Archive for the ‘Obama’ Category

Obama, Musk, Other World and Industry Leaders Call Paris Climate Deal Withdrawal a Mistake – NBCNews.com

Former President Barack Obama said on Thursday that the cities and businesses of the United States should step up to reduce greenhouse gases after President Donald Trump announced that America would withdraw from the Paris climate change accord.

The mayor of Pittsburgh, pushing back on Trump's statement that he was elected to represent the citizens of that former steel-making giant rather than those of Paris, condemned the withdrawal.

Tech entrepreneur Elon Musk immediately announced he will quit presidential advisory councils. Disney CEO Bob Iger said he was out, too. General Electric Chairman and CEO Jeff Immelt said "Climate change is real. Industry must now lead and not depend on government."

"The United States joins Syria, Nicaragua & Russia in deciding not to participate with world's Paris Agreement. It's now up to cities to lead," Pittsburgh Mayor Bill Peduto, a Democrat, said on Twitter.

Trump said at an announcement at the Rose Garden on Thursday that the United States would withdraw from the international agreement negotiated under Obama, citing a desire to protect American jobs and fuel what he has claimed would be three percent economic growth.

Related: What It Means That Trump Is Leaving the Paris Climate Agreement

Because Obama didn't ask the Senate for approval of the Paris accord, Trump can act unilaterally without the consent of Congress. Democrats, however, could slow down any action on the floor in retaliation of the decision and tie any pending nominations to the issue, actions that won't change the outcome but frustrate Republicans and the White House.

Obama said in a statement that a withdrawal means an abdication of American leadership.

"The nations that remain in the Paris Agreement will be the nations that reap the benefits in jobs and industries created. I believe the United States of America should be at the front of the pack," Obama said in the statement.

"But even in the absence of American leadership; even as this Administration joins a small handful of nations that reject the future; I'm confident that our states, cities, and businesses will step up and do even more to lead the way, and help protect for future generations the one planet we've got," Obama said.

Related: California and Other States Step Into the Climate Policy Void

Reaction on Capitol Hill was mostly partisan, with Republicans standing by the president's decision, praising the U.S.'s withdrawal as good for the economy. "President Trump has once again put families and jobs ahead of left-wing ideology and should be commended for his action," Republican Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell said.

But some Republicans in Congress opposed Trump's move. Sen. Susan Collins of Maine said on Twitter: "Climate change requires a global approach. I'm disappointed in the President's decision to withdraw from the Paris Agreement."

Republican Rep. Carlos Curbelo of Florida, who is expected to have a tough re-election in his swing district in south Florida, lobbed a series of tweets in opposition.

Trump had pledged on the campaign trail to withdraw from the 2015 Paris climate accord, which is a non-binding agreement that asks that all signing countries rich and poor take concrete steps to reduce their carbon emissions in the face of climate change.

The Obama administration pledged a 26 to 28 percent cut in U.S. emissions, which Republicans have criticized for potentially having a negative impact on the American economy and its energy sector.

Former Sectary of State John Kerry said on MSNBC that the move to withdraw from the Paris deal was "an extraordinary abdication of American leadership."

He noted that the program was voluntary, and the United States was not forced to do anything under the accord.

"It was a voluntary program. We designed the program," Kerry said. "The president was not truthful with the American people today, and the president who talked about putting 'America first' has now put America last."

Withdrawing from the climate deal could take three years, European Commission President Jean-Claude Juncker said this week.

And French President Emmanuel Macron, German Chancellor Angela Merkel and Italian Premier Paolo Gentiloni said in a joint statement Thursday that they take note "with regret" the U.S. decision to pull out of the 2015 agreement.

The three leaders say they regard the accord as "a cornerstone in the cooperation between our countries, for effectively and timely tackling climate change."

They added that the course charted by the accord is "irreversible and we firmly believe that the Paris Agreement cannot be renegotiated."

Macron, Merkel and Gentiloni say they remain committed to the deal and will "step up efforts" to support the poorest and most threatened nations.

U.N. spokesman Stephane Dujarric called Trump's decision a "major disappointment for global efforts to reduce greenhouse gas emissions and promote global security."

Canadian Prime Minister Justin Trudeau said on Thursday "We are deeply disappointed that the United States federal government has decided to withdraw from the Paris Agreement" and said Canada is committed to fighting climate change.

Related: Fact Checking Trump's Paris Agreement Speech

Trump on Thursday left open the possibility of renegotiating what he called a better deal that would put American taxpayers first, and suggested the climate deal was a ruse that put the United States at a competitive disadvantage.

"The agreement is a massive redistribution of United States wealth to other countries," Trump said.

Former President Bill Clinton said on Twitter: "Walking away from Paris treaty is a mistake. Climate change is real. We owe our children more. Protecting our future also creates more jobs."

And Goldman Sachs CEO Lloyd Blankfein said in his first tweet from a verified account that "Today's decision is a setback for the environment and for the U.S.'s leadership position in the world," adding the hashtag #ParisAgreement.

The governors of New York, California, and Washington state said in a statement that they would form a "United States Climate Alliance" which they called "a coalition that will convene U.S. states committed to upholding the Paris Climate Agreement and taking aggressive action on climate change."

Related: Why Trump Is Seeing Red About the 'Green Climate Fund'

A speaker at a protest near the White House called the move "treason" and the crowd chanted "lock him up," a play off of Trump supporters' chants targeting Hillary Clinton during the presidential campaign.

Trump's announced withdrawal from the climate deal was not unexpected. On Wednesday in a tweet in which Trump said he would announce his decision on Thursday, the president ended with his signature phrase: "Make America great again."

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Obama, Musk, Other World and Industry Leaders Call Paris Climate Deal Withdrawal a Mistake - NBCNews.com

On Objections To Contraceptive Coverage, Trump Administration Appears Set To Reverse Obama Approach – Health Affairs (blog)

On May 30, 2017, a draft of an interim final rule promulgated by the Departments of Health and Human Services, Labor, and Treasury, addressing conscience-based objections to the coverage of contraceptives under the preventive services requirement of the Affordable Care Act, was leaked to the media. The draft seems authentic and has been widely reported in the media.

However, the draft is currently at the Office of Management and Budget for review, and the interim final rule when released may be different from the draft. It will also be accompanied by Health Resources and Services Administration (HRSA) womens preventive services guidelines that will embody the new rule. The interim final rule will be effective upon publication, but the administration will accept comments on the rule for 60 days.

If promulgated as drafted, the rule will depart dramatically from the position the Obama administration had taken on the contraceptives issue. The Obama administration had asserted a compelling governmental interest in women having access to contraceptives without cost sharing through the insurance plans that otherwise covered their health care. The Obama administration had carved out limited exceptions for religious organizations that opposed covering their employees and students, and had twice gone to the Supreme Court defending the scope of its accommodation as it litigated dozens of cases brought by 122 entities claiming that the requirement infringed their religious liberty.

The Trump administration draft rule, in a 180-degree reversal, declares that the government has no compelling interest in women having access to contraceptives through employers that object to provision of such coverage for religious or moral reasons. The departments essentially assert that the prior determination of this issue by the Health Resources and Services Administration (HRSA) and the Institute of Medicine (now National Academy of Medicine), was wrong as it applies to these organizations. Therefore, any non-governmental organization that objects for religious or moral reasons to providing contraceptive coverage for its employees or students should not have to do so.

The draft interim final rule would essentially expand an exemption in the earlier rules, which previously applied only to churches and similar religious organizations, to all employers that have a religious or moral objection to the provision of all or a subset of contraceptives, or to sterilization or related patient education and counseling (collectively referred to here as contraceptives). The draft rule would not only exempt such organizations, it would explicitly provide that the guidelines do not apply to them.

The draft rule would cover all types of non-governmental employers, including any for-profit corporation. The preamble notes that for-profit businesses, large and small. are increasingly taking stands on issues of social justice, community benefit, and ethical concerns and that these positions are also entitled to protection. The preamble asserts that the mechanisms for determining whether a company has adopted and holds such views is a matter of well-established state law with respect to corporate decision-making but does not describe how the religious or moral position of employers will be determined. Indeed, the draft rule seems to assume throughout that any claimed moral or religious objection will be honored without question and provides no mechanism through which employees could challenge the legitimacy of their employers religious or moral claims.

Employers who claim this exemption would not have to provide any kind of notice to the government. Under ERISA rules, however, employers must document services covered in their group health plans summary of benefits, which would not list contraceptives for employers that elected not to cover them. Employees would essentially have to search the list of covered benefits and find that contraceptives were not on the list. But employers must under ERISA give employees notice of a change in benefits, so if employers had been offering contraceptives and ceased to do so, their employees would get notice.

Insurers that have a religious or moral objection to providing contraceptive coverage would also not be required to offer it. The draft rule preamble admits that the administration knows of no such insurers. Where an objecting insurer covers a group health plan for an employer that does not object to coverage, the insurer must notify the employer of this fact and the employer must provide coverage through some other means. The draft rule does not expressly exempt third party administrators, but the preamble asserts that third party administrators are not subject to the preventive services rule except through the contraceptive accommodation, and that they can refuse to participate in an accommodation if they object to it.

Finally, the draft rule would allow willing group plan sponsors and insurers (including governmental employers) to offer separate benefit packages, options, policies, certificates, or contracts excluding contraceptive coverage to individuals who object to contraceptive coverage for religious or moral reasons. The individual exemption could not be relied on to force employers or insurers to provide coverage excluding contraceptives or to violate state contraceptive mandates. It would not affect the obligation of employers or insurers to cover contraceptives for other employees or insureds.

The contraceptive mandate would otherwise remain in place for entities that do not object for religious or moral reasons. The draft rule would also, however, allow religious organizations (and organizations that have moral objections to contraceptives) to choose an accommodation much like the current accommodation under which their employees would get contraceptive coverage through the employers insurer or third party administrator without the employer having to pay for it, but this would only be an optionobjecting entities could simply refuse contraceptive coverage altogether, and the departments assume that most objecting employers will opt out completely. Organizations that are currently operating under the accommodation provision, or that choose to do so in the future, could revoke the accommodation and simply rely on the exemption, but must give their employees notice if they choose to do so.

Curiously, the draft rule does not refer to other services that employers or individuals might object to for religious or moral reasons. The preventive services requirement, for example, requires coverage of certain vaccinations that may be objectionable to some. Coverage of other services that some may object to, like blood transfusions, may be required under the essential health benefits requirement, but receive no attention. The draft rule again illustrates the privileged status that objections to contraception and abortion hold in American religious liberty policy.

The interim final rule, if promulgated as drafted, should bring a quick end to dozens of cases in which religious organizations have challenged the Obama administration contraceptive requirement accommodation. It is likely to set off a political firestorm, however, and could very likely result in a whole new round of litigation challenging the administrations abrupt change of position. A majority of Supreme Court justices in Hobby Lobby accepted the Obama administrations position that the government had a compelling interest in women having access to contraceptives through their employers, and the most recent Supreme Court order in the Zubik case asked the government to find an accommodation that would allow women continued access to coverage. Whether or not the courts will defer to the Trump administrations change of position remains to be seen.

This post will first examine the history of the contraceptive accommodation and background of the new draft rule. It will then explore in greater depth the draft Trump administration interim final rule itself.

The draft rule was promulgated in response to President Trumps executive order on religious liberty, which ordered:

The Secretary of the Treasury, the Secretary of Labor, and the Secretary of Health and Human Services shall consider issuing amended regulations, consistent with applicable law, to address conscience-based objections to the preventive care mandate promulgated under section 300gg-13(a)(4) of title 42, United States Code.

The cited section is the ACAs preventive services requirement, which requires non-grandfathered health insurance coverage and employer-sponsored group health plans to cover preventive services without cost sharing. The preventive services provision explicitly requires coverage of womens preventive services as defined by the Health Resources and Services Administration (HRSA). In response to this requirement, HRSA asked the Institute of Medicine (now the National Academy of Medicine) to recommend womens preventive services that should be covered.

At the IOMs recommendation, in 2011, HRSA defined womens preventive services to include all contraceptives approved by the Food and Drug Administration, sterilization procedures, and patient education and counseling for women of reproductive capacity as prescribed by a health care provider (collectively referred to a contraceptive services). The final preventive services rules promulgated by the departments of Health and Human Services, Labor, and Treasury in 2012 required insurers and group health plans to cover all such contraceptive services.

Recognizing that some religions object to contraceptive coverage, however, the departments promulgated rules in 2012 that excluded from the mandates coverage religious employers, defined as non-profit institutions that have inculcation of religious values as their purpose, primarily employ and serve individuals who share their religious tenets, and fall within an Internal Revenue Code definition that largely apples to churches and houses of worship. Under rules issued in June of 2013, the agencies simplified their definition of religious employer and provided an additional accommodation for other non-profit eligible organizations (such as religious universities, hospitals, or charities) that objected to providing contraceptive coverage for their employees or students for religious reasons.

Under this accommodation, eligible organizations (defined as non-profits that held themselves out as religious organizations and that had a religious objection to providing all or some contraceptives) did not have to contract, arrange, pay, or refer for contraceptive coverage their employees or students. But their employees and students were not left without contraceptive coverage. Eligible organizations that had insured plans had to provide a copy of a self -certification form (an ERISA form 700) stating that they objected to providing coverage to their insurers. The insurers then had to provide coverage for contraceptives to employees or students at no cost to the women or the organization. It was assumed that the insurers would save enough money to cover the cost of coverage.

Organizations with self-insured plans had to self-certify their religious objections to their third-party administrators (TPAs)the entities that process claims and otherwise administer their plans for themusing the ERISA form 700. The TPA was then responsible for providing contraceptive coverage, recovering the cost of coverage through an arrangement with a health insurer that would deduct the cost of coverage from fees that it would otherwise have owed a federally facilitated exchange.

No accommodation was made for for-profit organizations under the final rule, as the departments concluded that for-profit corporations could not hold religious beliefs. Several dozen for-profit employers sued, however, claiming that the Religious Freedom Restoration Act (RFRA) protected them from having to provide contraceptive coverage. RFRA prohibits federal government from promulgating regulations that substantially burden the exercise of religion unless the regulation is the least restrictive means to accomplish a compelling governmental interest.

In its Hobby Lobby decision, the Supreme Court ruled in favor of the for-profit organizations, finding that closely held for-profit employers had religious free exercise rights, that the contraceptive mandate substantially burdened these rights, and that although the contraceptive rule might serve a compelling governmental interest the religious organization accommodation rule demonstrated that the federal government could in fact accommodate the interest of for-profit employers. Thus the rule as it stood without an accommodation could not be enforced against the plaintiffs under RFRA.

Dozens of religious organizations also sued under RFRA claiming that the accommodation offered by the Obama administration was inadequate to protect their rights. Immediately following the release of its Hobby Lobby decision, the Supreme Court entered an order enjoining the administration from requiring Wheaton College, a religious organization, to file a self-certification ERISA form 700 with its third party administrator. The Court stated that Wheaton could merely notify the government of its beliefs. The Court assumed that the federal government could then assure provision of contraceptive coverage to the Colleges employees.

In August of 2014, HHS released an interim final rule providing another alternative accommodation for non-profit religious organizations. Instead of filing the ERISA form 700 with its insurer or TPA, an eligible organization could simply inform HHS in writing of its religious objection. HHS released a form that can be used for this purpose. The notification had to include the name of the eligible organization and the basis under which it qualified as an eligible organization. The entity was required to state its religious objection and identify the contraceptives to which it objected.

Upon receiving this notice with respect to an insured plan, HHS would inform the insurer of its obligation to cover contraceptives under the ACA. If a plan was self-insured, HHS notified the Department of Labor, which designated the third-party administrator (TPA) as the ERISA plan administrator for providing contraceptive services. The insurer or TPA would then be required to provide contraceptive services. In accordance with the Supreme Courts decision in Hobby Lobby, the administration extended this accommodation to closely held for-profit corporations whose owners object to contraceptive coverage for religious reasons. This rule was finalized in 2015.

The accommodations offered by the administration were not, however, acceptable to a number of religious entities, which continued their RFRA lawsuits challenging both accommodations. Nine of the federal appellate courts that ruled on lawsuits brought by these organizations held that the accommodation did not substantially burden the exercise of religion and several held that it was the least restrictive means of accomplishing a compelling governmental interest; however, one appellate court held that the accommodation violated RFRA, creating a split among the circuits.

In the spring of 2016, the Supreme Court heard the appeal of the religious entity challengers in Zubik v. Burwell. After oral arguments, the Supreme Court ordered the parties to brief the question of whether contraceptive coverage could be provided through the insurers of religious entities without the entities having to submit the notices to which they objected.

In May the Supreme Court, likely split four to four on the merits and hoping for compromise, remanded the cases to the lower courts for

an opportunity to arrive at an approach going forward that accommodates petitioners religious exercise while at the same time ensuring that women covered by petitioners health plans receive full and equal health coverage, including contraceptive coverage.

The Supreme Court seemed to suggest a procedure under which the objecting employers would contract with insurers to cover their employees but inform their insurers that they did not want to include contraceptive coverage to which they objected. The insurers would then separately provide contraceptive coverage to the employees without any involvement or payment from the objecting entity employers.

In July, the Obama administration published a request for information seeking input from interested parties as to whether a resolution of the dispute was possible that would meet the objections of the religious entities but still ensure womens access to health care. The administration received over 54,000 comments from the public responding to its request from organizations and individuals representing a wide variety of perspectives.

On January 9, 2017, the Obama administration released its response to the Supreme Courts question. It concluded that a process like the one suggested by the Supreme Court would not be acceptable to the religious entities and would present administrative and operational challenges that would undermine womens access to health care. The administration concluded based on comments it received that this compromise was not feasible for insurers, which would face administrative difficulties in identifying and tracking employers and women employees not subject to the contraceptive coverage requirement. The administration also concluded that contraceptive-only coverage was not feasible and that the Supreme Courts suggested approach could not work for self-insured employers. It decided, therefore, not to modify its accommodation regulations.

The cases remanded by the Supreme Court remain pending in the courts of appeal. The plaintiffs in these cases have been pushing the Trump administration to take a stand supporting them in the litigation. The interim final rule is its response.

The preamble to the draft rule begins by citing a long list of statutory provisions through which Congress has protected religious beliefs and moral convictions in health care, including sections of the ACA. The preamble acknowledges that the ACA requires health insurers and group health plans to cover preventive services without cost sharing, including womens preventive care and screenings as provided for in HRSA guidelines, but suggests that this requirement is less important than other ACA protections as it does not apply to grandfathered plans (to which some ACA requirements apply but not others) and because the Obama administration concluded that the requirement could not be enforced against church plans, which are subject to the ACA but not to the Employee Retirement Income Security Act (ERISA).

The preamble then goes on to reconsider the HRSA recommendations. The HRSA recommendations were based on an Institute of Medicine report recommending coverage of the full range of FDA-approved contraceptives. The preamble notes that some of these methods prevent implantation of an embryo and are regarded by many persons and organizations as abortifacients. The preamble also notes the dissent of one of the members of the IOM committee who accused the panel of making its decision based on the preferences of its members rather than on high quality, systematic evidence.

The preamble next describes in detail the regulatory process that established the current accommodations for religious objections to contraceptives. The 2011 interim final and 2012 final rules exempted, as noted above, some religious organizations, mainly churches, from the requirement without any notice requirement. The definition of religious employer was expanded in the 2013 final rule.

The final rule also created an accommodation for other religious nonprofits, as described above, that allowed their employees to receive contraceptive coverage through the insurers or TPAs that covered or administered their plans through the self-certification process without the employer having to pay for contraceptive coverage. The preamble asserts that the final rule cited no evidence for its conclusion that the nonprofits that claimed the accommodation would be less likely to employ individuals who shared the organizations opposition to contraceptives than employees of the churches and religious orders covered by the religious organization exception (and also that Secretary Sibelius inappropriately prejudged the contents of the final rule before the comment period on the proposed rule ended).

The preamble then describes the history of contraceptive litigation, again in great detail. It describes the conclusions of the Supreme Court in the Hobby Lobby case that for-profit closely held corporations could claim the protection of the religious freedom restoration act, that the rule substantially burdened the plaintiffs exercise of religion, and that the government had not shown that the rule was the least restrictive alternative for achieving a compelling governmental interest (which the majority opinion assumed), since an accommodation like that granted religious nonprofits was possible.

The preamble does not note that a majority of the Court, including the four dissenting justices and Justice Kennedy, who concurred in the majority opinion, concluded that, in the words of Justice Ginsburg, the contraceptive mandate served compelling governmental interests that are concrete, specific, and demonstrated by a wealth of empirical evidence. (Justice Kennedy concluded that the HHS regulation here at issue furthers a legitimate and compelling interest in the health of female employees.)

The preamble proceeds to describe the Courts order in the Wheaton College case, the changes to the accommodation that resulted from it, and the continuing litigation that ensued, all explained above. It describes the Courts remand in Zubik asking the parties to come up with a settlement, but leaves out the Courts instructions that the settlement ensure that the affected women receive contraceptive coverage seamlessly, together with the rest of their health coverage, and receive full and equal health coverage, including contraceptive coverage.

The preamble further notes that some organizations that claim only a moral objection to birth control have sued, with mixed results, and that some individuals have sued to be excused from having to be covered by insurance that covers birth control as well. The preamble concludes its historical section by describing the Obama administrations conclusion in January of 2017 that it could not find a way to accommodate the objections of the eligible organizations while pursing the Departments policy goals and by a description of President Trumps executive order on religious liberty.

Having established its version of the history of the disputes concerning contraceptives, the departments move on to a consideration of the RFRA and the governments interest in this issue. They note that the government had previously concluded that the contraceptive mandate served compelling governmental interests, including public health and gender equality interests and accordingly granted only a narrow exemption for certain religious organizations, and accommodations that were not acceptable or applicable to other organizations or individuals.

In what is arguably the key paragraph of the preamble, the departments state:

Under the circumstances, the Departments have determined that it is appropriate to revisit the importance of the Government interests served by the Mandate, reweigh the balance of any Government interests in light of conscientious objections to the Mandate, and reconsider whether the existing exemption and accommodation are the most appropriate administrative response to the conscientious objections of many organizations and the substantial burden on religious exercise that the Supreme Court identified in Hobby Lobby.

The preamble further states:

Although the Departments previously took the position that the application of the Mandate to certain objecting employers served a compelling governmental interest, the Departments have now concluded, after reassessing the relevant interests and for the reasons stated below, that it does not.

In rebalancing the interests, the preamble focuses not on the question of whether broad interests in public health and equality are compelling, but more narrowly on whether the Government has a compelling interest in denying exemptions to those who object to the contraceptive coverage requirements, after the rebalancing of the broad interests in coverage with the Governments interests in providing for conscientious objection. But if the interests of women in contraceptive are compelling, it is not clear how they become less compelling when the women work for exempt organizations. The departments, therefore, set to work to undermine the argument that any compelling interest is at stake.

The departments observe that the ACA itself does not specifically require contraceptive coverage and exempted grandfathered plans from the preventive services requirement in general. The preamble again cites the exemptions for church plans and for churches and similar religious organizations from the contraceptive requirement as undermining the earlier claim to a compelling interest. It further notes that many of the employees of objecting institutions would share their employers religious beliefs, or at least would have been on notice of the institutions position on contraceptives when they accepted employment with the institution. The government has no obligation to ensure their access to contraceptives. The preamble further notes that many states that have contraceptive mandates recognize broad exceptions for religious organizations.

As the draft preamble proceeds, the departments call into question the conclusion of the original IOM report, on which the HRSA requirement was based, that there was a gender gap in preventive services provided to women rather than men. They note that many other federal, state, and local programs provide free or subsidized contraceptives for low-income women. (The preamble does not mention Planned Parenthood, through which many of these services are provided). They also observe that most forms of contraceptives are available for around $50 a month. In their assessment of the economic impact of the draft rule, the departments conclude that the interim final rules will not result in any additional significant burden on or cost to employees of religiously or morally objecting organizations. They also state that the exemption expanded in these interim final rules imposes no incremental costs or burdens.

Moreover, the departments assert, the women identified as most at risk of unintended pregnancy by the IOM report were young, unmarried, low-income, minority women, who are not the kind of women who have employer-based group health plans or attend the objecting entities private universities. And, in any event, the departments conclude, a causal relationship between access to contraceptives and reduced unintended pregnancies has not been established. Statewide contraceptive mandates have not necessarily lowered rates of unintended pregnancy. And, the preamble notes that increased access to contraceptives can exacerbate the long run negative effects of changing sexual behavior by, for example, providing contraceptive access to teenagers and young adults who are not necessarily in the sexually active at-risk population of women. The report nowhere acknowledges that many women use contraceptives for medical reasons, not to prevent pregnancy.

Concluding that no compelling governmental interest requires application of the contraceptive mandate to the objecting organizations, the draft interim final rule would essentially broaden the exemption that formerly applied only to churches and similar religious organizations to cover all objecting organizations. The government further concludes that there is no compelling governmental interest in requiring employers or insurers to provide contraceptive coverage to individuals who have religious or moral objections to such coverage. Insurers and employers would not be required to provide such coverage to individuals, but could provide it if they chose to do so.

The preamble turns next to a lengthy section on exemptions based on moral conviction. Although most of the contraceptive litigation has been based on RFRA, which only applies to religious and not moral conscientious objections, the departments point to a history of congressional enactments, administrative regulations, and court decisions, as well as quotes from George Washington, Thomas Jefferson, and James Madison, as precedent for protecting moral as well as religious conscience convictions in healthcare. The departments note in particular as a moral question whether fertility is a disease to be prevented or a healthy condition for which a preventive service would be inappropriate.

The preamble discusses at some length March for Life v. Burwell, a district court decision that concluded that an employer with a non-religious moral objection to contraception should not have to comply with the contraception mandate. (The preamble omits a discussion at this point of another district court case that rejected moral objections as sufficient for an exemption, although the case is mentioned earlier). The departments conclude that HRSA has the authority to create an exemption for organizations that have moral, as opposed to religious, objections to contraceptive coverage and recognize such an exception. It is odd that the issue is addressed through HRSA, since HRSAs only job under the statute is to identify womens preventive services, and the enforcement of the preventive services rule generally is the job of the three departments, but the Obama administration also addressed the accommodation issue through HRSA guidelines.

The preamble recognizes the obviousthat the draft interim final rule would represent a dramatic change in the positions earlier taken by the departments. It cites Supreme Court authority for the proposition, however, that agencies are free to change their existing policies as long as they provide a reasoned explanation for the change. Moreover, it presents the latest change in the contraceptive rule as only the latest of a long series of changes.

Finally, the departments claim authority for issuing an interim final rule without notice and comment rulemaking, citing authority under relevant statutes, a good cause exception under the Administrative Procedures Act, the facts that three earlier interim final rules have been issued addressing the issue and that millions of public comments have already been received on the issue, and, finally, the urgent need to settle many outstanding lawsuits. Whether these justifications are sufficient to support such a radical change in the rules without giving the public notice and an opportunity to comment, which is normally required for all rulemaking, will surely be an issue that will have to be decided by the courts.

The departments note in their Paperwork Reduction Act notice that 122 entities have filed lawsuits against the accommodation process. If promulgated as drafted, the new draft rule would likely bring a quick conclusion to this litigation. It would also, however, as mentioned earlier, provoke a whole new round of litigation. Lawsuits would likely be filed challenging the departments new conclusion that no compelling governmental interest supports the contraceptive rule, given the opinions of five Supreme Court justices to the contrary. Litigation would also raise claims of gender discrimination under section 1557 of the ACA, and violation of an obscure section (1554) of the ACA that prohibits any HHS regulation that (1) creates any unreasonable barriers to the ability of individuals to obtain appropriate medical care; or (2) impedes timely access to health care services. Violations of the Administrative Procedures Act are also likely to be alleged. After a half a decade of litigation on the contraceptive issue, if the draft rule is promulgated in its leaked form, we can look forward to years more.

The draft interim final rule remains under review at the Office of Management and Budget at this moment. There are rumors that the administration may at least tone down its assertions, if not change its provisions. Health Affairs Blog will report on any changes in the final regulation as soon as it appears.

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On Objections To Contraceptive Coverage, Trump Administration Appears Set To Reverse Obama Approach - Health Affairs (blog)

The Right’s Big Reveal About Obama’s Iran Back-Channel Is Fake News – Daily Beast

One of the frequent gambits of the right whenever some Republican gets caught doing something that pushes the envelope of our norms and traditions is to hit the Googles and find one example of some Democrat doing something vaguely similar and then say See? Everybody does it.

The classic example here is the Robert Byrd parry. That is, some Republican says some crazy racist thing or is discovered to have spoken to one of those citizens council-type groups, something any politician should have stopped doing 50 years ago. People like me bang on about it. And conservatives invariably fire back with: Yeah, but Robert Byrd was in the KKK, libtard! It was 70 years ago, and Byrd renounced his membership and apologized for it a hundred times, and anyway hes been pushing up Mountain State daisies for seven years now. But theyll never stop with the Byrd thing. Its F4 on conservatives computers.

This brings us to the matter at hand, which is the explosive story The Washington Post posted last Friday about Jared Kushner proposing to Ambassador Sergey Kislyak that they set up a communications back-channel using Russian communications equipment. Of all the Russia-related scoops of the young Trump era, this one may well have been the biggest.

Its out of bounds for an incoming administration to seek to have secret negotiations with any other country. But to want to have them with an adversary that our intelligence agencies had concluded meddled in our electionwhich was public knowledge well before the time of Kushners chat with Kislyakis way out of bounds. And to propose that the discussion be held through the adversarys channels is more than way out of bounds.

The Times ran one of those historical-context pieces Thursday that discussed other similar episodes in American historywhen presidents-elect or their minions did such a thing before Inauguration Day. The paper came up with only two examples of pre-inaugural meddling (the dates important because it makes all the difference; once youre president you can set up all the back channels you want). Bobby Kennedy took a phone call from a Soviet actor in late 1960. This was initiated by the Russian party, and the Kennedys made no effort to conceal it. So this was fine.

The other of course was Richard Nixons subverting of the Paris Peace talks on Vietnam in 1968. This is well-known, and I dont need to go into it here. It was disgraceful. It may have prolonged the war and cost American lives. LBJ called it treason.

OK. Theres your context. Now lets return to this everybody does it idea. It was imperative in this case to cleanse Kushner, and the way to cleanse him was of course to soil Obama.

And so, not long after the Post story broke, Breitbart.coms Aaron Klein, author of such books as The Manchurian President and The Real Benghazi Story, posted a piece saying that in 2008, the Obama campaign opened a back channel to Iran. Take note: the campaign! Before he was even elected. So not only did Obama also do it but, of course, it was worse!

Kleins story was based on something written previously by Michael Ledeen, that old neocon and occasional enthusiast of Italian fascism. Ledeen wrote a piece for PJ Media in 2014 charging that the Obama campaign sent a diplomat named William Miller to assure the mullahs that [Obama] was a friend of the Islamic Republic, as Ledeen put it. Thats what Breitbart.com used as pushback. Then The Wall Street Journals Kim Strassel said it on Meet the Press last Sunday. Since then its been all over the right-wing media, a huge meme.

But according to Miller and former Obama aide Ben Rhodes, who worked on the 2008 campaign and in the Obama White House, its flat-out false.

Miller, responding to my question about Ledeens charge via email, said: It is false. The Obama campaign did not send me to Iran to establish a back channel before he was elected.

Rhodes, also via email, wrote: It is absurd and not true that the Obama campaign or transition team opened up a back channel to Iran with anyone, including Bill Miller. I have no idea where that rumor came from, but I was surprised to hear itgiven that our Iran diplomacy has been scrutinized more than just about anything else we did over the last 10 years, youd think that something like that would have come up already. What a coincidence that this false rumor emerges now! Anyway, by the time we did establish a secret channel, one of the main participants was the Deputy Secretary of State (Bill Burns), and the relevant agencies were included.

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Miller, Im advised, is a respected diplomat who did so-called Track II diplomacy to Iran for many years. Track II means nongovernmental, informal, and unofficial contacts with foreign officials. So Miller could easily have been meeting with Iranian officials in 2008, though not necessarily at the behest of the Obama campaign.

Now read closely the way Ledeen phrased matters in that 2014 column: Ambassador Miller has confirmed to me his conversations with Iranian leaders during the 2008 campaign. He confirmed conversations. No mention, however, of Miller confirming that the conversations were at the Obama teams behest. Wouldnt Ledeen have written that if hed had specific confirmation? Pretty big story!

The actual back channel to Iran was established, according to this David Ignatius column, in May 2009. Ignatius was actually citing a book, Alter Egos, by The New York Times Mark Landler. Ignatius knows the intel world very well, and Landler is a meticulous reporter.

I have no expectation that Millers and Rhodes disavowals will change anything on the right, any more than Robert Byrds death did. But those of you in the reality-based community should take note. When you hear someone repeat this allegation on televisionthe principals involved say its a lie.

So no, everybody doesnt do it. Only Jared Kushner (and Mike Flynn) did it. And Richard Nixon. Funny how his name keeps coming up these days. Or maybe something other than funny.

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The Right's Big Reveal About Obama's Iran Back-Channel Is Fake News - Daily Beast

From Paris to Bears Ears, Donald Trump’s Obama derangement syndrome is going critical – Salon

On Thursday afternoon Donald Trump announced, with great reality-TV star fanfare, that the United States will withdrawing from the Paris climate agreement. While weve long come to expect the Great Orange to act like a complete fool at all times, this decision is so unilaterally stupid that its hard to believe that even someone as nasty as Trump could make it. The decision was met with a round of perfectly true op-ed articles explaining exactly how screwed the United States will be because of this, not just because fighting climate change is a moral imperative but because our nations economic and international interests are tied up in moving toward the clean energy goals set forth by the Paris agreement.

It doesnt make rational sense for Trump to pull out of the Paris accord. Even Trumps secretary of state, Rex Tillerson, has argued against withdrawal, as has Tillersons former company, Exxon Mobil. The traditional reasonsfor conservative opposition to cleaner energy protecting energy profits dont hold up as well as they used to. So why is Trump doing this?

Thelikely answer is, Im afraid, a disheartening one: Trumps anti-environmentalism is ultimately not about the grossbut rational pursuit of profit, so much as its the result of a nihilisticanti-conservationist ideology that has been fomentedfor years on the far right. Its an ideology concerned more with hating liberalism and undermining former President Barack Obamas legacy than with petty matterslike peace or prosperity.

As evidence for this theory, look no further than the ongoing fight over the Bears Ears National Monument in Utah, which is under attack from conservatives and the Trump administration. Its a battle that is far more about wanting to stick it to the liberals than about making money.

For the past several years,a group of Native American tribeshave been asking the governmentturn the 1.35 million acres of Bears Ears landsinto a federally protected area.Utahs congressional Republicans, led by Rep. Rob Bishop, tried to circumvent those efforts by proposing a bill that would offer protections to Bears Ears while leaving some areas open tomining and oil drilling. The Obama administration would have allowed that compromise, but Bishop couldnt get his billpassed. So in the waning days of his administration, Obamadeclared Bears Ears anational monument. Since then the Utah Republicans, Bishop especially, have been livid.

At the end of the day with the Utah congressional delegation, it comes down to sour grapes over Rob Bishop not being good at his job, Aaron Weiss, media director for the Center for Western Priorities, said over the phone.

Its a story Ive heard from many other sources in the months that Ive covered the battle over Bears Ears: Sure, Bishop wants to protect oil and gas interests in the area. But a lot of what motivates him appears to be a deeply rooted unwillingness to have his state be home to anything that could be considered an Obama accomplishment.

Under pressure from Bishop and other Utah Republicans like Rep. Jason Chaffetz, Trump signed an executive order in Aprilordering Secretary of the Interior Ryan Zinke to review national monument designations and consider the possibility of revoking their status something that has never been done inthe centuryplus that presidents have been designating national monuments.

Weiss notedthatduring Trumps bill signingheaccused Obama of an egregious abuse of power, even though other presidents previously have used the same powers to protect the Grand Canyon and Death Valley. Its this double standard that illustrates, Weiss argued, how central Obama hatred is to Republican animosity to Bears Ears National Monument.

This push toward rescinding the Bears Ears designation iscertainly not because the public wants it, said Dan Hartinger of the Wilderness Society, in another phone interview. A lot of it has to do with ideological opposition to conservation and, frankly, to public lands ownership generally.

Zinkes process of re-evaluating the Bears Ears designation reinforces this sense that Republican motivations on this issue are largely about are retroactively delegitimizing Obamaspresidency. Zinke appears to be rushing through the review process, barely even bothering to pretend to care what the public thinks about how he handles publicly owned lands.

Generally, federal agencies offer a 60-day comment period for the public to register opinions on proposed regulatory changes. ButZinke offered the public only 15 daysto comment on the Bears Ears designation.This short period was especially onerous for Native Americans in the area,many of whom live in remote areaswithout reliable access to broadband internet.

Just the way it was designed was to limit the participation of the tribes that were pushing for Bears Ears to begin with, Weiss said.

Hartinger pointed out that the Obama administrationput years of work into this, first by permittingUtah Republicans to craft a congressional bill and then inworking with the public to determine the size and scope of protections for Bears Ears.

Its alarming to see a process used that short-circuits the years of effort that went into that, he said.

Zinkes efforts to keep public voices out of the process have largely failed, however. An analysis by the Center for Western Priorities foundthat about 90,000 people managed to get comments onto the official federal website, while outside interest groups have collected 685,000 more comments during this 15-day period.A random sampling of the official comments found that 97 percent were supportive of national monuments in general, and half of those mentioned Bears Ears specifically.

Concerning big-money corporate interests, the situation is a bit more complex. There are definitely mining and oil companies that want to take a crack at Bears Ears, but also a huge business community in Utah relies on the tourist dollars brought in by national monuments and other protected lands. Protests at the Salt Lake airport when Zinke did his four-day tour of the state featured many business leaderswho felthe was unwilling to listen to the economic argument in favor of national monuments. At any rate, theres enough economic pressure on the pro-parks side to make it unlikely that the anti-Bears Ears sentiment is primarily about economics.

Zinkes indifference to citizens was even more on display during his supposed listening tour. Cassandra Begay, a Navajo woman representing the groupPeaceful Advocates for Native Dialogue and Organizing Support, followed Zinkearound during his visitand repeatedly demanded to know why he wouldnt meet with tribal leaders. He responded by shaking his finger in her face and scolding her to be nice.

Hisbehavior leaves conservationists with little doubt that the Trump administrationis moving swiftlyto undermine Obamas legacy byrescinding or drastically revising the Bears Ears monument designation.

Weiss pointed out that a similar fight, fueled by blind hatred of Obama, is going on in Maine. Thefounder of Burts Beesdonated 87,500 acres to the federal government, and Obama designated it the Katahdin Woods and Waters National Monument. But the Trumpian governor of Maine, Republican Paul LePage, is so angry about the monuments existence that he hasrefused to let the state post road signs telling people where it is. The Katahdin Woods monument is also included in Trumps executive order to review such designations.

The Katahdin Woods were private lands given directly to the federal government, so there can be no legitimate conservative ideological principle threatened by the designation.Lucas St. Clair of the Burts Bees family called LePages decision spiteful, and its hard to disagree. The Katahdin Woods are part of Obamas legacy. Since Gov. LePage hates Obama, he also hates Katahdin Woods.

This childish, irrational behavior about national monuments on the part of far-right and Trumpian Republicans might not initially seem relatedto Trumps choice to pull out of the Paris climate agreement. In fact, it may be the key to understanding whats motivating a choice that has deemed foolish and shortsighted not just by liberals but the dwindling number of rational conservatives. What the national monument story tells us is that Trump and his acolytes are primarily motivated by a desire to uproot Obamas legacy however and wherever they can, and cant be bothered to care about the disastrous consequences of doing so. Its the legacy of a destructive loathing being spewed all over the planet by people who have been consuming hate for so long they have nothing else to offer.

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From Paris to Bears Ears, Donald Trump's Obama derangement syndrome is going critical - Salon

The Obamas purchase the stunning DC home they’ve been renting see inside – Today.com

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After Barack Obamas presidential term ended, there was a lot of speculation about whether his family would move back to Chicago, stay in Washington D.C. or head somewhere entirely new. The uncertainty about where theyd land was further fueled by their decision to rent in the ritzy D.C. neighborhood Kalorama.

It now looks like the Obamas have decided to stay not just in D.C., but in the very Kalorama home theyve been renting. In a statement quoted by Chicago Sun-Times, Kevin Lewis, an Obama spokesperson, explained, Given that President and Mrs. Obama will be in Washington for at least another two and a half years, it made sense for them to buy a home rather than continuing to rent property.

The elegant home was last renovated in 2011.

Two and a half years is presumably a reference to when their youngest daughter, Sasha, will graduate high school (she attends D.C.s prestigious Sidwell Friends School).

The Obamas next few years in D.C. will certainly be spent in style. The $8.3 million Tudor-style home contains nine bedrooms, 8.5-bathrooms, a cozy sitting/reading room, expansive formal gardens, and was renovated in 2011.

The formal dining room has a unique hardwood ceiling and overlooks the backyard.

Inside the front door, guests are greeted by a dramatic black-and-white checked tile floor and a staircase that leads up to the second story. The dramatic details stop there, transitioning to more muted, sophisticated decor with the second story featuring light hardwood flooring, pale grey walls and crisp white crown-and-base molding.

The gray theme continues into the kitchen.

In the kitchen, grey-and-white marble counter tops are framed by tall white cabinetry and state-of-the-art stainless steel appliances. The room is awash in sunlight pouring into the room through the tall, Gothic door that sits between the kitchen and dining room.

The family room is complete with floor-to-ceiling windows.

For more dramatic fair fitting for a family who loves to entertain the formal dining room features a hardwood ceiling, which serves as a surprising juxtaposition against the more traditional flooring, as well as a wall of black French doors leading to a gated courtyard.

This cozy sitting room is the ultimate space to read and relax.

Throughout the home, classic Tudor features, like wainscoting, built-in bookshelves and casement windows with a diamond grille pattern, add to the stately sophistication of the home.

Hoping for a barbecue invite? The backyard includes lots of outdoor living space.

With the Obama family named the most desirable celebrity neighbors of 2017, those hoping to score an invite to backyard barbecues better start looking for homes in Kalorama now.

Photos courtesy of Mark McFadden of McFadden Group/Washington Fine Properties.

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The Obamas purchase the stunning DC home they've been renting see inside - Today.com