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Pence’s bunny, Marlon Bundo, hops onto Instagram – Indianapolis Star

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Just when you thought Marlon Bundo, Vice President Mike Pences bunny, couldnt get more famous the rabbitnow has an Instagramaccount.

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Pet rabbit "Marlon Bundo," is carried off the plane of Vice president-elect Mike Pence as he arrives with his wife Karen Pence and daughter Charlotte Pence, at Andrews Air Force Base, Md., Monday, Jan. 9, 2017. (AP Photo/Alex Brandon)(Photo: Alex Brandon, AP)

Just when you thought Marlon Bundo, Vice President Mike Pences bunny, couldnt get more famous the rabbitnow has an Instagramaccount.

The account showed up this week with a photo of the bunny on a very regal looking desk. Then came a video of him dancing with the hashtags #firstbundreddays and #botus.

Is this the real, official Marlon Bundo? The IndyStar is still verifying. But it sure looks like the Bunny of the United States.

America got its first glimpse of Pences bunny when the family left Indiana to move to Washington, D.C. Pence tweeted a photo of his daughter, Charlotte, holding Marlon Bundo on an U.S. Air Force passenger jet.

Marlon Bundo quickly became an internet sensation, and his Instagram already has more than 850 followers.

As one Instagram commentator put it: Nice to see a bunny in government!

IndyStar reporter Amy Bartner contributed to this article.

Call IndyStar reporter Chelsea Schneider at (317) 444-6077. Follow her on Twitter: @IndyStarChelsea.

Read or Share this story: http://indy.st/2jB5cct

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Pence's bunny, Marlon Bundo, hops onto Instagram - Indianapolis Star

Mike Pence – Wikipedia

Mike Pence 48th Vice President of the United States Assumed office January 20, 2017 President Donald Trump Preceded by Joe Biden 50th Governor of Indiana In office January 14, 2013 January 9, 2017 Lieutenant Sue Ellspermann Eric Holcomb Preceded by Mitch Daniels Succeeded by Eric Holcomb Chair of the House Republican Conference In office January 3, 2009 January 3, 2011 Leader John Boehner Preceded by Adam Putnam Succeeded by Jeb Hensarling Member of the U.S. House of Representatives from Indiana In office January 3, 2003 January 3, 2013 Preceded by Dan Burton Succeeded by Luke Messer Constituency 6th district In office January 3, 2001 January 3, 2003 Preceded by David M. McIntosh Succeeded by Chris Chocola Constituency 2nd district Personal details Born Michael Richard Pence (1959-06-07) June 7, 1959 (age57) Columbus, Indiana, U.S. Political party Republican Spouse(s) Karen Pence (m.1985) Children 3 Residence Number One Observatory Circle Education Hanover College (BA) Indiana University, Indianapolis (JD) Signature Website White House Website Transition website

Michael Richard "Mike" Pence (born June 7, 1959) is an American politician and the 48th Vice President of the United States. He previously served as the Governor of Indiana from 2013 to 2017.

Born and raised in Columbus, Indiana, Pence graduated from Hanover College and earned a law degree from the Indiana University Robert H. McKinney School of Law before entering private practice. After losing two bids for a U.S. congressional seat in 1988 and 1990, he became a conservative radio and television talk show host from 1994 to 1999. Pence was elected to the United States Congress in 2000 and represented Indiana's 2nd congressional district and Indiana's 6th congressional district in the United States House of Representatives from 2001 to 2013. He served as the chairman of the House Republican Conference from 2009 to 2011.[1] Pence positioned himself as a principled ideologue and supporter of the Tea Party movement, noting he was "a Christian, a conservative, and a Republican, in that order."[2][3][4]

Upon becoming Governor of Indiana in January 2013, Pence initiated the largest tax cut in Indiana's history, pushed for more funding for education initiatives, and continued to increase the state's budget surplus. Pence signed bills intended to restrict abortions, including one that prohibited abortions if the reason for the procedure was the fetus's race, gender, or disability.[5] Pence stirred several high-profile controversies, including with his signature of the Religious Freedom Restoration Act, for which he encountered fierce resistance from moderate members of his party, the business community, and LGBT advocates. He was forced to sign an additional bill acting as an amendment intended to protect LGBT people.[6]

On November 8, 2016, Pence was elected as Vice President, after he dropped out of his gubernatorial re-election campaign in July to become the vice presidential running mate for Republican presidential nominee Donald Trump, who went on to win the presidential election.

Michael Richard "Mike" Pence was born June 7, 1959, in Columbus, Indiana, one of six children of Nancy Jane (ne Cawley) and Edward J. Pence, Jr. (19291988),[7] who ran a group of gas stations.[8][9] His family were Irish Catholic Democrats.[10] He was named after his grandfather, Richard Michael Cawley, who emigrated from County Sligo, Ireland, to the United States through Ellis Island and became a bus driver in Chicago, Illinois.[11] His maternal grandmother's parents were from Doonbeg, County Clare.[12][13]

Pence graduated from Columbus North High School in 1977. He earned a BA degree in history from Hanover College in 1981, and a JD degree from the Indiana University's Robert H. McKinney School of Law in Indianapolis in 1986. While at Hanover, Pence joined the Phi Gamma Delta fraternity, where he became the chapter president.[14] After graduating from Hanover, Pence was an admissions counselor at the college from 1981 to 1983.[15]

In his childhood and early adulthood, Pence was a Roman Catholic and a Democrat. He volunteered for the Bartholomew County Democratic Party in 1976 and voted for Jimmy Carter in the 1980 presidential election,[16] and has stated that he was originally inspired to get involved in politics by people such as John F. Kennedy and Martin Luther King Jr.[16] While in college, Pence became an evangelical, born-again Christian.[16] His political views also starting shifting to the right during this time in his life, something which Pence attributes to the "common-sense conservatism of Ronald Reagan" that he began to identify with.[16][17]

After graduating from law school in 1986, Pence was an attorney in private practice.[18] He ran unsuccessfully for a congressional seat in 1988 and in 1990. He became the president of the Indiana Policy Review Foundation, a self-described free-market think tank in 1991 and a member of the State Policy Network.[19]

Pence left the Indiana Policy Review Foundation in 1993, a year after beginning to host The Mike Pence Show, a talk radio program based in WRCR-FM in Rushville, Indiana.[20][21] Pence called himself "Rush Limbaugh on decaf" since he considered himself politically conservative while not as outspoken as Limbaugh.[22] The show was syndicated by Network Indiana and aired weekdays 9 a.m. to noon (ET) on 18 stations throughout the state, including WIBC in Indianapolis.[20] From 1995 to 1999, Pence also hosted a weekend political talk show from Indianapolis.[23][24]

In 1988, Pence ran for Congress against Democratic incumbent Phil Sharp, but lost.[25] He ran against Sharp again in 1990, quitting his job in order to work full-time in the campaign, but once again was unsuccessful.[25] During the race, Pence used "political donations to pay the mortgage on his house, his personal credit card bill, groceries, golf tournament fees and car payments for his wife."[26] While the spending was not illegal at the time, it reportedly undermined his campaign.[26]

During the 1990 campaign, Pence ran a television advertisement in which an actor, dressed in a robe and headdress and speaking in a thick Middle Eastern accent, thanked his opponent, Sharp, for doing nothing to wean the United States off imported oil as chairman of a House subcommittee on energy and power.[26][27] In response to criticism, Pence's campaign responded that the ad was not about Arabs; rather, it concerned Sharp's lack of leadership.[26][27] In 1991, Pence wrote an essay, "Confessions of a Negative Campaigner", published in the Indiana Policy Review, in which he apologized for running negative ads against Sharp.[22][26][28]

Mike Pence rejuvenated his political career by running for the U.S. House of Representatives again in 2000, this time winning the seat in Indiana's 2nd congressional district after six-year incumbent David M. McIntosh opted to run for governor of Indiana. The district (renumbered as Indiana's 6th congressional district beginning in 2002) comprises all or portions of 19 counties in eastern Indiana. As a Congressman, Pence adopted the slogan he had used on the radio, describing himself as "a Christian, a conservative and a Republican, in that order."[2] While in Congress, Pence belonged to the Tea Party Caucus.[29]

In his first year in office Pence established a reputation as one with strong convictions willing to go his own way. He opposed President George W. Bush's No Child Left Behind Act in 2001,[30] as well as President Bush's Medicare prescription drug expansion the following year.[31] Pence was re-elected four more times by comfortable margins. In the 2006 and 2008 House elections, he defeated Democrat Barry Welsh.[32][33]

Pence began to climb the party leadership structure and from 2005 to 2007 was chairman of the Republican Study Committee, a group of conservative House Republicans.[34] In November 2006, Pence announced his candidacy for leader of the Republican Party (minority leader) in the United States House of Representatives.[35] Pence's release announcing his run for minority leader focused on a "return to the values" of the Newt Gingrich-headed 1994 Republican Revolution.[36] However, he lost the bid to Representative John Boehner of Ohio by a vote of 168 for Boehner, 27 for Pence, and one for Representative Joe Barton of Texas.[37] In January 2009, Pence was elected as the Republican Conference Chairman, the third-highest-ranking Republican leadership position. He ran unopposed and was elected unanimously. He was the first representative from Indiana to hold a House leadership position since 1981.[1] During Pence's twelve years in the House, he introduced 90 bills and resolutions; none became law.[38] His committee assignments in the House were the following:

In 2008, Esquire magazine listed Pence as one of the ten best members of Congress, writing that Pence's "unalloyed traditional conservatism has repeatedly pitted him against his party elders."[45] Pence was mentioned as a possible Republican candidate for president in 2008[3] and 2012.[46] In September 2010, he was the top choice for president in a straw poll conducted by the Values Voter Summit.[47][48] That same year he was encouraged to run against incumbent Democratic Senator Evan Bayh,[49][50][51] but opted not to enter the race,[52] even after Bayh unexpectedly announced that he would retire.[53]

In May 2011, Mike Pence announced that he would be seeking the Republican nomination for governor of Indiana in 2012.[54] Incumbent Republican Governor Mitch Daniels was term-limited. Despite strong name recognition and a popular outgoing governor of the same party, Pence found himself in a heated race, eventually pulling out a close win with just under 50 percent of the vote against Democrat John R. Gregg and Libertarian nominee Rupert Boneham.[55] Pence was sworn in as the 50th governor of Indiana on January 14, 2013.[56]

Pence "inherited a $2 billion budget reserve from his predecessor, Mitch Daniels, and the state has added to that reserve under his watch, though not before requiring state agencies, including public universities, to reduce funding in years in which revenue fell below projections."[57] The state finished fiscal year 2014 with a reserve of $2 billion; budget cuts ordered by Pence for the $14 billion annual state budget include $24 million cut from colleges and universities; $27 million cut from the Family and Social Services Administration; and $12 million cut from the Department of Correction.[58] During Pence's term as governor, the unemployment rate reflected the national average.[59] Indiana's job growth lagged slightly behind the national trend.[60] In 2014, Indiana's economy was among the slowest-growing in the United States, with 0.4% GDP growth, compared to the national average of 2.2%; this was attributed in part to a sluggish manufacturing sector.[61]Carrier Corp. and United Technologies Electronic Controls (UTEC) announced in 2016 that they would be closing two facilities in Indiana, sending 2,100 jobs to Mexico; the Trump campaign criticized the moves[62] and Pence expressed "deep disappointment".[63][64] Pence was unsuccessful in his efforts to persuade the companies to stay in the state, although the companies agreed to reimburse local and state governments for certain tax incentives that they had received.[64][65] The Indiana Economic Development Corporation led by Pence had approved $24m in incentives to 10 companies who sent jobs abroad. $8.7m had been paid out by August 2016.[62]

In 2013, Pence signed a law blocking local governments in Indiana from requiring businesses to offer higher wages or benefits beyond those required by federal law. In 2015, Pence also repealed an Indiana law that required construction companies working on publicly funded projects to pay a prevailing wage.[66][67][68][69] Indiana enacted right-to-work legislation under Pence's predecessor, Republican governor Mitch Daniels. Under Pence, the state successfully defended this legislation against a labor challenge.[67]

Pence made tax reform, namely a 10% income-tax rate cut, a priority for 2013.[70][71] While he did not get the 10% cut he advocated, Pence did accomplish his goal of cutting state taxes.[70] Legislators cut the income tax by 5% and also killed the inheritance tax.[70] Speaker of the House Brian Bosma said that the legislative package was the "largest tax cut in our state's history, about $1.1 billion dollars."[72] By signing Senate Bill 1, the state corporate income tax would be dropped from 6.5% to 4.9% by 2021, which would be the second-lowest corporate income tax in the nation.[73]

On June 12, 2013, the Indiana Legislature overrode Pence's veto of a bill to retroactively authorize a local tax. Lawmakers overrode Pence's veto in a 6823 vote in the House and a 3412 one in the Senate.[74] Republican legislators overwhelmingly voted against Pence, while most Democrats supported his veto.[75] The JacksonPulaski tax fix, one of three bills vetoed by Pence during the session, addressed a 15-year-old county income tax which had been imposed to fund the construction of jail facilities with the stipulation that the tax be lowered by 1% after the first several years. The reduction was not implemented and thus county residents paid an additional 1% tax that they were legally not required to pay. The bill, which was passed by a huge majority of legislators and subsequently vetoed by Pence, allowed money to be kept and not returned to the tax payers as would have otherwise been necessary.[75][76]

As governor, Pence pressed for a balanced budget amendment to the state's constitution. He initially proposed the initiative in his State of the State address in January 2015. The legislation passed the state Senate.[77] Indiana has had AAA credit ratings with the three major credit-rating agencies since 2010, before Pence took office; these ratings have been maintained throughout Pence's tenure.[78]

In 2014, Pence supported the Indiana Gateway project, a $71.4 million passenger and freight rail improvement initiative paid for by the American Recovery and Reinvestment Act of 2009 (the federal stimulus package), which Pence had voted against while a congressman.[79] In October 2015, Pence "announced plans to pay off a $250 million federal loan" to cover unemployment insurance payments that spiked during the recession.[57] In March 2016, Pence signed legislation to fund a $230 million two-year road-funding package.[57]

During his tenure as governor, Pence supported significant increases in education funding to pre-schools, voucher programs, and charter schools, but frequently clashed with supporters of traditional public schools.[80][81] In 2014, a little over one year after taking office, Pence helped establish a $10 million state preschool pilot program in Indiana and testified personally before the state Senate Education Committee in favor of the program to convince fellow Republicans (several of whom opposed the proposal) to approve the plan.[80][81] Although the plan was initially defeated, Pence successfully managed to revive it, "getting Indiana off the list of just 10 states that spent no direct funds to help poor children attend preschool."[81] Demand for enrollment in the program "far outstripped" capacity, and Pence at first refused to apply for up to $80 million in federal Health and Human Services Preschool Development Grant program funding,[80] arguing that "Indiana must develop our own pre-K program without federal intrusion."[82] After coming under sustained criticism for this position, Pence reversed course and sought to apply for the funds.[80][83]

In 2015, Pence secured significant increases in charter-school funding from the legislation, although he did not get everything he had proposed.[81] Legislation signed into law by Pence in 2013 greatly increased the number of students in Indiana who qualify for school vouchers, making it one of the largest voucher programs in the United States.[84][85][86][87] The annual cost of the program is estimated to be $53 million for the 201516 school year.[86][87]

Pence opposed the Common Core State Standards Initiative, calling for the repeal of the standards in his 2014 State of the State address. The Indiana General Assembly then passed a bill to repeal the standards, becoming the first state to do so.[80][81]

Despite successful advocacy for more funding for pre-schools, voucher programs, and charter schools, Pence has frequently clashed with teachers unions and supporters of public schooling.[80][81] In one of his first acts as governor, Pence removed control of the Educational Employment Relations Board, which was in charge of handling conflicts between unions and school boards, from Glenda Ritz, a Democrat who was the Indiana Superintendent of Public Instruction (a separately elected position in the state).[88] Pence created a new "Center for Education and Career Innovation" (CECI) to coordinate efforts between schools and the private sector; Ritz opposed the Center, viewing it as a "power grab" and encroachment on her own duties. Pence eventually disestablished the Center in order to help defuse the conflict.[80][81] In May 2015, Pence signed a bill stripping Ritz of much of her authority over standardized testing and other education issues, and reconstituting the State Board of Education dominated by Pence appointees.[89] The bill also allowed the board to appoint a chairman other than the Superintendent of Public Instruction starting in 2017, and added the State Board of Education (controlled by Pence) as a "state educational authority" along with the Department of Education (controlled by Ritz) for purposes of accessing sensitive student data.[89] Pence and Ritz also clashed over non-binding federal guidelines that advised Indiana public schools must treat transgender students in a way that corresponds to their gender identity, even if their education files indicate a different gender.[90]

During Pence's term in office, the Republican-controlled Indiana General Assembly "repeatedly tried to roll back renewable energy standards and successfully ended Indiana's energy efficiency efforts."[91] Pence has been an outspoken supporter of the coal industry, declaring in his 2015 State of the State address that "Indiana is a pro-coal state," expressing support for an "all-of-the-above energy strategy," and stating: "we must continue to oppose the overreaching schemes of the EPA until we bring their war on coal to an end."[91][92] In 2015, Pence sent a letter to President Obama denouncing the EPA's Clean Power Plan (which would regulate carbon emissions from existing power plans) and stating that Indiana would refuse to comply with the plan.[91][93] Indiana joined other states in a lawsuit seeking to invalidate the plan.[91] In 2016, Pence stated that even if legal challenges failed, Indiana would continue to defy the rule and would not come up with its own plan to reduce emissions.[94]

In 2014, over the opposition of Indiana school organizations, Pence signed a bill which allows firearms to be kept in vehicles on school property.[95] In 2015, following a shooting in Chattanooga, Pence recruited the NRA to train the Indiana National Guard on concealed carry. Some National Guard officials from other states questioned why a civilian organization would be involved in a military issue.[96] In May 2015, Pence signed into law Senate Bill 98, which limited lawsuits against gun and ammunition manufacturers and sellers and retroactively terminated the City of Gary's still-pending 1999 lawsuit against gun manufacturers and retailers that allegedly made illegal sales of handguns.[97][98] The bill was supported by Republicans such as state Senator Jim Tomes, who hoped that the measure would attract more gun-related businesses to Indiana, but opposed by Gary mayor and former Indiana attorney general Karen Freeman-Wilson, who viewed the measure as "an unprecedented violation of the separation of powers between the legislative and judicial branches of state government."[98] In 2016, Pence signed Senate Bill 109 into law, legalizing the captive hunting of farm-raised deer in Indiana.[99]

Beginning in December 2014, there was an HIV outbreak in Southern Indiana.[100] In 2011, Planned Parenthood ran five rural clinics in Indiana. They tested for HIV and offered prevention, intervention and counseling for better health. The one in Scott County performed no abortions.[101] The Republican-controlled legislature and Pence defunded Planned Parenthood.[102] Scott County has been without an HIV testing center since 2013.[101] Pence had long been a vocal opponent of needle exchange programs, which allow drug users to trade in used syringes for sterile ones in order to stop the spread of diseases,despite evidence that such programs prevent the spread of AIDS and hepatitis C, and do not increase drug abuse.[100]

In March 2015, after the outbreak began, Pence allowed at least five counties to open needle exchanges, but has not moved to lift the state ban on funding for needle exchanges.[100] Critics say Pence's compromise has been ineffective because counties had no way to pay for needle exchanges themselves. Indiana State Health Commissioner Jerome Adams defended Pence, saying that publicly funded needle exchange programs are controversial in many conservative communities. In middle America, Adams said, you can't "just point your finger at folks and say, 'You need to have a syringe exchange and were going to pay for it with your tax dollars.'"[103]

In 2015, Pence and the Obama administration agreed to expand Medicaid in Indiana, in accordance with the Affordable Care Act.[104][105] As part of the expansion, Pence negotiated modifications to the program for Indiana that included co-payments by participants. The co-payments are linked to healthy behaviors on the part of the participants, so that, for example, a participant who quit smoking would receive a lower co-payment. Participants can lose benefits for failing to make the payments.[106]

Despite several successful policy initiatives, Pence found himself in several high-profile controversies, including some that brought national attention. On March 26, 2015, Pence signed Indiana Senate Bill 101, also known as the Indiana "religious objections" bill (Religious Freedom Restoration Act, or RFRA), into law.[107] The law's signing was met with criticism by people and groups who felt the law was carefully worded in a way that would permit discrimination against LGBT persons.[108][109][110][111] Such organizations as the NCAA, the gamer convention Gen Con, and the Disciples of Christ spoke out against the law. Apple CEO Tim Cook and Salesforce.com CEO Marc Benioff condemned the law, with Salesforce.com saying it would halt its plans to expand in the state.[112][113]Angie's List announced that they would cancel a $40 million expansion of their Indianapolis based headquarters due to concerns over the law. The expansion would have moved 1000 jobs into the state. The mayors of San Francisco and Seattle banned official travel to Indiana.[114] Thousands protested against the policy.[108] Five GOP state representatives voted against the bill, and Greg Ballard, the Republican mayor of Indianapolis, criticized it as sending the "wrong signal" about the state.[115]

Pence defended the law, stating that it was not about discrimination. In an appearance on the ABC News program This Week with George Stephanopoulos,[116] Pence stated, "We are not going to change this law", while refusing to answer whether examples of discrimination against LGBT people given by Eric Miller of anti-LGBT group Advance America would be legal under the law.[117] Pence denied the law permitted discrimination and wrote in a March 31, 2015, Wall Street Journal op-ed, "If I saw a restaurant owner refuse to serve a gay couple, I wouldn't eat there anymore. As governor of Indiana, if I were presented a bill that legalized discrimination against any person or group, I would veto it."[118] In the wake of the backlash against the RFRA, on April 2, 2015, Pence signed legislation revising the law to prevent potential discrimination.[119]

Another controversy arose in March 2016 when Pence signed into law H.B. 1337, a bill that both banned certain abortion procedures and placed new restrictions on abortion providers. The bill banned abortion if the reason for the procedure given by the pregnant person was the fetus' race or gender or a fetal abnormality. In addition, the bill required that all fetal remains from abortions or miscarriages at any stage of pregnancy be buried or cremated, which according to the Guttmacher Institute was not required in any other state.[120][121][122] The law was described as "exceptional for its breadth"; if implemented, it would have made Indiana "the first state to have a blanket ban on abortions based solely on race, sex or suspected disabilities, including evidence of Down syndrome."[121] Days after the U.S. Supreme Court issued its decision in Whole Woman's Health v. Hellerstedt, a federal court issued a preliminary injunction blocking the bill from taking effect, with U.S. District Judge Tanya Walton Pratt determining that the bill was likely to be unconstitutional and that the State of Indiana would be unlikely to prevail at trial.[121]

In June 2013, Pence was criticized for deleting comments of others posted on his official government Facebook page; he apologized.[123]

On January 26, 2015 it was widely reported that Pence had planned to launch a state-run, taxpayer-funded news service for Indiana.[124] The service, called "JustIN", was to be overseen by a former reporter for The Indianapolis Star, and would feature breaking news, stories written by press secretaries, and light features.[124] At the time, it was reported that the two employees who would run the news service would be paid a combined $100,000 yearly salary.[124] The target audience was small newspapers that had limited staff, but the site would also serve to communicate directly with the public. The publisher of the Commercial Review of Portland, Indiana, said, "I think it's a ludicrous idea ... the notion of elected officials presenting material that will inevitably have a pro-administration point of view is antithetical to the idea of an independent press."[124] There was speculation that the news service would publish pro-administration stories that would make Pence look good in the event of a presidential run.[125]

According to the Associated Press, the idea "of stories prewritten for the media set off a wave of criticism from journalists around the country, who likened the Indiana endeavor to state-run media in Russia and China. Headlines like 'Pravda in the Plains' accompanied calls for Pence to scrap the idea."[126] David A. Graham of The Atlantic regarded the announcement of JustIN as evidence of a disturbing changing trend in how the public gets news.[127] After a week or so of controversy about the idea, Pence scrapped the idea saying, "However well-intentioned, after thorough review of the preliminary planning and careful consideration of the concerns expressed, I am writing you to inform you that I have made a decision to terminate development of the JustIN website immediately."[128]

As governor, Pence attempted unsuccessfully to prevent Syrian refugees from being resettled in Indiana.[129] In February 2016, a federal judge ruled that Pence's order to cut off federal funds for a local non-profit refugee resettlement agency was unconstitutional; Pence has appealed.[129] In December 2015, Pence stated that "calls to ban Muslims from entering the U.S. are offensive and unconstitutional".[130]

When asked if he accepts evolution, Pence answered "I believe with all my heart that God created the heavens and the earth, the seas and all thats in them. How he did that I'll ask him about some day."[131][132] In a 2002 statement on the floor of the House (reported in the Congressional Record), Pence told his colleagues "... I also believe that someday scientists will come to see that only the theory of intelligent design provides even a remotely rational explanation for the known universe."[133][134]

Pence ran for a second term as governor. He was unopposed in the May 3, 2016, Republican primary for governor. He was to face Democrat John R. Gregg, former speaker of the Indiana House of Representatives, in a rematch of the 2012 race. However, Pence filed paperwork ending his campaign on July 15, 2016, as Trump announced his selection of Pence as his vice presidential running mate.[135]

Pence endorsed Senator Ted Cruz of Texas in the 2016 Republican presidential primaries.[3]

Donald Trump considered naming Pence as his vice presidential running mate along with other finalists including New Jersey governor Chris Christie and former House speaker Newt Gingrich. The Indianapolis Star reported July 14 that Pence would end his re-election campaign and accept the Republican vice presidential nomination instead.[136] This was widely reported on July 14, 2016. The following day, Trump officially announced on Twitter that Pence would be his running mate.[137][138][139]

Immediately after the announcement, Pence said that he was "very supportive of Donald Trump's call to temporarily suspend immigration from countries where terrorist influence and impact represents a threat to the United States".[140] Pence said that he was "absolutely" in sync with Trump's Mexican wall proposal, stating that Mexico was "absolutely" going to pay for it.[141]

According to a FiveThirtyEight rating of candidates' ideology, Pence was the most conservative vice-presidential candidate in the last forty years.[142]

Pence stated that his role model as vice president would be Dick Cheney.[143]

During Pence's preparations for the vice presidential debate in October 2016, Scott Walker played the role of Tim Kaine.[144] (In Kaine's own debate prep, Robert Barnett was selected to play Pence.)[145]

In response to lewd comments made by Donald Trump in 2005,[146] and reported in The Washington Post on Friday, October 7, 2016, Pence said I do not condone his remarks and cannot defend them", but Pence made clear that he was standing by the presidential candidate.[147] The candidate's campaign substituted Pence for Trump at a campaign event from which Trump was 'uninvited' by Paul Ryan, the Speaker of the U. S. House of Representatives.[148]

According to The New York Times, Pence called Trump on October 8, 2016 and told him that he would not appear at the campaign event with Ryan as a replacement for Trump and that Trump would need to handle the next 48 hours on his own, as Pence said he did not think he would be an effective surrogate for Trump.[149] On October 10, 2016, Pence appeared on CNN and said that it was "absolutely false to suggest that at any point in time we considered dropping off this ticket" and that it is the "greatest honor of my life" to be nominated as Trump's running mate.[150]

On October 27, 2016, a chartered Boeing 737 carrying Pence skidded off a runway at LaGuardia Airport in New York City and was slowed by an engineered materials arrestor system; no injuries were reported.[151]

On November 8, 2016, Pence was elected Vice President of the United States as Trump's running mate.

Soon after the election, he was appointed chairman of President-elect Trump's transition team.[152] During the transition phase of the Trump Administration, Pence was reported as holding a large degree of influence in the administration due to his roles as a mediator between Trump and congressional Republicans, for reassuring conservatives about Trump's conservative credentials, and his influence in determining Donald Trump's cabinet.[153][154]

On January 19, 2017, it was reported that Trump's transition team, led by Mike Pence, was finishing on time and 20% under budget.[155]

He took office on January 20, 2017 and became the sixth Hoosier (Indiana resident) following Schuyler Colfax, Charles W. Fairbanks, Thomas Hendricks, Thomas R. Marshall, and Dan Quayle, to hold the office.

On January 20, 2017, at noon, Pence became the 48th Vice President of the United States, sworn in to the office by Justice Clarence Thomas, using Ronald Reagan's Bible, opened to 2 Chronicles 7:14, "If my people, which are called by my name, shall humble themselves, and pray, and seek my face, and turn from their wicked ways; then will I hear from heaven, and will forgive their sin, and will heal their land", which is the same verse Reagan used for his swearing-ins as governor and President. Pence also used his personal Bible which "he opens every morning."[156]

Pence is described as being staunchly conservative on fiscal and social issues, with his political views strongly shaped by his Christian faith and by Russell Kirk.[16]

Pence is an opponent of abortion, and his unwavering support of abortion restrictions has gained him the support of grassroots conservative activists.[157] He began seeking to defund Planned Parenthood in 2007[158] and in three congressional sessions, he introduced legislation to block organizations that provide abortion services from receiving any Title X funding, even for services not related to reproductive health or family planning.[159]

Pence has criticized comprehensive sex education. In 2002, he criticized a speech by then-Secretary of State Colin Powell, who stated that it was "important for young people ... to protect themselves from the possibility of acquiring any sexually transmitted disease" through the use of condoms.[160][161] Pence called Powell's comments a "sad day" and expressed his support for abstinence education.[160][161] He asserted that "condoms are a very, very poor protection against sexually transmitted diseases" and that Powell was "maybe inadvertently misleading millions of young people and endangering lives".[160][161]

Pence opposed President Obama's executive order eliminating restrictions on embryonic stem-cell research, saying, "I believe it is morally wrong to create human life to destroy it for research ... I believe it is morally wrong to take the tax dollars of millions of pro-life Americans."[131][162] He asserted that "scientific breakthroughs have rendered embryonic stem-cell research obsolete".[131][162]

Pence has been a staunch opponent of efforts to expand LGBT civil rights. In 2000, Pence stated "Congress should oppose any effort to recognize homosexuals as a 'discrete and insular minority' entitled to the protection of anti-discrimination laws similar to those extended to women and ethnic minorities."[163] He called for "an audit to ensure that federal dollars were no longer being given to organizations that celebrate and encourage the types of behaviors that facilitate the spreading of the HIV virus" and instead advocated for resources to be directed toward institutions "which provide assistance to those seeking to change their sexual behavior".[164][165][166][167] Pence has said that homosexuals should not serve in the military, saying, "Homosexuality is incompatible with military service because the presence of homosexuals in the ranks weakens unit cohesion."[168] Pence opposed the repeal of don't ask, don't tell, saying in 2010 that allowing gays and lesbians to openly serve in the military would "have an impact on unit cohesion".[168][169] In 2007, Pence voted against the Employment Non-Discrimination Act, which would have banned workplace discrimination on the basis of sexual orientation.[170] Pence opposed the 2009 Matthew Shepard Hate Crimes Act,[171] saying that Barack Obama wanted to "advance a radical social agenda"[172] and said that pastors "could be charged or be subject to intimidation for simply expressing a Biblical worldview on the issue of homosexual behavior".[173] Pence opposes both same-sex marriage and civil unions.[174] While in the House, he said that "societal collapse was always brought about following an advent of the deterioration of marriage and family".[175] He has advocated a constitutional same-sex marriage ban but did not champion such a proposed ban for his first year as governor.[176]

Pence was a co-sponsor of H.J.Res.73, a 2011 spending limit amendment to the U.S. Constitution. This amendment would limit federal spending to "the average annual revenue collected in the three prior years, adjusted in proportion to changes in population and inflation".[177] In regards to adopting the gold standard, Pence stated in 2011, "the time has come to have a debate over gold and the proper role it should play in our nations monetary affairs".[178] Pence proposed legislation to end the dual mandate of the Federal Reserve (maximizing employment and stabilizing prices), requiring the Fed to just focus on price stability and not full employment.[179][180] He has been a proponent of a flat federal tax rate.[181] Pence opposed the Troubled Asset Relief Program (TARP) (the "Wall Street bailout") of 2008.[181] Pence also opposed the auto industry rescue package of 200809, which guided General Motors and Chrysler through bankruptcy.[182]

In 2007, Pence voted against the raising of the federal minimum wage to $7.25 (from $5.15) an hour over two years, stating that it would "hurt the working poor".[66] While in the House, Pence voted against the Employee Free Choice Act ("card check").[67] He voted against the American Recovery and Reinvestment Act of 2009.[183] He had publicly opposed the bill[184] denouncing it as a failure, and called for a federal spending freeze.[185] Nevertheless, several months after voting against the bill, Pence privately sought $6 million in stimulus funds for projects in his district,[186] and in 2010, hosted a job fair for stimulus-backed employers.[187] A Pence spokesperson stated that "once it became law, he had a responsibility to support local efforts to secure funding for projects that could benefit people in his district".[186] Pence voted against the DoddFrank Wall Street Reform and Consumer Protection Act.[188]

Pence was a supporter of earmark reform. He voted against the $139.7billion Transportation-Treasury spending bill in June 2006, and in favor of a series of amendments proposed that same month by Jeff Flake which would strip other members' earmarks from the federal budget.[189] On occasion, however, Pence secured earmarks for projects in his district.[189]

Pence voted against the act that created Medicare Part D, a Medicare prescription-drug benefit.[31] Pence voted against the Patient Protection and Affordable Care Act.[190] In June 2012, after the U.S. Supreme Court upheld the Affordable Care Act in NFIB v. Sebelius, Pence likened the ruling to the September 11 terrorist attacks in a closed-door meeting of the House Republican Conference. He immediately apologized for making the statement.[191]

In 2001, Pence wrote an op-ed arguing against the tobacco settlement and tobacco regulation, saying that they would create "new government bureaucracies" and encroach on private lives. He stated that "despite the hysteria from the political class and the media, smoking doesn't kill".[100][192] Pence asserted, "2 out of every three smokers does [sic] not die from a smoking related illness and 9 out of ten smokers do not contract lung cancer", while acknowledging that "smoking isn't good for you" and people who smoke should quit.[100][192] In 2009, Pence voted against the Family Smoking Prevention and Tobacco Control Act, which allows the FDA to regulate tobacco products.[193] According to the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, Pence's state of Indiana has one of the worst smoking problems in America.[131]

In June 2006, Pence unveiled an immigration plan (which he described as "No Amnesty Immigration reform") that would include increased border security, followed by strict enforcement of laws against hiring illegal aliens, and a guest worker program. This guest worker program would have required participants to apply from their home country to government-approved job placement agencies that match workers with employers who cannot find Americans for the job.[194] The plan received support from conservatives such as Dick Armey,[195] but attracted criticism from other conservatives such as Richard A. Viguerie and paleoconservatives Phyllis Schlafly and Pat Buchanan, who viewed Pence as lending "his conservative prestige to a form of liberal amnesty".[11][196]

In 2009, Pence opposed birthright citizenship (the legal principle set forth by the Citizenship Clause of the Fourteenth Amendment to the United States Constitution that "All persons born or naturalized in the United States, and subject to the jurisdiction thereof, are citizens of the United States and of the State wherein they reside"). He co-sponsored a bill that would have limited citizenship to children born to at least one parent who is a citizen, immigrants living permanently in the U.S. or non-citizens performing active service in the Armed Forces.[197]

In 2010, Pence voted against the DREAM Act, which would grant the undocumented children of illegal immigrants conditional non-immigrant status if they met certain requirements.[198] In 2010, Pence stated that Arizona S.B. 1070, which at the time of passage in 2010 was the nation's broadest and strictest anti-illegal immigration legislation, was "a good faith to try and restore order to their communities".[199]

Pence supported President George W. Bush's unsuccessful 2005 proposal to partially privatize Social Security[200] by allowing workers to invest part of their Social Security payroll taxes in private investment accounts and reduce the increase in benefits for high-income participants.[201] Pence had previously proposed a similar but more aggressive reform plan than Bush's.[201]

When asked in 2010 if he would be willing to make cuts to Social Security, Pence answered, "I think everything has to be on the table."[201] When asked if he would raise the retirement age, he said, "I'm an all-of-the-above guy. We need look at everything on the menu."[201]

Pence supported the USA Patriot Act on its passage in 2001,[202] and in 2005 called the act "essential to our continued success in the war on terror here at home".[203] Pence was a sponsor of legislation in 2009 to extend three expiring provisions of the Patriot Act (the library records provision, the roving-wiretap provision, and the lone-wolf provision) for an additional ten years.[204]

Pence "has been a longtime, aggressive advocate of trade deals" between the U.S. and foreign countries.[205] Pence has been a supporter of the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA),[205] and during his tenure in the House, he voted for every free-trade agreement that came before him.[206] Pence voted in favor of the Central American Free Trade Agreement (CAFTA); in favor of keeping the U.S. in the World Trade Organization; and in favor of permanent normal trade relations with China.[206] Pence also supported bilateral free-trade agreements with Colombia, South Korea, Panama, Peru, Oman, Chile and Singapore.[206] Pence's strong stance in favor of free trade sharply differs from the stance of his running mate Trump, who has condemned globalization and the liberalization of trade.[205][206]

Pence voted against the Trade and Globalization Act of 2007, which would have expanded trade adjustment assistance to American workers adversely affected by globalization.[207] However, in 2014 Pence called for the "swift adoption" of the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP), urging Indiana's congressional delegation to support the trade deal.[205]

Pence supported the Iraq War Resolution, which authorized military action against Iraq.[208] During the Iraq War, Pence opposed setting a public withdrawal date from Iraq. During an April 2007 visit to Baghdad, Pence and John McCain visited Shorja market, the site of a deadly attack in February 2007, that claimed the lives of 61 people. Pence and McCain described the visit as evidence that the security situation in Iraqi markets had improved.[209] The visit to the market took place under tight security, including helicopters overhead, and the New York Times reported that the visit gave a false indication of how secure the area was because of the extremely heavy security forces protecting McCain.[210] Pence chaired the House Foreign Affairs Subcommittee on the Middle East and was a prominent supporter of George W. Bush's Iraq War troop surge of 2007. At the time, Pence stated that "the surge is working" and defended the initial decision to invade in 2003.[208]

Pence has opposed closing the Guantanamo Bay detention camp and trying the suspected terrorists in the United States.[211] As an alternative, Pence has said that the "enemy combatants" should be tried in a military tribunal.[211]

Pence has stated his support of Israel and its right to attack facilities in Iran to prevent the Iranians from developing nuclear weapons, has defended the actions of Israel in its use of deadly force in enforcing the blockade of Gaza, and has referred to Israel as "America's most cherished ally".[212] He visited Israel in 2014 to express his support, and in 2016 signed into law a bill which would ban Indiana from having any commercial dealings with a company that boycotts Israel.[213] He opposes a Palestinian state.[214]

Pence criticized Russian President Vladimir Putin and Barack Obama's alleged weak leadership, saying: "When Donald Trump and I observe that, as Ive said in Syria, in Iran, in Ukraine, that the small and bullying leader of Russia has been stronger on the world stage than this administration, thats stating painful facts. That's not an endorsement of Vladimir Putin. Thats an indictment of the weak and feckless leadership."[215]

Two weeks prior to the NATO intervention in Libya, Pence thanked the Obama administration and Secretary of State Hillary Clinton for their efforts to isolate the Gaddafi regime.[216][217][218] Pence expressed support for "a no-fly zone" and stated that "Gaddafi must go".[216][217][218]

In 2001, Pence wrote in an op-ed that "Global warming is a myth," saying that "the earth is actually cooler today than it was about 50 years ago".[219] In 2006 and 2009, Pence expressed the view that it was unclear whether climate change was driven by human activity, and in 2009 he told political commentator Chris Matthews that there was a "growing skepticism in the scientific community about global warming".[132][220] In 2009, Pence led the Republican effort to defeat the American Clean Energy and Security Act (Waxman-Markey), a Democratic-backed bill to cut greenhouse gas emissions (and therefore combat climate change) through a cap-and-trade system.[221] On September 27, 2016, however, Pence said "theres no question" that human activity affects both the climate and the environment.[222][223] Pence holds a lifetime rating of 4% from the League of Conservation voters.[224] While in the House, Pence "voted to eliminate funding for climate education programs and to prohibit the Environmental Protection Agency from regulating greenhouse gas emissions".[91] Pence also "repeatedly voted against energy efficiency and renewable energy funding and rules" and voted "for several bills that supported fossil fuel development, including legislation promoting offshore drilling".[91]

Pence has questioned proposals to decrease penalties for low-level marijuana offenses in Indiana, saying that the state should focus on "reducing crime, not reducing penalties".[225] In 2013, Pence expressed concern that a then-pending bill to revise the state's criminal code was not tough enough on drug crimes, and successfully lobbied to limit the reduction in sentencing of marijuana offenses.[226]

In 2016, he signed into law a measure that would reinstate a ten-year mandatory minimum prison sentence for certain drug offenders.[227][228]

During 2014, Pence sent a letter to Attorney General Eric Holder, saying that Indiana would not comply with federal prison rape elimination standards because they were "too expensive". According to the Indiana Department of Corrections, it would cost the state $1520 million annually to comply with the guidelines. Pence said that a number of rape prevention measures had already been "implemented".[229]

In 2015, Pence signed Senate Bill 94 to lengthen the statute of limitations for rape continuing for five years after sufficient DNA evidence is uncovered, enough recorded evidence is brought forth or discovered, or the offender confesses to the crime.[230] Pence also signed Senate Bill 8 to allow the death penalty for beheadings if the victim was alive at the time of the offense.[230]

Pence has been an advocate of federal restrictions on online gambling. In 2006, he was one of 35 cosponsors of H.R. 4411, the GoodlatteLeach Internet Gambling Prohibition Act,[231] and H.R. 4777, the Internet Gambling Prohibition Act.[232]

Pence praised the 2010 Supreme Court ruling in Citizens United v. Federal Election Commission when it was announced. Pence said:

Freedom won today in the Supreme Court. Today's ruling in the Citizens United case takes us one step closer to the Founding Fathers' vision of free speech, a vision that is cherished by all Americans and one Congress has a responsibility to protect. If the freedom of speech means anything, it means protecting the right of private citizens to voice opposition or support for their elected representatives. The fact that the court overturned a 20-year precedent speaks volumes about the importance of this issue.[233]

Pence described the Bipartisan Campaign Reform Act, known as McCainFeingold, which regulates the financing of political campaigns, as "oppressive restrictions on free speech".[234]

Mike and Karen Pence have been married since 1985. They have three children: Michael, Charlotte, and Audrey.[235][236] During Pence's service in the House, his family lived in Arlington, Virginia, when Congress was in session.[9] Michael Pence's son is a second lieutenant in the United States Marine Corps.[237] Pence is a lifelong fan of the Chicago Cubs[238] and the Indianapolis Colts.[239]

Pence was raised in a Catholic family, served as an altar boy, and attended parochial school.[2][240] He became a born-again Christian in college, while a member of a nondenominational Christian student group, and identified his freshman yearand specifically "a Christian music festival in Wilmore, Kentucky, in the spring of 1978"[241] referring to the Icthus Music Festival at then Asbury College in Wilmoreas the moment he made a "commitment to Christ."[2][240] After that point, Pence continued to attend Mass (where he met his wife) and was a Catholic youth minister.[240] Pence called himself Catholic in a 1994 news piece, although by 1995, he and his family had joined an evangelical megachurch, the Grace Evangelical Church.[2][240] In 2013, Pence said his family was "kind of looking for a church."[2] He has described himself as "a Christian, a conservative and a Republican, in that order," and as "a born-again, evangelical Catholic."[2][240]

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This article incorporatespublic domain material from the United States Government document "Mike Pence Official Biography".

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Mike Pence - Wikipedia

Mike Pence’s Refugee Problem – RollingStone.com

Rini is a Syrian mother of four, wearing jeans and a turtleneck sweater, with her black hair pulled back. She no longer has panic attacks. She no longer refuses her kids' requests to go outside and play. She no longer teaches them how to hide under tables. She no longer has trouble breathing when her kids go off to school. That's because she is free now, living in suburban Indianapolis.

He's trampled on the rights of women, LGBTQ folks and the poor. Then there's the incompetence. Meet, quite possibly, the next president

Mike Pence didn't want her here. While he was governor of the state, his administration proved unable to move quickly enough on its so-called Religious Freedom Restoration Act or a much-needed needle exchange program but it moved with cat-like speed after terrorists attacked Paris in November of 2015. The following week, Pence filed an executive order preventing any further Syrians from being settled in the Hoosier State. He said it was for the protection of his citizens, but his evidence was flimsy: He cited testimony by FBI Director James Comey that there had been problems with the refugee vetting program, a claim directly contradicted by President Obama and the Department of Homeland Security. Pence cited evidence that the attacks had featured Syrian refugees. This proved untrue; the attackers had posed as refugees but were Belgian- and French-born.

This being the Pence administration, the governor's attempt to look presidential quickly turned into an unmitigated mess. As he made his announcement, it turns out there was a Syrian family (not Rini's) who had just left Jordan on their long journey to Indiana.

"The administration didn't ask us any questions about families on the way they just did it," says Cole Varga sitting inside his office at Exodus Refugee Immigration Center, one of the state's leading refugee settlement charities. Not wanting the family to become a political football, Varga had the family diverted to Connecticut. There, the state's governor, Dannel Malloy, welcomed them. The following year, Malloy received a Profile in Courage Award for his generosity and statesmanship. Pence did not.

Instead, the ACLU challenged Pence's executive order, and the judiciary mocked his claims. One of the tactics Pence tried to use was to deny state assistance to agencies aiding incoming Syrian refugees. The Archbishop of Indianapolis was not pleased: Joseph Tobin, now a cardinal, met with Pence and then announced that his diocese would happily accept more Syrian refugees.

Then came the legal smack down. A federal judge ruled that Pence's policy "clearly constitutes national origin discrimination." Pence appealed the case, and three judges listened impatiently for 21 minutes, with Federal Judge Richard Posner chastising the state's lawyer. "You're so out of it," he said. In his ruling, Posner wrote, "The state's brief provides no evidence that Syrian terrorists are posing as refugees or that Syrian refugees have ever committed acts of terrorism in the United States. Indeed, as far as can be determined from public sources, no Syrian refugees have been arrested or prosecuted for terrorist acts or attempts in the United States."

This was all good news for Rini and her children. For five years, she had been trying to get her kids away from their home in Latakia province. "I couldn't sleep," says Rini, who speaks perfect English learned in school back in Damascus. "When I sent my kids to school, I would be so worried. If I sent them to the grocery store it's downstairs if they were late for two minutes, I would go crazy. I wouldn't sleep except on tranquilizers."

Rini first took her kids to Egypt, but the family ran out of money and was forced to return to Syria. She began plotting to smuggle her kids on the treacherous sea voyage to Turkey a trip that has claimed thousands of lives. But then she diverted to Kenya, where she had a sister working for the UN refugee program settling Somalis. They spent more than a year there. Counselors recommended America because of her English proficiency. Rini was unconvinced.

"I'm like, 'The U.S., I hear a lot ... they don't like Muslims. I know the culture and everything. Yeah, I'm sure it's better. But are you sure they're not racist, and they're not this or this or this?'"

She was assured most Americans were welcoming, and that since she had a nephew there, her family would be settled in Indiana. But Rini did her research and panicked.

"I just searched 'Mike Pence,' and it said that he had a court order, or something in the court, and that he didn't want the refugees, and that a family was coming in and they didn't allow them to come," she says. "I'm like, 'Oh my god, this is gonna happen to us!'"

Rini was told everything was going to be OK. They arrived in early October. Soon, her kids were thriving in school, and her anxiety has disappeared. I ask her if Pence's concerns about lax vetting of Syrians had any validity. Her composed face breaks into a giant grin.

"How many interviews we went on! How many times they took our fingerprints!" she says. "They would keep us hours and hours, checking and checking and checking. This was so ridiculous. The U.S. is the country that really checks out people."

Rini excuses herself. She has to head crosstown on a bus in the frozen sunlight to pick up her kids from school.

As for Pence, he's only dug in deeper. In October, after the federal courts dismissed his appeal of a Syrian ban, then vice presidential candidate Pence said, "Donald Trump and I are committed to suspending the Syrian refugee program."

Pence and Trump were true to their word: The new administration is expected to suspend the program this week.

He's trampled on the rights of women, LGBTQ folks and the poor. Watch the radical crusade of Mike Pence.

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Mike Pence's Refugee Problem - RollingStone.com

The Radical Crusade of Mike Pence – RollingStone.com

The optics were good. About 100 Carrier factory workers in Indianapolis sat in folding chairs awaiting President-elect Donald Trump, who had announced, via Twitter,he'd saved their jobs. Well, not all their jobs 730 were saved while another 550 were heading to Mexico but that was a small detail. (Trump also kept saying he had saved air-conditioning jobs, though the factory makes furnaces.) After a while, a silver-haired man resembling the guy on top of a wedding cake strode to the podium.

"It is great to be back home again in Indiana," said Mike Pence in the stentorian voice honed during a seven-year career in talk radio, where he described himself as "Rush Limbaugh on decaf." "The state of Indiana is very proud. We are a proud manufacturing state. We are home to low taxes, sensible regulations, great schools and roads, and the best workforce in America."

His voice grew somber as he talked about the day last winter when Carrier announced it was moving more than 1,000 jobs to Mexico.

"We met with the leaders of the company back in March, and try as we might tomake the Indiana case, it was clear that the die was cast," Pence said. "The simple truth was that policies coming out of our nation's capital were literally driving jobs out of this country."

Much like the distortions and obfuscations that Pence used while defending Trump during the vice-presidential debate, this wasn't remotely true: Carrier was moving the jobs because it could pay Mexican workers $6 an hour. Critics say Carrier was now staying because it likely feared its $5 billion in federal contracts could be in peril under a vengeful Trump regime. Oh, yeah, and then Pence kicked in $7 millionin state tax breaks. Even Sarah Palin decried it as "crony capitalism."

Pence introduced the man of the hour: "It is my high honor and distinct privilege to introduce to you a man of action, a man of his word, and the president-elect of the United States of America, Donald Trump."

Then a strange thing happened; well, not that strange, since it was Donald Trump. He spoke of his huge victory, and then admitted that his constant campaign talk of saving Carrier jobs had been bullshit. It was not until he saw a Carrier worker talking about Trump saving his job on television that the president-elect decided to act.

"And then they played my statement, and I said, 'Carrier will never leave,'" said Trump with a rich man's version of a laugh.

The media began tweeting furiously. The president-elect had just admitted he'd spaced on a major campaign promise and had only been reminded by a chance encounter on the nightly news!

But one man didn't bat an eyelash. That was Mike Pence. Resplendent in dark suit and striped tie, he remained ramrod-straight, a proud smile frozen on his face.

Ten days later, dozens of Carrier workers and family members gathered at Mount Olive Ministries church in west Indianapolis as an icy rain pissed down outside. They lit candles and said prayers for the hundreds of jobs that were not being saved.

Sitting in a pew was Chuck Jones, the local United Steel Workers president. He tried to muffle his smoker's cough and bowed his head. Jones, a gruff man with neat gray hair and a mustache, had become a folk hero since the Carrier spectacle, when Trump attacked him on Twitter for having the audacity to question the jobs Trump didn't save.

But tonight, Jones' wrath was for Pence. I grabbed Jones coming in from a smoke break and asked about Pence's role in the Carrier deal.

"He did absolutely nothing," said Jones.

I reminded Jones that he had met with Pence in March. Jones smiled a sad smile.

"Let me tell you about that," he said.

In March, Pence met with Carrier's parent company's executives. Jones was there at the Statehouse with some union members carrying "Keep It Made in America" signs. As the cameras rolled, Pence invited him back for a meeting. Pence blamed the factory loss on Washington regulation, and Jones blamed it on corporate greed.

"Why haven't you responded to our request for a meeting?" asked Jones.

"I never got one," responded Pence.

When Jones got back to the union hall, he looked up the letter he sent requesting a meeting and saw that someone in the governor's office had signed for it. He communicated that back to Pence's team. They promised a follow-up meeting. It never happened. (Pence declined to comment for this story.)

"I know he doesn't like unions," said Jones. "But this isn't about unions it's about human beings losing their livelihoods."

Jones wanted to head back into the service, but he had a parting shot: "You let Joe Schmo open up a tire shop and hire two people, Pence was knocking people down to get in front of the cameras taking credit for it." He shrugged his shoulders. "But for us, he did nothing."

During my travels across the self-proclaimed Crossroads of America, I learned that Mike Pence had once paid his mortgage with campaign funds, dragged his feet during an HIV epidemic and a lead-poisoning outbreak, signed an anti-gay-rights bill that nearly cost Indiana millions of dollars, lost his mind on national TV with George Stephanopoulos, and turned away Syrian refugees in an unconstitutional ploy laughed out of federal court. And he ended his gubernatorial term unpopular enough that his re-election bid in a Republican state seemed dicey at best.

Pence is the nation's 48th vice president. Nine vice presidents have assumed the presidency as a result of death or resignation. That's a 19 percent ascendancy rate. Between Trump's trigger-happy Twitter persona, the ethical nightmare of his business empire, his KFC addiction and possible entanglements with Vladimir Putin, I'd say the chances for Mike Pence are more than 50-50.

So what do we know about Pence? The governor benefited greatly from the wall-to-wall "Trump is a crazy monkey throwing feces" media coverage during the fall campaign, in that his record was undercovered, but it's out there and suggests that his impact as vice president will screw African-Americans, women, the poor and any other square peg in round America. His concerns for the parts of Indiana outside his comfort zone toggled between disinterest and disdain.

And here's the frightening thing: Unlike his boss, Mike Pence has an actual ideology. Pence proclaimed at the 2016 GOP convention that "I am a Christian, a conservative and a Republican, in that order." However, his actual record including turning down up to $80 million in federal pre-K funding is the antithesis of Jesus' "whatever you do for one of the least of my brothers, you do for me" theology.

Here's a quick story.

While Mike Pence was governor, his relationship with the Democratic minority in the legislature was crap. Someone on his staff suggested having the Democratic leaders over to the governor's mansion for dinner. The table was set for 20, but there were only around seven in attendance. One unlucky legislator stuck next to Pence tried to make conversation, but found even at dinner she couldn't shift Pence off his talking points. Gov. Pence shouted to his wife, Karen, his closest adviser, at the other end of the table.

"Mother, Mother, who prepared our meal this evening?"

The legislators looked at one another, speaking with their eyes: He just called his wife "Mother."

Maybe it was a joke, the legislator reasoned. But a few minutes later, Pence shouted again.

"Mother, Mother, whose china are we eating on?"

Mother Pence went on a long discourse about where the china was from. A little later, the legislators stumbled out, wondering what was weirder: Pence's inability to make conversation, or calling his wife "Mother" in the second decade of the 21st century.

Pence was raised in the Sixties as a nice Irish-Catholic boy in Columbus, Indiana, a quiet bedroom community where, Pence likes to say, he "grew up with a cornfield" in his backyard. He was named after his grandfather, who emigrated from Ireland and became a Chicago bus driver. Mike was one of six children, and his dad ran a chain of gas stations. An astute altar boy, Pence genuinely seemed to want to serve his community. The local paper tells a story of Pence befriending two kids with muscular dystrophy and later serving as a pall-bearer at each of their funerals.

He stayed close to home and went to Hanover College. There, he became fascinated with evangelical Christianity and hada religious epiphany at a Christian music festival in Kentucky.

His conversion reportedly caused consternation among his family, especially for his mother. He met Karen at church while he was studying at Indiana University Law School. Karen carried a gold cross with the word "yes" on it in her purse in anticipation of the moment when Mike would propose. Their faith deepened together, and they were wed in 1985, eventually having three children. Pence reportedly calls Karen the "prayer warrior" of the family.

Pence went to work at an Indianapolis law firm, where he began each day in prayer with a colleague. In 1988, at 29, he made his first bid for Congress, capturing attention by riding a bicycle across the district. He lost, but the campaign was seen as a dry run for a 1990 campaign against Democrat Phillip Sharp.

The race was initially close. And then Billy Linville, Sharp's campaign manager, swung by the Statehouse to pick up Pence's financial-disclosure forms.

"It was clear upon observing his expenditures that he was using campaign funds for personal use," Linville told me. "He was making his mortgage payments. He was making a car payment for his wife. He was making payments for his personal credit card, and he was even spending money for his family groceries."

While this was not an illegal practice at the time, there was a delicious irony, since Pence's main campaign plank was that Sharp was beholden to special interests, and here was Pence buying spaghetti with his donors' money.

Pence's campaign entered a death spiral. Revealing a pattern that would rear its head again when he was a governor and a vice-presidential candidate, Pence doggedly repeated his campaign talking points no matter what reporters asked. Meanwhile, he doubled down on smear tactics. He sent out a mailer with a picture of a razor and lines of cocaine, suggesting Sharp was soft on drugs. He had campaign volunteers call voters and tell them Sharp was going to sell his family farm to a nuclear-waste facility, which wasn't true. But the most infamous tactic was a cheaply produced television ad with an actor portraying an Arab sheik that suggested Sharp was in the pocket of foreign oil. The ad was denounced by editorial boards and Arab-American groups as low-class and sleazy. Pence lost the race by 19 points. After he lost, Pence wrote an essay about his political disaster. He called it "Confessions of a Negative Campaigner."

Undaunted by defeat and a gifted speaker since high school, Pence took his golden voice into talk radio. His show had a conservative bent, but was congenial enough that Democrats felt comfortable stopping by. Still, the 1990s marked the schism between the folksy in-person Pence and the Pence who bullied from the pulpit.

He became president of the Indiana Policy Review Foundation, a conservative think tank, and began publishing his thoughts online. He wrote some real doozies, like coming out as a climate-change denialist ("Global warming is a myth. ... There, I said it") and a cigarette denialist ("Despite the hysteria from the political class and the media, smoking doesn't kill"). He became a board member of the Indiana Family Institute, an anti-abortion, anti-gay organization that pronounced the protest movement that formed after the brutal 1998 murder of gay teen Matthew Shepard to behomosexual-activist "propaganda."

Just as disturbing was his use of reckless rhetoric, which prophesied why he would become so popular with the Tea Party. He decried the 1991 Clarence Thomas confirmation hearings, declaring that Thomas' opponents were engaged in the same tactics as the KKK, and criticized Indiana senators Dick Lugar and Dan Coats for "standing by while Clarence Thomas isbeing lynched."

In 2000, Pence made another bid forCongress. He checked the GOP boxes for cutting taxes while increasing military spending, but he also made it clear he was a Christian warrior, stating, "Congress should oppose any effort to recognize homosexuals as a 'discreet and insular minority' entitled to the protection of anti-discrimination laws." He also argued that the AIDS resources bill, commonly known as the Ryan White Care Act, should be renewed only if resources were "directed toward those institutions which provide assistance to those seeking to change their sexual behavior." While Pence has argued that providing assistance to those seeking to change their sexual behavior meant abstinence groups, many gay activists heard code words for "conversion therapy." In 2006, he spoke in favor of a constitutional amendment defining marriage as between a man and a woman, arguing that "societal collapse was always brought about following an advent of the deterioration of marriage and family."

Pence fought against the pro-choice movement with vigor rare even by right-wing standards, introducing a bill to de-fund Planned Parenthood year after year he was in the House. The death of a woman after taking an abortion pill led Pence to the House floor, where he spoke favorably of Lex Cornelia, a collection of ancient Roman laws, including one detailing how providers of abortion potions were sentenced to work in the mines.

His agenda was so radical that exactly zero of Pence's bills became law. But he'd laid down markers that would be appreciated by the hard right who vote in presidential primaries.

The record of presidential campaigns launched from the House of Representatives is abysmal perhaps that's why Pence decided to run for governor in 2012. It would give him executive experience and allow him to run as a Washington outsider. According to Indianapolis Monthly, he gathered friends and advisers to hash out the details. The main decision was that Pence would stress economic and educational issues while downplaying his social extremism. "Mike made the decision that the major issues in the campaign for governor in 2012 should be and must be jobs and education," longtime adviser Van Smith told the magazine.

Pence won with 49 percent of the vote. It didn't take him long to lose his way.

In 2013, Bill Oesterle, chairman of Angie's List and a veteran Republican insider, had several conversations with Pence. He'd donated $150,000 to Pence and run the2004 campaign of Mitch Daniels, Pence's popular predecessor. State lawmakers were considering an amendment banning gay marriage that would have to pass through the legislature before it could be put before Indiana voters. Pence remained silent. Oesterle says he advised the governor that throwing himself behind an amendment pushed by far-right Christian groups wouldn't do him any favors.

"You're going to have to reach out to the center," Oesterle recalls telling Pence. "This is your chance to reach out to them."

"I get that," he says Pence responded.

A few weeks later, Pence announced his support for the anti-gay-marriage amendment, and his relationship with Oesterle deteriorated.

"That's when I think I really realized that Mike Pence had other interests ahead of Indiana," says Oesterle with a sigh.

Moderate Republicans began sensing that Pence's goal as governor was checking off conservative bona fides as he looked toward the Iowa and New Hampshire primaries in 2016.

This became increasingly self-evident in late 2014. Pence had had a relatively good year: He accepted federal Medicaidexpansion a conservative taboo by requiring those living just above the poverty line to pay some of their monthly income toward premiums, and adding penalties if they made "inappropriate" emergency-room visits.

On the education front, state workers and academic experts were putting the final touches on a federal-grant proposal that would make Indiana eligible for up to $80 million in pre-K funding, an enormous sum for a state that came in 35th nationally for educational spending. Then, the day the application was due, a Pence underling announced via e-mail that the state wouldn't be applying for the grant after all. Whispers began to spread that the religious right was leaning on him heavily about the federal government getting its fingers on the hearts and minds of preschoolers. In its place, Pence OK'd a small $10 million state pre-K pilot program. "He wasn't thinking about 'What can I do to make this pre-K program work and what can we do to serve the rest of the people?'" says Scott Pelath, the Indiana House minority leader. "He was thinking, 'How am I going to be perceived now that this is done?'"

Within political circles, the coupling of ACLU activist Katie Blair and Republican consultant Megan Robertson represents a symbol of Indiana stepping out of the Paleozoic Era. I met with Blair and Robertson at Lockerbie Pub, a dingy but homey place in downtown Indianapolis. Both are from rural parts of the Midwest, but on opposite sides of the aisle. They got to know each other in 2013 as Blair worked to kill the state amendment prohibiting gay marriage alongside Robertson, then-director of Freedom Indiana, an LGBTQ advocacy group. (They were married in November.)

"We had no idea that Mike Pence was about to blow up the state," says Blair.

As 2015 began, a court case legalizing gay marriage loomed before the United States Supreme Court. Sensing it might be passed, Indiana Christian-right leaders including Curt Smith, head of the Indiana Family Institute, where Pence was once a board member, got behind the Religious Freedom Restoration Act, a bill that essentially would allow business-owning Hoosiers to discriminate against gay customers. It had widespread GOP support, and Pence saw it as a consolation prize, since the Supreme Court was likely to make the right's quest for an anti-gay amendment pointless. He told opponents the bill wasn't anti-gay, merely pro religious freedom.

And then the photograph came out. It featured Pence signing RFRA into law surrounded by monks and nuns in habits, and the three men of the Indiana-right apocalypse: Indiana Family Institute's Smith, Micah Clark of the American Family Association of Indiana, and Advance America's Eric Miller. The press was not allowed. Smith has said homosexuality is outlawed in the Bible, along with adultery and bestiality; Clark once was a proponent of gay conversion therapy; and Miller claimed that ministers and priests could be imprisoned for preaching against homosexuality. The photo was so egregious that when a Democratic state representative began circulating it, colleagues complimented him on his Photoshopping skills.

"I was upset about RFRA, and then the photo came out and I was just like, 'What the hell?'" says Robertson.

Blair was less circumspect: "There are few times in my life where I've been that angry. It was stupid and offensive."

Within days, an economic tsunami crashed down on Pence. Oesterle and other local leaders stated they were unlikely to add workers to their Indiana businesses as long as RFRA remained in place. Conventions began pulling out hundreds of thousands of dollars in business like they did when North Carolina passed similarly phobic legislation, a figure that could grow significantly higher over a year or two of canceled conventions. The NCAA, headquartered in Indianapolis, proclaimed its displeasure. As the story went national, Pence was invited on This Week With George Stephanopoulos. His advisers counseled against the appearance, and Pence agreed. But somewhere along the line, Pence changed his mind.

What followed was one of the most embarrassing performances by a politician on national television this decade. Stephanopoulos asked a simple question: "So yes or no, if a florist in Indiana refuses to serve a gay couple at their wedding, is that legal now in Indiana?"

Pence responded, "George, this is where this debate has gone, with misinformation. ...The Religious Freedom Restoration Act has been on the books for more than 20 years. It does not apply, George, to disputes between individuals unless government action is involved."

Stephanopoulos pointed out RFRA supporters were stating the law would protect Christian florists from having to sell flowers to a gay wedding.

"Governor, is that true or not?"

Pence danced some more. "The issue is, 'Is tolerance a two-way street or not?'" he said.

Pence never answered the question and passed up two chances to say he was not in favor of discrimination against gay people. The interview ended with Pence insisting he would not be revising the law.

Back home, lawmakers and staffers despaired.

"I thought, 'He has just ended his career,'" says a prominent lobbyist. "And the state was going to get creamed to the tune of hundreds of millions of dollars. The situation that we were scared of before he went on TV just got exponentially worse. The city was burning."

That Tuesday, The Indianapolis Star, not a liberal paper, published a block headline screaming "fix this now." There was fear Indiana was on its way to becoming, like North Carolina, a convention dead zone. The civic leaders of Indiana called two meetings: one featuring Oesterle and other business leaders, the other starring local politicos. Pence was not at either meeting. That week, the legislature passed a revised bill that weakened the anti-gay language enough that the conventions came back.

And Pence's role? Nonexistent, as recounted in the charmingly titled Deicide, a book published last year by Pence's Christian ally Curt Smith: "I heard his chief of staff comment, 'Governor, I don't think we have any opportunity to negotiate.'"

Pence's bungling of RFRA and other issues suggests a politician withslow reflexes a blemish for a congressional backbencher,but a horrifying flaw for a potential president. Oesterle andother GOP leaders began hearing from Republicans that they should primary Pence in 2016. Pence continued to stumble along, issuing an executive order effectively banning Syrian refugees after the 2015 Paris attacks. It was laughed out of federal court, but not before a family was diverted from Indiana to Connecticut, where Gov. Dannel Malloy welcomed them personally. Malloy eventually won a Profile in Courage award. Pence did not. Oesterle commissioned a poll that showed Pence's approval ratings in the thirties, and signs began sprouting up around Indiana reading pence must go.

The year after the RFRA debacle, Pence continued his social holy war by signing into law House Bill 1337, one of the nation's most stringent anti-abortion laws. Previously, Pence had allocated $3.5 million to Real Alternatives, a Pennsylvania company running abortion crisis centers, a.k.a. places where a woman goes formedical help and is pressured into carrying her baby to term and given no immediate medical treatment. The program had to be suspended in 2016 when Real Alternatives was investigated on billing-overcharge claims, a crime it was already under investigation for in Pennsylvania when Pence granted the contract in 2015.

But HB 1337 took his abortion obsession to a new level. Aspects of the bill included forbidding a woman from aborting a fetus that had life-ending chromosomal damage; requiring fetal burial; and a clause that could allow doctors providing these services to be charged with wrongful death. After HB 1337's passage, Hoosiers founded a movement called Periods for Pence, where through social media and a calling campaign they let the governor know thestatus of their menstrual cycle to protest how intrusive the legislation had become.

Blair had to calm Robertson down over the bill, explaining the one thing they had going for them was the fact that the bill was clearly unconstitutional.

"I was appalled," says Robertson. "But Katie was like, 'It's going to be fine.'"

Blair was right: On June 30th, 2016, a federal judge stayed the law, citing that it would likely be declared unconstitutional.

None of this mattered to Pence. He had burnished his anti-choice credentials once again. When Trump needed a VP nominee with a career-long reputation for being virulently pro-life to balance his own abortion flip-flops, Mike Pence was the answer to all his political prayers.

All the failed Cro-Magnon legislation and his blustering from the House floor made Mike Pence tiresome.But actual power made him a dangerto all Hoosiers who didn't share his worldview. Transfer his Indiana stewardship to federal policy, and the implications are devastating.

I drove down to Austin, Indiana, a town Pence seems to have avoided. I met two nurses at the town's one-stop shop for HIV treatment and needle exchange. We piled into an SUV and drove to a nearby neighborhood. This wasn't Pence's fabled Indiana. There was a family living in a garage, and a trailer with a Nazi flag in the window, and another one with a black SS flag on a pole snapping in the wind. The neighborhood is the epicenter of an HIV outbreak that happened on Pences watch.

We pulled up to one garage-house, and a man piled out of a Jeep he was living in. He looked two decades older than his thirtysomething age. "I got no heat in my Jeep that's rough," he said. He returned some used needles and took a box of new ones. He circled back to retrieve four or five packages of Narcan, an anti-overdose drug. His hands were gnarled and yellow. "Thank you kindly," he said.

Austin is in rural Scott County, which has a population of roughly 20,000 people and almost 200 cases of HIV infection. Extrapolate that to New York and that would be 80,000 cases for 8 million citizens. Here's the thing: It didn't have to happen.

There was one Republican legislator who saw it coming. I met Ed Clerein New Albany, just over the bridgefrom Kentucky. A real-estate broker, Clere is a big man with a self-deprecating way. Until about a year ago, he was chairman of the Indiana House Committee on Public Health.

In 2014, Clere saw the opioid crisis laying waste to rural Indiana, just as it was ravaging the rest of small-town America. There was a new scourge: Opana, a potent painkiller. The drug's manufacturers changed the makeup of the pill in order to make it harder to snort. But junkies are a resourceful group. They figured out if the pill was melted down into a liquid, an addict could get high by injecting it in fractions, often more than 10 times a day.

This meant a staggering rise inthe use of dirty needles in Indiana. Clere noticed this and supported legislation in 2014 that would allow needle exchanges, to prevent the spread of hepatitis C and HIV. The committee watered down the bill, asking for a mere study. It passed the House, but the Senate ignored it.

The legislation died without any action taken, almost exactly a year before Scott County began reporting a slew of HIV cases in January 2015. First, it was three cases in December 2014, and then the number quickly grew into double digits. The administration finally acknowledged the crisis in a February 25th press release, but still didn't take any action. Pence's office made it apparent to Clere that Pence would veto any bill that legalized needle exchange. "There was no willingness to engage or to work collaboratively on a solution," Clere told me.

So Clere planned a massive public hearing for March 25th at the Statehouse in Indianapolis, featuring doctors, local officials and activists. That morning, a strange thing happened. Pence announced he would be holding his own hearing an hourearlier, down in Scott County. Late to the game, Pence clearly was now trying to upstage Clere. In Scottsburg, a tiny town a few miles from Austin, Pence listened to community leaders and told his audience that he would pray on the situation. Meanwhile, his deputy health commissioner tes- tified before Clere's committee that the administration was still opposed to needle exchanges in general, but was considering a limited one for the county.

On March 26th, Pence issued an executive order allowing for needle exchanges in Scott County that would have to be renewed again in 30 days. But soon, draconian restrictions were tacked on: There would be no new state money providedfor the program. As for additional counties, potentially equally at risk, needle-exchange programs would haveto be approved by both the state and county health boards, and would be given no funding.

Over the next year, the needle-exchange program in Scott County proved effective, and the HIV crisis stabilized. The total number of HIV cases crested at 191, a number that would have been undoubtedly smaller if Pence had taken quicker action.

Meanwhile, nearby Clark County spent more than a year trying to organize and raise funds for its own needle exchange. The county is finally getting a program one day a week for six hours.

And Ed Clere? While Pence was still governor, Republican leadership stripped Clere of his committee chairmanship mid-term, allegedly for his rudeness toward committee members. No one could remember this happening before in Indiana.

The months before Donald Trump picked Pence off the political garbage heap were not easy ones for the governor. While Oesterle and others eventually declined to challenge Pence in a GOP primary, his approval ratings remained under 50 percent, and he was even with a Democratic challenger in head-to-head matchups. He did gain experience in being booed that would serve him well at a performance of Broadway's Hamilton in November. In the aftermath of the RFRA fiasco, Pence was lustily booed at the home opener for the AAA Indianapolis Indians. "This is Indiana, not New York we don't boo anyone," says Michael Leppert, a Democratic lobbyist. "It's just not done." Then rumors of Trump's interest began to spread. At first, Indiana politicos were incredulous and wondered if anyone had actually looked at Pence's record. But then it began to make a certain kind of sense: Trump was down in the polls, and no one from the GOP elite was interested in joining his train wreck. Pence looked downright statesmanlike when compared to the other possible choices: the Bridgegate-plagued Chris Christie, the thrice-married stegosaurus Newt Gingrich and notedcrazy man Rudy Giuliani.

Leppert saw a transformation inPence beginning with his speech at the Republican National Convention.

"If you watch his State of the State addresses, he seemed disinterested and low-key," says Leppert. "But once he got on the national stage and could start pontificating on policy issues, it was like a light went back on."

There was one other twist: The robotic repeating of talking points that buried him with Stephanopoulos proved an asset in a national campaign. He talked about Trump having faith in his heart. If you listened carefully, you could almost swear Pence believed it.

Pence's boast that "we area proud manufacturing state" echoes in a dyspeptic way as I walk the streets of the WestCalumet Housing Complex, as awinter storm descends on East Chicago, Indiana. Northwest Indiana including East Chicago, Hammond and Gary is the chronically damned part of Pence's Indiana. Because of lax regulations, the region has become a belching industrial outpost for Chicago. The people? Forget them the predominantly Latino and African-American East Chicago votes Democratic, meaning their requests fall on uninterested white ears.

It is just before Christmas, but there are few lights or plastic Santas in the 350-unit public-housing project. That's because half the residents have abandoned their homes. They didn't have a choice: The complex has been declared contaminated due to off-the-charts lead levels. About 1,100 residents need to find new places to live by April. In retrospect, it shouldn't have been a shock: The complex was built in 1973 in the footprint of an old smelting factory and near at least three other industrial facilities. Many residents of East Chicago live in danger because their subdivisions were filled in with soil from contaminated slag heaps. I meet a group of citizens at an East Chicago diner, and the gathering features more than its fair share of cancer patients, parents of sick kids, and men and women who have lost all hope in their government. One woman presents me a list of the more than 20 medications she is on to deal with heart and respiratory problems.

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