as the most important and alarming issue for any credible campaign in 2022-23. Increased insurgency in the days ahead will make it more relevant and urgent. Unfortunately, Nigerians did not pay attention to what the presidential candidates were saying or glossed over it in the 2015 and 2019 elections. Candidates paid lip service to insecurity, and the rhetoric was the jaundiced promises of fighting insecurity from the frontline, which meant nothing as a security strategy. The result is that in the past seven years, insecurity has continued to be the bane of Nigeria. The situation has become hopeless because it has defied all government actions to at least ameliorate it, not to talk of completely eradicating it.

We are at the same place again on the eve of a general election, and this time we expect that candidates will provide comprehensive strategies for tackling insecurity to the electorate during the campaign, to allow the people make informed decision on who to vote for on the basis of their acceptance of a candidates security strategy that will be implemented when elected. This will assuage the peoples concerns and give them hope for the future.

For many reasons, addressing our internal security challenges should be the thematic thrust of our presidential campaigns. It is evident that the 2023 campaigns will be about how severe internal insecurity is threatening the existence of the nation. Insecurity has had ripple effects on our economy, starting from agriculture to manufacturing. Despite heavy investment by the Central Bank fo Nigeria (CBN) in agriculture in the past seven years, agricultural productivity has been suboptimal, going by available statistics. Besides, the massive destruction of lives and properties has created an atmosphere of fear and uncertainty. No severe and productive activity can flourish in such an environment. Foreign direct investment has dropped or stagnated as we continue to trail behind South Africa and Egypt, despite being Africas biggest economy. The lack of investment in productive industries has widened the gulf in youth unemployment, which has aggravated social vices.

As part of the medias role in the forthcoming electoral campaigns in Nigeria, they must challenge the candidates to present their plans for dealing with insecurity to the electorate. It is a public service that the traditional and online media must critically evaluate these plans and strategies by the candidates and educate the public on them to enable the electorate know what each candidate has to offer in tackling insecurity. They must organise dialogues, fora, and debates focusing on security, where the candidates would come forward with detailed, innovative, and practical ideas and solutions to the insecurity problems facing Nigeria.

The media must provide a level playing field and open fora for disseminating campaign information on how each candidate will tackle insecurity without bias toward any of the candidates based on political affiliations, ideology, and patrimony. The medias primary function is to educate the public and help shape public opinion. I suggest that all media houses should devote the necessary attention to covering presidential campaign issues on insecurity without discrimination. The concern around insecurity is central to the upcoming campaigns because you cannot have democracy without either free citizens or a secure sovereign national space.

The All Progressives Congress (APC) presidential candidate must go to work and develop novel and practical solutions to the issue of insecurity in the country, as he faces the danger of being viewed from the prism of the party platform. This is because it has been under the watch of the ruling party that insurgency has risen to the alarming heights were it is in recent times. Nigerians would rightly deserve to know what the candidate will do differently. This cannot be time for business as usual. The electorate needs more from any APC government, and the presidential candidate must convince them to trust him to tackle insecurity. Although it may be a hard sell, I am convinced that a good and innovative security strategy, with the passion and conviction of the presidential candidate, will go a long way in getting the buy-in of the electorate.

There is no gainsaying that policing has virtually collapsed in Nigeria today Critical questions for candidates are: How do they intend to restore the peoples confidence in the Police? How will they tackle the retraining, retooling, and general welfare of the Police? The pendent issue of state police deserves an intense conversation, and the people must draw commitment to its implementation.

On the other hand, the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) candidate needs a new narrative beyond the typical rhetoric on tackling security crises without any tangible and practical solution. The PDP security strategy needs to be germane to the changing context of Nigerias deplorable security crises. This strategy may be a hard sell, too, because PDP had its fair share of failings in tackling insecurity at the initial stages, allowing it to get out of hand during its time in power.

The new political forces led by Peter Obi of the Labour Party and Rabiu Kwankwaso of the New Nigeria Peoples Party (NNPP), and the candidates of other parties, have their jobs cut out because they have the advantage of coming to Nigerian electorate with new thinking and of not carrying the baggage of failure in tackling insecurity, unlike APC and PDP. Their security strategy, if fresh, deep and well articulated, may enjoy the acceptance of mostly the youths, who are ready to try new things and experiment with their future.

Some pertinent questions suffice: What essential elements of insecurity must presidential candidates articulate and expose to the electorate, in terms of tackling the problem in Nigeria under their presidency? What ingredients should the insecurity solution soup have? What contextual underpinnings must he consider when dealing with Nigerias insecurity? These simple questions provide the analytical framework for evaluating and assessing the level of integrity and potency of the security strategies of these candidates. The media and the electorate must critically analyse the strategies and plans of candidates to ascertain their efficacy, albeit on paper.

Statutorily, many of the internal security challenges prevalent in Nigeria fall within the responsibilities and purview of the Police. The persistent neglect of the Police and its misuse have combined to debauch its capacity to meet the peoples security demands. The increasing viciousness of violence across the country further calls to question the capability of the Police to conduct its policing functions effectively.

There is no gainsaying that policing has virtually collapsed in Nigeria today. We presently deploy our military across 34 of the 36 states in the country, saddling them with tasks that the Police should perform. That many Nigerians have lost confidence in the Police is an understatement and a significant challenge. For the presidential candidates, a complete reform and decentralisation of the Police must be the prime agenda in the security strategy, and this must be a focal issue in the campaign. Critical questions for candidates are: How do they intend to restore the peoples confidence in the Police? How will they tackle the retraining, retooling, and general welfare of the Police? The pendent issue of state police deserves an intense conversation, and the people must draw commitment to its implementation.

Another critical issue is the porousness of our national borders, and this has exacerbated violence and criminalities because of the seamless access to sophisticated weapons across Nigerias borders and the unhindered movement of criminals into the country. Officially, Nigeria has about 84 approved land border control points but over 1,400 illegal border crossings. The stretch along the Northern boundaries with Benin Republic, Niger, Chad, and Cameroon are potential crossing points for illicit arms dealers, kidnappers, terrorists, and other criminals, due to the dry Sahel vegetation and open Savannah terrain.

Having a large mass of ungoverned areas in the hands of armed bandits is a precursor to becoming a failed state. Hence government, at all levels, must assert their authorities and firm control over all forests and rural areas. How will the candidates manage this problem of ungoverned spaces to stop Nigeria from becoming a failed state under their watch?

Security experts have continuously warned that unless we address the issue of border security, the success expected in the fight against banditry will remain a mirage. What will the presidential candidates do about our porous borders? The electorate must ask tough questions of the candidates on the issue of legal and illegal border control.

The next issue is how to deal with ungoverned spaces and huge forests that provide havens for bandits, terrorists, and criminals across the country. Recent attacks on the Kaduna airport, KadunaAbuja trains, and swathes of Borno, Zamfara, Katsina and Nasarawa States were logistically possible because of insurgents and bandits in the Sambisa Forest in Borno State, the Kuyambana and Ajja Forests in Zamfara, Birnin Kogo Forest in Katsina and Guma Forest in Nasarawa State. In Imo and Anambra states, secessionist agitators and the unknown gunmen have made the different forests in the States their hiding places.

Having a large mass of ungoverned areas in the hands of armed bandits is a precursor to becoming a failed state. Hence government, at all levels, must assert their authorities and firm control over all forests and rural areas. How will the candidates manage this problem of ungoverned spaces to stop Nigeria from becoming a failed state under their watch?

The last issue is our militarys capacity and combat efficiency in terms of workforce and equipment, to deal with kinetic and non-kinetic engagements. Given the asymmetrical nature of terrorism, banditry and insurgency, the Nigerian military needs all the support it can get, especially from a president. Compared with other armies in countries with similar terrorism and insurgency issues (like Pakistan and Egypt), our military personnel pales in number and defence spending as a percentage of GDP. Nigerias military personnel is about 190,000, whilst that of Pakistan is approximately 1,495,000; and our defence spending to GDP is 0.63 per cent, while that of Egypt is 1.2 per cent. The strategies of the presidential candidates must explain to the electorate how they will deal with these anomalies.

The debate on the cyclical nature of insecurity and unemployment is raging. Some argue that insecurity has helped push Nigerias unemployment levels to about 40 per cent, while others say that the high unemployment rate causes the youths to engage in all forms of criminality, insurgency, and terrorism. This chicken and egg conundrum of insecurity and unemployment is beyond the scope of this discourse; however, we assume that the presidential candidates must articulate a way of reducing both social menaces crippling our country. How they will do these should be the focal point of their campaign messages. Nigerians would like to hear from the presidential candidates their definitive positions on issues of reform and decentralisation of policing, citizens involvement in security management, tackling terrorism, border security management, and youth unemployment. It is our duty as an electorate to demand these from the candidates. And cast our votes based on our conviction of who holds the best chance of making Nigeria great again.

Dakuku Peterside is a policy and leadership expert.

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Security and the 2023 campaigns, By Dakuku Peterside - Premium Times

Documenta is an exhibition renowned for the slow burn of its critical legacy, but the opening of its 15th edition earlier this month in Kassel (until 25 September) has elicited reactions from politicians and media more akin to a wildfire. In the most recent turn of events, an escalating row over alleged antisemitism and racism within the show, this year curated by the Indonesian collective ruangrupa, has spurred the German federal government to demand greater control of the state-funded quinquennial exhibition.

The latest scandal erupted last week, following the display of a 60ft banner work by the collective Taring Padi, also from Indonesia, that has been accused of containing an anti-Semitic caricature of a Jewish person as well as derogratory references to Mossad, the national intelligence agency in Israel. Peoples Justice (2002) has since been removed entirely from its prominent position on the Friederichsplatz and its content is now being re-examined by Documenta and a team of independent sensitivity consultants.

Formal apologies have since been issued from Documentas curators and artistic team. Its director general Sabine Schormann, who has avoided being ousted despite calls for her dismissal from a number of Jewish groups, said that she failed to keep a promise that there would be no anti-Semitic content at Documenta 15, which has no place in Germany. Meanwhile, ruangrupa have expressed regret for the pain and fear that the images caused, and said that, in consultation with Taring Padi, they support the decision to take down the work.

Germany's culture minister Claudia Roth, reportedly plans to reform Documenta Photo: DPA picture alliance/Alamy Stock Photo

But it seems the damage is already done. On Friday, it was reported by the German newspaper Zeit that Claudia Roth, the nations culture minister, has released a paper announcing plans to reform the governance and funding structure of the exhibition.

Currently, Roth said, "local responsibility" is disproportionate to the global importance of Documenta and that the federal government does not have the sufficient opportunity to participate, Zeit reports. She said that federal funds will be now be contingent on a mandatory greater influence from the government, as well as more international expertise, that will involve the "plurality of German society including the Central Council of Jews". Roth assured Der Spiegel that Documentas federal funding would continue for the foreseeable future. She is now in talks with the Hessian art minister Angela Dorn to effect these reforms, according to Zeit.

Roth, a Green party politician who was appointed last year during Germany's parliamentary elections, had initially remained more neutral around the accusations of anti-Semitism levelled at Documenta. When the exhibition came under fire from Jewish groups across Germany for giving a platform to a number of pro-Palestinian and pro-BDS artists, she defended Documenta's artistic license. She has since denounced the Taring Padi work as anti-Semitic and troubling in a statement released last week, adding that her trust in the exhibition has been betrayed.

At present, Documenta has a budget of over 40mthe largest of any exhibition in Germany. Besides ticket sales, it is funded by the following stakeholders: the city of Kassel, the state of Hesse, and the German Federal Cultural Foundation. The latter, which is under the purview of the Ministry of Culture and Media, accounts for 4.5m. Its oversight is split between these bodies and the exhibitions artistic team. However, the balance of power between all four parties has been in flux since Documentas inception in 1955.

In fact, Roths plan is not unprecedented and will take Documenta closer to its pre-2018 structure, when the federal government had more control of the show. Four years ago, the former federal government decided to withdraw from the Documentas supervisory board while still partially funding the exhibition. This decision was a mistake, Roth tells Der Spiegel, and must be reverted.

Documenta commands a colossal budget. This may be both a blessing and a curse, the institutional funding expert Shwetal Patel tells The Art Newspaper. He has co-organised a now highly topical talk in Kassel on 29 Junewhich was planned well before Roths most recent announcementthat will address the dual necessity and complications of state funding in the arts.

The financial crises of the previous decade, Covid and current recession fears mean that sustained public funding for the arts is more precarious than ever. In this context it is natural that the new government in Berlin (and its agencies) want to review how they fund the arts, Patel says. At this stage it is also about the optics. Documenta is an important soft power tool for Germany and I imagine that its new government is keen to take a stance against any hint of intolerance."

While Patel, who is one of the founding members of the Kochi Biennale, is reluctant to speculate as to whether the current row could have been avoided with greater federal government control, he says that it is clear from other biennial-type events that government agencies and bureaucrats should not manage arts organisations; this job has to be left to a passionate and dedicated team that is embedded in, and invested in, Kassel.

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Documenta will now come under greater government control in light of fresh antisemitism accusations, Germany's culture minister says - Art Newspaper

To mark the International Day Against Drug Abuse and Illicit Trafficking, the OSCE Programme Office in Dushanbe supported Tajikistans Drug Control Agency (Agency) in organizing awareness-raising campaign from 17 to 25 June in all regions of Tajikistan.

The campaign titled Anti-drug Caravan 2022 Youth against drugs took place in Khorog, Kulob, Bokhtar, Tursunzoda, Khujand and Dushanbe cities. Over 850 participants, including representatives of local governments, law enforcement agencies, civil society and youth, participated in the campaign and raised awareness of the significant problem illicit drugs represent to society.

On the final day of the campaign held in Dushanbe, the Director of Tajikistans Drug Control Agency, Major-General Habibullo Vohidzoda, said that the Agency carried out uncompromising combat against drug abuse and illicit trafficking. He noted that such events promote a healthy lifestyle, prevent drug abuse and raise awareness of the problems that illicit drugs inflict on society.

Today, on the eve of the International Day against Drug Abuse and Illicit Trafficking, I am grateful for preparing a wonderful final chord for the 2022 caravan, which will be of benefit to uphold negative attitude towards drug use, including through the media, public associations, volunteer organizations, said Ambassador Vuk Zugic, Acting Head of OSCE Programme Office in Dushanbe. We will continue to solve the problem of freeing people from drug addiction together, added Ambassador Zugic.

High-level representatives of the Agency, OSCE, local authorities and law enforcement awarded young winners of regional sports competitions and drawing contests with certificates and memorable gifts. Each campaign showcased a theatrical performance about drug abuse and cultural and entertainment programme.

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OSCE and Tajikistan's Drug Control Agency mark the International Day Against Drug Abuse and Illicit Trafficking - OSCE.org

Just before the Western Australian state election in March 2021, the then leader of the Liberal Party did an unusual thing. He conceded defeat but then asked voters to stop premier Mark McGowans Labor Party from achieving total control of the state.

The appeal failed spectacularly. McGowan won 53 of the 59 seats in the legislative assembly and a majority for the first time ever in WAs upper house, the legislative council.

The Liberals, shattered, were reduced to just two seats in the assembly. The Nationals, with a grand total of four seats, became the official opposition, and a Nationals MP, Mia Davies, was elected opposition leader. The question immediately arose: could parliament operate effectively in these extraordinary circumstances? Would sufficient democratic scrutiny be applied to the government?

Just over a year later, the federal election provided another crushing blow to the WA Liberals. The party lost not only four lower house seats and a senate seat to Labor, but also the seat of Curtin to independent Kate Chaney.

Read more: Swing when you're winning: how Labor won big in Western Australia

WA has 122 state and federal MPs. Currently, 89 of them almost three-quarters are Labor. Less than six years ago, the comparable figure was 41, or a third. By contrast, the Liberals have just 19 MPs or 16% of the total, compared to 64, or just over half, six years ago. Perhaps we need to take the fears of total control seriously?

Senator Linda Reynolds, the former Liberal defence minister, seems to think so. She recently argued that without substantial change, we risk condemning Western Australia to a one-party state and the WA Liberals to an electoral abyss.

Everyone would agree democracy works best when a strong opposition can keep the government accountable. So what is happening in WA? Is democracy in danger?

So far, the answer would appear to be no. Take parliament. Parties with a majority of MPs can, in principle, run roughshod over their opponents in parliament. In practice, most dont. While governments will occasionally force through legislation or resist pressure to reveal information, rules and conventions enable non-government parties to participate in debates and committees, and to scrutinise the executive about its actions and proposed legislation.

Governing parties know one day they will be in opposition, and parliament should at the very least let the opposition have its say, even if the government prevails.

Despite the vast disparity in numbers, this attitude seems to be holding up in WA. Question time is still operating, unchanged. The parliamentary schedule continues to allow non-government MPs to bring forward debates on matters of public importance, private members business and grievances.

Read more: Governments usually win a second term. But could the new Labor government be an exception?

Estimates hearings continue to be held, as are meetings of parliamentary committees. As in the past, the opposition chairs one committee in the assembly, two in the council, and the joint audit committee. The deputy Liberal leader chaired a prominent committee inquiry into sexual harassment in the resources sector.

Of course, with so few seats, the workload of non-government MPs is very large. The government has a majority on most committees but this was true in previous parliaments. One potential area of concern is that the standing committee on education and health the two areas of greatest expenditure has only Labor members.

Clearly, the government is not going to lose any votes on the floor of the house. Overall, though, the structures and operations of parliament look much the same as before.

But given the huge imbalance of resources and power within the political system, it is important other players keep the government under scrutiny. WA retains a full complement of independent integrity agencies ombudsman, auditor-general, information commissioner, corruption and crime commissioner.

The auditor-generals office has been particularly active. It recently produced a transparency report on the progress of major government projects, arguing the government could and should update parliament more regularly on whether these projects are on time and on budget and vowing to do this itself, if government refused.

Read more: Below the Line: Has Australia's political landscape changed forever? podcast

Another crucial player is the media. WAs press and broadcasting landscape is dominated by Seven West Media, which owns the states only daily newspaper and its most popular TV station. While Mark McGowan received generally positive coverage for his handling of the pandemic, his government has not escaped media criticism, on hospitals and health in particular. Other media outlets have also been active in scrutinising government.

With the federal election out of the way, what might we look forward to in WA politics? Three things are worth noting.

First, the WA Liberal Party holds its annual conference in July. This will be an important indicator of whether it has done the thinking it needs to turn its fortunes around.

Second, a state by-election is due soon after a Nationals MP, Vince Catania, resigned his marginal seat of North-West Central. If Labor were to win, the number of non-government MPs would fall from six to five a much bigger deal than Labor increasing its representation from 53 to 54.

Intriguingly, if the Liberal Party managed to win North-West Central (which is not completely out of the question, as they have held the seat in the past), then they and the Nationals would each have three MPs and would need to work out who would be the official opposition.

Third, no election is due in WA, state or federal, for almost three years. (The state poll is in March 2025, followed by a likely federal poll two months later.) Can Liberal and National MPs maintain their diligence in parliament? Can their parties form a viable alternative government? And can Labor avoid the malaise that commonly strikes second-term governments in WA, where no party has won a third term since 1989?

It seems inconceivable that Mark McGowan and Labor could lose office in 2025. But can he govern well in the meantime? And can the non-government parties, the integrity watchdogs and the media keep him and his government on their toes? For democracys sake, lets hope so.

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Does Labor have total control in Western Australia? - The Conversation

In their first-ever competition,UTWind a team of undergraduate and graduate students from the University of Torontos Faculty of Applied Science & Engineering has taken the top prize in an international challenge to design and build a small-scale wind turbine.

While we always strived to be a competitive team from the beginning and knew that we had a strong design, we definitely didnt expect to win first place, saysDavid Petriw, a third-year materials science and engineering student who isa member of UTWind.

The morale of the team is at an all-time high, and we are going to celebrate this win in a big way.

TheInternational Small Wind Turbine Contest (ISWTC)is hosted annually by Hanze University of Applied Sciences in Groningen, Netherlands. To clinch first place, UTWind edged out teams from Denmark, Germany, Poland and Egypt.

The goal of ISWTC is to build and demonstrate a wind turbine designed for rural regions in Sub-Saharan Africa, saysAndrew Ilersich, aPhD candidate at the U of T Institute for Aerospace Studies (UTIAS) andaerodynamics lead for UTWind.

Every aspect of our design had to be tailored to, or at least compatible with, the region it would be sold and operated in. We also had to show that our design was sustainable, being made from recyclable, low-cost, and locally available materials.

Unlike the large turbines used in commercial wind farms, which can rise to over 100 metres and generate megawatts of power each, small wind turbines (SWTs) are designed for generation on scales from a few hundred watts to a few kilowatts.

To win the contest, teams must demonstrate top-of-class performance across a number of criteria, including power generation, cut-in speed, estimated annual energy production and coefficient of power, which is a measure of the turbines efficiency.

Performance was measured at the Open Jet Facility wind tunnel at Delft University of Technology. After that, the teams headed to theScience of Making Torque Conferencein Delft, to present their business case.

The process of creating the prototype took more than a year from start to finish.

We began the design phase in the beginning of 2021 and the whole assembly was built in winter semester 2022, saysAshley Best, a third-year student in materials science and engineering who ismedia team lead for UTWind.

Our turbine is made from wood and 3D-printed plastics. A few parts were outsourced to our sponsoring machine shop, Protocase, but the majority of the fabrication was done in house by our team 3D printing, laser cutting, drill pressing, lathing, milling and assembly.

One of the things that set our team apart was our high coefficient of power, even when operating at very low wind speeds, says Suraj Bansal,UTWind co-president and technical adviser and a PhD candidate at UTIAS.

In addition, we had a very modular, low-cost and sustainable construction, as well as a self-starting wind-turbine design thanks to our active pitch control system. We are currently creating a mobile app to control and monitor the wind turbine performance right from our mobile devices.

UTWind is one of U of T Engineerings newest design teams, co-founded in January 2021 by Bansal and UTIAS alumnusBen Gibson.

I was a member of a similar wind turbine design team at the University of Manitoba, while Suraj had prior experience from his masters research work in the U.S. to design extreme-scale wind turbines, Gibson says.

We wanted to pass as much of that knowledge on as we could, while both having fun and pushing ourselves to the maximum. And so far, it has worked out great.

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U of T student team takes first place at International Small Wind Turbine Contest - University of Toronto