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Dorothea Lange, Human Erosion in California (Migrant Mother), March 1936, gelatin silver print The J. Paul Getty Museum hide caption

Dorothea Lange, Human Erosion in California (Migrant Mother), March 1936, gelatin silver print

Migration is global these days. In this country, it echoes the desolation of the 1930s Depression, and the Dust Bowl, when thousands of Americans left home to look for work somewhere ... anywhere.

In Dorothea Lange: Seeing People an exhibition at the National Gallery in Washington, D.C., the photographer shows the desolation of those days. Migrant Mother, her best-known picture, from 1936, is a stark reminder of the times

Curator Philip Brookman sees worry in the migrant mother's face. Three children, the older ones clinging to her. She's Florence Owens Thompson. Thirty two years old, beautiful once. Now staring into an uncertain future, wondering about survival.

But Brookman also sees "a tremendous amount of resilience and strength in her face as well."

It's an American face, but you could see it today in Yemen, Darfur, Gaza.

Lange was worlds away 16 years earlier in San Francisco. She started out as a portrait photographer. Her studio was "the go-to place for high society" Brookman says.

Dorothea Lange, Untitled (Fleishhacker Portrait), 1920, gelatin silver print Collection of the Oakland Museum of California hide caption

For this portrait of Mrs. Gertrude Fleishhacker, Lange used soft focus and gentle lighting. Researcher Elizabeth Fortune notices "she's wearing a beautiful long strand of pearls." And sits angled on the side. An unusual pose for 1920. Lange and some of her photographer friends were experimenting with new ways to use their cameras. Less formal poses, eyes away from the lens.

But soon, Lange left her studio and went to the streets. It was the Depression. "She wanted to show in her pictures the kind of despair that was developing on the streets of San Francisco," Fortune says. White Angel Breadline is "a picture she made after looking outside her studio window."

Dorothea Lange, White Angel Breadline, San Francisco, California, 1933, gelatin silver print National Gallery of Art, Washington hide caption

Dorothea Lange, White Angel Breadline, San Francisco, California, 1933, gelatin silver print

Fortune points out Lange's sensitivity to her subject: "He's anonymous. She's not taking anything from him. He's keeping his dignity, his anonymity. And yet he still speaks to the plight of a nation in crisis.

A strong social conscience keeps Lange on the streets. She becomes a documentary photographer says it lets her see more.

"It was a way for her to understand the world," Fortune says.

The cover of the hefty exhibition catalogue shows a tightly cropped 1938 photo of a weathered hand, holding a weathered cowboy hat. "A hat is more than a covering against sun and wind," Lange once said. "It is a badge of service."

The photographs of Dorothea Lange serve our understanding of a terrible time in American history. Yet in its humanity, its artistry, it speaks to today.

Dorothea Lange, On the Plains a Hat Is More Than a Covering, 1938, printed c. 1965, gelatin silver print National Gallery of Art, Washington hide caption

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Exhibition shows how photographer Dorothea Lange was so good at 'Seeing People' - NPR

Follow live updates on President Biden and Donald Trumps border visits.

Helen Ramajo, 11 years old, reached the U.S.-Mexico border before the American presidents did.

As President Biden and former President Donald J. Trump prepared for the political stagecraft of dueling visits to two Texas border towns, Helen slipped through a gap in the wall in southern Arizona on Tuesday morning, her fuzzy bear-eared hoodie pulled up against the chill.

A dream! she said. She, her father and older sister left Guatemala a month ago, and they now trudged toward a makeshift camp with other tired, dehydrated migrants to wait beside the wall to surrender to U.S. immigration authorities.

Illegal crossings across the southern border have plummeted in the last month, but even a slow day means dozens of migrants arriving every few hours, a ritual that has come to define life in border towns and nearby cities. Migrant aid workers say they often see around 200 people a day crossing in this area of the border outside the tiny town of Sasabe, southwest of Tucson.

A visit from two presidential candidates seeking to persuade voters they can tackle the border crisis may check an election-year box. But in this corner of southern Arizona, which now has the most undocumented crossings of any stretch of the entire southern border, ranchers, aid workers and other residents who live and breathe the border crisis said the problem had become too intractable and complicated for any politician to tackle.

I have no faith that it will ever be solved, said Lori Lindsay, a cattle rancher whose Tres Bellotas ranch runs along a slice of the border wall.

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On the Arizona Border, Even a Slow Day Is Busy - The New York Times

We are about eight months out from the general election, and while it's too early to say what will be the defining issue of 2024 for voters, at this stage it's clear thatborder securitywill be near the top.

The hot-button issue will be on full display Thursday with dueling border visits by the two leading presidential candidates.President Joe Biden will be making his second border visit in the town of Brownsville, Texas. Some 320 miles away, former President Donald Trump will be in Eagle Pass, Texas.

So how do both presidencies compare when it comes to the issue of border security?

SEE MORE: 14 GOP governors at Texas border pressure Biden over crossings

Under President Biden, each year there have been more and more crossings at the southwest border. According to theOffice of Homeland Security Statistics,there were around 2.46 million encounters by border patrol agents in fiscal year 2023 up from 2.34 million encounters in 2022 and 1.7 million in 2021.

In the four years under Trump, border encounters averaged around 572,000 per year. However, it's important to note that the COVID-19 pandemic did have an impact on the last year of data in his presidency.

Whether it's Democratic governors like Jared Polis of Colorado, or the top Republican in the House of Representatives, Speaker Mike Johnson, it seems like everybody in politics is talking about the border. But what can be done?

SEE MORE: Biden says he would shut down border if Congress sends him a deal

One option is a bipartisan congressional deal. But the chances of that seem to be close to zero percent until at least after the election.

Option two is for Democrats to adopt Johnson's border bill. It passed in the House last year, but Democratic Senate leadership has criticized it as too extreme.

The final option would require executive action. The White House hashinted at the possibility of that happening,but legal questions remain.

For instance, when Trump tried to limit border crossings through an executive order, he was ultimately sued and lost the case in court. President Biden faces the same legal hurdles.

With polls showingthe border as a top issueon more and more voters' minds, expect more regarding this issue from leading candidates between now and November.

Trending stories at Scrippsnews.com

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Biden and Trump to host dueling border visits on migrant crisis - FOX 47 News Lansing - Jackson

DENVER On the heels of cuts to city services to address a multi-million-dollar budget deficit in part due to the citys ongoing response to the migrant crisis, Denver Mayor Mike Johnston on Wednesday announced the upcoming closure of four migrant shelters he says will save Denver around $60 million in costs in the 2024 budget.

With the change in the citys strategy to address the crisis, Johnston said more work will be done to find additional cuts.

That means the $180 million deficit that we were facing is now closer to $120 million. That still leaves us $120 million of cuts to make, said Johnston during a press conference. So that means we still have work to do.

Johnston said the city will close one migrant shelter a week over the next four weeks.

In addition to the shelter closings, Johnston said the citys reinstatement of the length of stay program at shelters several weeks ago resulted in around 2,500 people leaving those shelters, which he said, cut the nightly shelter population by around 90 percent.

The limits mean individuals can stay at shelters for 14 days while families with children are allowed 42 days.

We knew if we were going to exit people, we had to double down on very high quality case management so we can exit people successfully to housing and to work opportunities without having them end up unhoused or on the streets."

Johnston added that since the changes to the length of stay at shelters, the city had not seen significant increases of unhoused people on the streets.

The single most important thing we can do to help connect people to opportunity is to get their work authorization, said Johnston.

According to city stats, there were 2,300 people in Denver-run shelters with around 30 people arriving daily, according to a news release.

At Wednesdays press conference, Denver City Council President Jamie Torres addressed what the city has done over the last few weeks to help migrants achieve work status.

The city has assisted 600 people filling out and submitting their work authorization documents. Another 700 are expected over the next two weeks, said Torres. So four clinics have been held. I believe another five are coming up this will go through next week.

Johnston added that the city has helped process work authorizations for around 1,000 people in the last couple of weeks and get access to legal work authorization within the next 30 days, said Johnston.

District 1 Councilwoman Amanda Sandoval said in addition to the work authorizations, the city has helped hundreds of migrants find temporary housing.

Frustrations grow among Denverites as city explores more budget cuts to address migrant crisis

Since January 31, the city has provided case management to over 700 individuals, which includes 500 people who have secured temporary housing thanks to the case management outreach, said Sandoval.

She said around 50 percent of those who obtained temporary housing were children.

That's a huge impact for me as we had the encampment in Northwest Denver. We saw children living in tents for the first time in Denver's history, said Sandoval.

The hotels serving as migrant shelters that will close include one in Aurora and three in northeast Denver and according to the city, the goal is to keep those shelters permanently closed.

Denver

12:52 PM, Feb 09, 2024

The city said the number of migrants in shelters has dropped by around half since peaking in January and currently the occupancy numbers are at the lowest number in around three months.

Our plan is to try to close the shelters and keep them closed and move away from a system that has revolved largely on significant numbers of open hotels. For ongoing housing, we're trying to do more and better at the case navigation that gets people directly from shelter opportunities into housing or into workforce options support and onward travel, said Johnston.

With the four hotels set to close, three hotels will remain open in addition to several congregate sites which include a church.

Despite closing the four hotels, Johnston said the city would have capacity to address another migrant surge if it were to happen in the future.

So what we've shown we can do is we can manage folks that arrive successfully. We can exit them successfully to programming and services and we can reduce city budgets, Johnston said. But what we can't do is have a city that stays on the hook for $180 million in costs without any federal support, without increasing work authorization or without a coordinated entry plan.

Wednesdays press conference comes after Auroras City Council this week approved by a 7-3 vote a resolution effectively halting city support of migrants and people experiencing homelessness.

We are bringing forward a resolution to let cities know that they're not allowed to bus migrants into our community without us knowing," said Councilman Steve Sundberg during Mondays vote. We want to simply let our residents know that although we are empathetic towards the plight of such folks, we cannot host them out of pure reality and our financial situation.

Aurora

10:45 PM, Feb 26, 2024

The adopted resolution was amended before the vote to eliminate a portion that would have allowed Aurora to take in immigrants if a financial agreement was reached beforehand.

No Aurora public funds, services or staff resources would be directed to migrant support.

Denver has spent around $58 million in its effort to support 38,861 migrants as of this week leading to cuts in services including a reduction in DMV and Parks & Recreation services.

During Mondays city council meeting, Councilmember At-Large Danielle Jurinsky, who co-sponsored Auroras resolution, took aim at Denvers cuts.

In Aurora, were not going to cut our services, were not going to shut down our rec centers. Were not going to do what Denver is doing and cut services to the people who live here, said Jurinsky.

What I find to be inhumane is knowing that the City of Aurora does not have the funds to start cutting out of our budget like Denver does, so to intentionally bus these people into a city knowing there is no help for them here, there will be no services for them here because we do not have the budget for that. That is inhumane.

Aurora City Council approves resolution halting financial support of migrants, unhoused population

During Wednesdays press conference, Mayor Johnston addressed Auroras actions.

First of all, it's false that we're sending them to Aurora. Second of all, I'd say history is pretty clear on this. There's a long history of cities in this country over centuries who bet on being anti-immigrant in their economic strategies, and look and see how those cities have done, said Johnston. Those cities have been on the losing side of history and every single moment and there have been other cities that have been welcoming,

Wrapping up the press conference, Mayor Johnston added: Denver has been and will be the most vibrant city in the state for decades to come. And it will be that way because it will be a place that's welcoming to folks who want to come and help build into something better. We will bet our future on that, said Johnston. But if folks want to bet their future on closing their doors, we'll see who wins.

At at city council meeting following the mayor's press conference, council members pressed the mayor's team to provide more information about how the city is adding up migrant costs.

"I need more specificity around how we're arriving at these numbers," Councilwoman Stacey Gilmore told Denver Department of Human Services executive director Anne-Marie Braga. "All of us need to be able to walk our residents through how we're doing our math."

Even though the mayor said the city is not abandoning migrants and will continue to help them find housing, jobs, or onward travel, some advocates worry about what's to come.

Some adult migrants have returned to a local encampment since leaving shelters.

"We're really concerned that this last batch that he's gonna be turning out over the next four weeks do not have any sort of plan," said Amy Beck, an advocate for the unhoused. "We're kind of holding our breath right now to see if the camp is gonna grow much larger over the next four weeks."

Denver to close migrant shelters in effort to save millions amid budget deficit

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Denver to close migrant shelters in effort to save $60 million amid budget deficit - Denver 7 Colorado News

In 2019, Panama released a study showing it had registered a staggering 4,060 domestic NGOs since 2000.This surge in NGOs is closely related to the intensity of the ongoing Central American migration crisis. For more than a decade, Gabriela Valencia has been championing the service and invaluable contributions of these local NGOs in addressing critical issues. However, her recent observations have revealed challenges to their agency and development approaches, stemming from what they perceive as uneven strategies aimed at governing migration in Central America.

Furthermore, recent research that I completed, examined how tackling migration crises through the USs ongoingCollaborative Migration Management Strategy, shapes the capacity and agency of local NGOs to deliver services in migrant-receiving countries. It highlighted the concern that transnational governance not only shapes development but also contributes to domestic competition and inequality for NGOs.

Latin America has long been considered by the US as their nearest backyard. Fourteen days after Joe Biden was sworn in as the US President in 2021, the White House passed an Executive Order that called for a strategy to collaboratively manage migration in the North and Central America regions. Thiscollaborative strategyrepresents the external half of Bidens administrative policy for addressing the issue of migration.The transnational strategy was intentionally designed to rectify the use of the controversialTitle 42 policy. It was also unilaterally constructed to allow the US to regain control of its Southern border by tackling the roots of displacement and addressing the flow of forced migration that has been rapidly incrementing and concentrating in the region.

Sprinkled throughout the strategy are terms like stabilize, expand, strengthen, support,and enhance, implying thatdevelopmentis an integral part of it. On the surface, the approach seeks to comprehensively refresh ties and sustain the co-responsibility of migration management by having the US work alongside and support its long-time Central American allies. In a polarised fashion, other weighty terms used in the strategy are govern, manage,and orderly process.This dual approach allows the US to put forward a blueprint based on governing through aid and development.

For Central America, migration control remains closely linked to relations with the U.S and because the assistance to migrant populations is primarily carried out by local NGOs, they have become pivotal to the complex migration governance strategy. Small host countries such as Belize, Costa Rica, and Panama are being asked to make every effort to not only assist and aid the extremely vulnerable migrant populations but to also curb their mobility towards the North by providing economic development and social integration programmes. While the US pushes to externalise migration issues and regain its regional hegemony, local NGOs are immersed in a political hot zone.

The existence of numerous NGOs in Panama is not without justification. Primarily, in Latin America, NGOs are often seen as a substitute for the shortcomings of state development. They enhance the role and representation of civil society in areas where fundamental needs are perceived to be inadequately addressed. In Central America, this perception is further shaped by nearly a decade of evolving migration crises converging within its borders.

From January to December 2023, the Panamanian government registered irregular entry through theDarien Gapof over 500,000 migrants from three main regions: South America, Antilles, and Asia. The primary attendants of these migrants are relief-oriented United Nations agencies, NGOs, and underserved communities that can assist them with their most immediate needs such as access to water, food, shelter, and healthcare.

Because of migration policies and their irregular status, the long-term settlement of most migrants will remain uncertain. Once their pressing needs are met, they will attempt to access other services (i.e. economic development, legal assistance, and social integration programmes) that will allow them to build some temporary stability in Panama. To provide such services, many local NGOs havepartnered directlywith UN agencies to access funding and strengthen their service capacity. By aligning with the strategy, the NGOs can access larger grants that are trickled down from the US through their main contractors such as USAID, UN agencies, and INGOs.

Figure 1 NGOs service provision range and relationship with agencies

The relationship of the UN Agencies, the NGOs of the study, and the services and types of migrants they assist.

Yet, even when the local NGOs can manage to acquire more funds to advance the services and learn to navigate the bureaucratic hurdles of the UN system, they will still find themselves adopting formidable obstacles in the form of economic instability and development constraints far beyond their participation in the strategy.

So far, the Mexican and Central American states capacity to respond to the current migration crisis has been limited. This results in an overreliance from the governments and international agencies on civil society organisations to aid and put forward responsive migration programmes through intensely transactional relationships. Local NGOs have quickly found themselves balancing economic dependency and advancing their development goals. They are continuously consumed and preoccupied by the inequalities within the systems they navigate.

Experiences of civil society organisations in Panama point to a highly competitive atmosphere to attain the grants and to impact a specific number of migrants without necessarily being able to recognise them as significant assets for the country and endure the impact. It seems like the scarce resources available continue to be directed indefinitely into providing temporary relief in what can be perceived as a never-ending cycle of humanitarian assistance. Therefore, as funding levels surge, these NGOs find themselves navigating a nuanced landscape filled with challenges that pose conflicts for their overarching mission and the effective delivery of services. The complex role that these NGOs have within the strategy iswidely relevantto understanding the mechanisms, procedures, and establishments that sustain inequality within the aid system.

While a definitive solution to the Central American migration crisis remains elusive, the collaborative strategy persists on its course toward implementation. Anticipating further participation from NGOs and agencies, I will continue my work with the aim of responding to the need for a more comprehensive analysis of the strategys implications and the role of local organisations in the Central American migration service system.

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The Migration Crisis in Central America: How Domestic NGOs from Panama Are Central to the US Migration Strategy - LSE Home