Archive for the ‘Obama’ Category

Trump Army pick blasted Obama in 2013 for supporting ‘transvestites in uniform’ – CNN

If confirmed, Green would oversee some of the estimated thousands of transgender active duty service members. In 2016, the Department of Defense ended its ban on transgender people serving openly in the US military.

Green, currently a state senator in Tennessee, is already facing fierce opposition from LGBT activists and Democrats for his past comments about transgender people. In 2016, Green told a Tea Party group, "if you poll the psychiatrists, they're going to tell you that transgender is a disease."

On Facebook in 2013, Green shared a blog post from Fox News contributor Todd Starnes on the Obama administration's opposition to a religious freedom amendment to the National Defense Authorization Act. Critics of the amendment argued it would open the door to harassment based on religious grounds, while proponents of the bill said it would protect the rights of military members to practice their religious faith.

"Mr. Obama supports transvestites in uniform but you can not have a bible on your desk, saying it disrupts good order in the military," Green said in his Facebook post. "Next thing you know we will be sending hundreds of millions to our enemy. Oh wait we've already done that. This guy's attack on the military and the values which create and sustain its success is unsurpassed in the annals of history and reason."

Green later commented on his original post that the "social agenda items" of President Obama led to disorder in the military.

"I agree that freedom of religion means a person has a right, to worship however and whomever," wrote Green. "I'm cool with a coworker having a Koran on his desk. But to suggest that a Bible or Koran would lead to disorder in the military more so than many of the other social agenda items of this president is wrong."

Darren Morris, a political adviser to Green, told CNN's KFile: "Dr. Green reposted an article regarding President Obama's assault on religious freedom in the military. The article stated the Obama Administration 'strongly objected' to a measure that would protect the religious rights of soldiers. Dr. Green believes in protecting all rights of all soldiers regardless of their political beliefs, ethnic background, religious beliefs or sexual orientation. He has consisted stated this throughout his military career."

CNN reported on Tuesday that Green's nomination is in jeopardy and that the nominee might withdraw. Morris called talk of Green withdrawing "completely, absolutely untrue."

Green has also spoken out against allowing transgender people to use the bathroom of their choice.

In remarks on his Facebook in June 2016, Green wrote in reference to the Syrian refugee crisis: "What we really need is a president who will attack the enemy and create safe havens for these people in their own country But he's too busy trying to put men in women's bathrooms."

In that same post, Green referred to the former president as "B. Hussein Obama."

"Despite known ISIS terrorists infiltrating the West as Syrian refugees, B. Hussein Obama insists on pushing them into our communities," he said above photos of a Wall Street Journal article about Syrians being arrested in Germany as terror suspects.

After a commenter questioned Green's use of Obama's middle name, Green suggested that he'd used it to draw a parallel to former Iraqi dictator Saddam Hussein.

"Hussein as in Saddam Hussein was a totalitarian dictator," Green said. "Since Mr. Obama seems to think he can, without the consent of the legislature, release edicts in the form of executive orders, deemed significantly different in scope than previous presidents, he violates the clear separation of power in the constitution."

Morris, Green's adviser, said that Green was just pointing out his disagreement with Obama on Syrian refugees.

"Dr. Green was merely pointing out, via hyperbole, his strong disagreement with President Obama over the Syrian refugee issue and his disagreement with the lack of respect President Obama had for the states, such as Tennessee, to protect its citizens from problems created by the issue," Morris said.

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Trump Army pick blasted Obama in 2013 for supporting 'transvestites in uniform' - CNN

Obama’s legacy is in jeopardy – CNN

Despite the conventional wisdom that it is almost impossible to dismantle domestic programs once they are up and running, the House just took a big step toward doing so.

States would be allowed to obtain waivers to remove requirements on insurance companies to provide "essential health benefits," including protecting people with pre-existing conditions. The last-minute compromise would provide money to help these Americans pay for more costly insurance, but, most experts agree, not nearly enough to address the problem.

Perhaps most damaging of all to lower-income Americans, the Medicaid expansion, which has been essential to expanding insurance coverage, would be phased out. In addition, states would be allowed to receive Medicaid funds as a "block grant" which would result in steep cuts since the change would end the federal guarantee that every person who applied for benefits and was eligible would receive them. Under the block grants, states would have more authority to restrict eligibility and slash benefits.

These changes to Medicaid could also be damaging for the elderly, since Medicaid -- not Medicare -- covers a significant portion of nursing home care.

The vote in the House was a pivotal moment for President Trump. To be sure, the prospects for passing this bill in the Senate remain difficult. Senate Republicans are not excited about moving forward with this extremely conservative measure and fear the electoral consequences of this vote. And Republicans will certainly be hearing from angry voters in the coming week about the benefits that they would be losing.

Nobody is certain how the CBO will score this measure, which means that the implications of the legislation remain unclear. Nor is it certain that Senate Republicans will be able to use the budget reconciliation process, which prohibits a filibuster. If the legislation is not deficit neutral or if the parliamentarian decides that the waivers are not related to the budget, Senate Democrats will be able to filibuster the bill.

Yet Democrats should not be too confident. There will be a lot of partisan pressure on Republicans in the upper chamber to finish the job. Senator Mitch McConnell and his colleagues will realize that a victory would give President Trump and the party an enormous boost in his political standing. The legislation would strike a blow at the heart of President Obama's expansion of the social safety net. A complete victory on health care would also generate substantial political momentum for Republicans to move forward on other much-desired measures like a massive supply-side tax cut and legislative deregulations on energy markets.

Senator McConnell will do everything that he can to find ways to make this work. The same dynamics and dealmaking at play in the final hours of the House deliberation could be at work in the Senate as well.

All of this is to say that those who have been dismissing President Trump at the end of his first 100 days are greatly downplaying the impact that he can still have. The same radical possibilities that were evident in the days that followed the historic election, when Speaker Ryan claimed that President Trump had earned a mandate and most Republicans fell in line, are very much in play. Yes, President Trump's tweets are outlandish and insulting; yes, he failed miserably on the legislative front in the first months of his presidency; and yes, the President and his advisors sometimes seem to have no idea about what they are doing.

But that doesn't mean that the conditions are not still ripe for this President to push through a radically conservative agenda. United government in an era of intense partisan polarization is a powerful force. Republicans are chomping at the bit for this President to send them legislation that will dismantle the welfare state, strip free markets of regulations and cut taxes.

President Trump has been making considerable progress through executive actions and, with this vote, we see that if he gets his act together and focuses on legislation, he will find Republican colleagues who are prepared to take big steps to support him. In the House, enough moderate Republicans were willing to accept this compromise while the Freedom Caucus moved away from its all-or-nothing approach to reach a deal on this bill. In the final days of the debate, the Democratic activists who were so successful in blocking legislation the first time around were caught off guard.

Democrats might be feeling like George Foreman when he fell victim to Muhammad Ali's rope-a-dope strategy in 1974. The Democrats spent the last few months taking many swings at the President and keeping him against the ropes. It looked like President Trump was politically bruised and battered.

But at the very moment that Democrats were feeling confident, President Trump struck back with a vengeance. At least at this moment, the Democrats are the party laying on the ground.

This presidency is far from over. The stakes of what takes place in the next few months are enormous. Democrats should take this vote as a lesson that this White House and Congress can still pack a powerful punch. Conservatives will come out of this decision, as well as the executive order easing up restrictions on the political activities of religious organizations, feeling energized and determined. As a party, Republicans will feel better about what they can accomplish with Trump up top. Senate Republicans will be prepared to do whatever is necessary to finish this job through the reconciliation process.

The obstacles facing this administration remain immense, as do the steps needed to bring this health care vote to completion. The incompetent manner in which President Trump has handled legislation and the congressional process could easily result in disastrous stumbles in the week ahead.

But this is a big moment for President Trump and Republicans who now have a taste of just how much damage they can inflict on the strength of government if they are able to get their act together between now and the midterms of 2018.

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Obama's legacy is in jeopardy - CNN

Before Michelle, Barack Obama asked another woman to marry him. Then politics got in the way. – Washington Post

RISING STAR: The Making of Barack Obama

By David J. Garrow.

William Morrow. 1,460 pp. $45.

Of the books that journalists and historians have written on the life of Barack Obama, three stand out so far. In Barack Obama: The Story, David Maraniss shows us who Obama is. In Reading Obama, James T. Kloppenberg explains how Obama thinks. In The Bridge, David Remnick tells us what Obama means.

Now, in a probing new biography, Rising Star, David J. Garrow attempts to do all that, but also something more: He tells us how Obama lived, and explores the calculations he made in the decades leading up to his winning the presidency. Garrow portrays Obama as a man who ruthlessly compartmentalized his existence; who believed early on that he was fated for greatness; and who made emotional sacrifices in the pursuit of a goal that must have seemed unlikely to everyone but him. Every step whether his foray into community organizing, Harvard Law School, even the choice of whom to love was not just about living a life but about fulfilling a destiny.

It is in the personal realm that Garrows account is particularly revealing. He shares for the first time the story of a woman Obama lived with and loved in Chicago, in the years before he met Michelle, and whom he asked to marry him. Sheila Miyoshi Jager, now a professor at Oberlin College, is a recurring presence in Rising Star, and her pained, drawn-out relationship with Obama informs both his will to rise in politics and the trade-offs he deems necessary to do so. Garrow, who received a Pulitzer Prize for his biography of Martin Luther King Jr., concludes this massive new work with a damning verdict on Obamas determination: While the crucible of self-creation had produced an ironclad will, the vessel was hollow at its core.

***

By now the broad contours of the Obama story are well known, not least because Obama has repeated them so often. With Kansas and Kenya in his veins, he carries Indonesia in his memory, Hawaii in his smile, Harvard in his brain and, most of all, Chicago in his soul. It wasnt until I moved to Chicago and became a community organizer that I think I really grew into myself in terms of my identity, he said in an interview about Dreams From My Father, his 1995 memoir. I connected in a very direct way with the African American community in Chicago and was able to walk away with a sense of self-understanding and empowerment.

Note how it was as much about Obama himself as any success he had in his organizing work. Inspired by Harold Washington, the citys first black mayor, Obama began to discuss his political ambitions with a few colleagues and friends during his early time in the city. He wanted to be mayor of Chicago. Or a U.S. senator. Or governor of Illinois. Or perhaps he would enter the ministry. Or, as he confided to very few, such as Jager, he would become president of the United States. Lofty stuff for a 20-something community organizer who struggled to write fiction on the side.

Jager, who in Dreams From My Father was virtually written out, compressed into a single character along with two prior Obama girlfriends, may have evoked something of Obamas distant mother, Stanley Ann Dunham. Like Dunham, Jager studied anthropology, and while Dunham focused on Indonesia, Jager developed a deep expertise in the Korean Peninsula. Jager was of Dutch and Japanese ancestry, fitting the multicultural world Obama was only starting to leave behind. They were a natural fit. Jager soon came to realize, she told Garrow, that Obama had a deep-seated need to be loved and admired.

During his public life, President Barack Obama has often turned to his personal story as a touchstone to relate to the public. Here are four moments that stand out. (Adriana Usero/The Washington Post)

She describes their life together as an isolating experience, an island unto ourselves in which Obama would compartmentalize his work and home life. She did not meet Jeremiah Wright, the pastor with a growing influence on Obama, and they rarely saw his professional colleagues socially. The friends they saw were often graduate students at the University of Chicago, where Sheila was pursuing her doctorate. They traveled together to meet her family as well as his. Soon they began speaking of marriage.

In the winter of 86, when we visited my parents, he asked me to marry him, she told Garrow. Her parents were opposed, less for any racial reasons (Barack came across to them like a white, middle-class kid, a close family friend said) than for concern about Obamas professional prospects, and because her mother thought Sheila, two years Obamas junior, was too young. Not yet, Sheila told Barack. But they stayed together.

In early 1987, when Obama was 25, she sensed a change. He became. . . so very ambitious very suddenly, she told Garrow. I remember very clearly when this transformation happened, and I remember very specifically that by 1987, about a year into our relationship, he already had his sights on becoming president.

The sense of destiny is not unusual among those who become president. (See Clinton, Bill.) But it created complications. Obama believed that he had a calling, Garrow writes, and in his case it was coupled with a heightened awareness that to pursue it he had to fully identify as African American.

[The racial procrastination of Barack Obama]

Maranisss 2012 biography deftly describes Obamas conscious evolution from a multicultural, internationalist self-perception toward a distinctly African American one, and Garrow puts this transition into an explicitly political context. For black politicians in Chicago, he writes, a non-African-American spouse could be a liability. He cites the example of Richard H. Newhouse Jr., a legendary African American state senator in Illinois, who was married to a white woman and endured whispers that he talks black but sleeps white. And Carol Moseley Braun, who during the 1990s served Illinois as the first female African American U.S. senator and whose ex-husband was white, admitted that an interracial marriage really restricts your political options.

Discussions of race and politics suddenly overwhelmed Sheila and Baracks relationship. The marriage discussions dragged on and on, but now they were clouded by Obamas torment over this central issue of his life . . . race and identity, Sheila recalls. The resolution of his black identity was directly linked to his decision to pursue a political career, she said.

In Garrows telling, Obama made emotional judgments on political grounds. A close mutual friend of the couple recalls Obama explaining that the lines are very clearly drawn. ... If I am going out with a white woman, I have no standing here. And friends remember an awkward gathering at a summer house, where Obama and Jager engaged in a loud, messy fight on the subject for an entire afternoon. (Thats wrong! Thats wrong! Thats not a reason, they heard Sheila yell from their guest room, their arguments punctuated by bouts of makeup sex.) Obama cared for her, Garrow writes, yet he felt trapped between the woman he loved and the destiny he knew was his.

Just days before he would depart for Harvard Law School and when the relationship was already coming apart Obama asked her to come with him and get married, mostly, I think, out of a sense of desperation over our eventual parting and not in any real faith in our future, Sheila explained to Garrow. At the time, she was heading to Seoul for dissertation research, and she resented his assumption she would automatically postpone her career for his. More arguments ensued, and each went their way, although not for good.

***

At Harvard, the Obama the world has come to know took clearer form. In his late 20s now and slightly older than most classmates, he had a compulsion to orate in class and summarize other peoples arguments for them. In law school the only thing I would have voted for Obama to do would have been to shut up, one student told Garrow. Classmates created a Obamanometer, ranking how pretentious someones remarks are in class.

[A literary guide to hating Barack Obama]

Such complaints aside, he was generally admired, including by his professors, one of whom wrote a final exam question around comments Obama had made in class. And his elevation to the presidency of the Harvard Law Review, the first time for an African American, signaled the respect the schools elite students had for him even if some liberal classmates later regretted their choice, finding Obama too conciliatory toward conservatives in their midst. Garrow re-creates the drama around the election, with Law Review colleagues debating the candidates legal acumen and leadership skills, as well as the possible history-making aspect of the selection. It is an unexpectedly riveting part of the book. The black editors on the staff began crying and running and hugging when the final choice was made and with the national news coverage that followed, Obamas star was on the rise.

Law school also provided Obama one of his most important intellectual interlocutors: classmate and economist Rob Fisher. They took multiple classes together and co-wrote a never-published book on public policy, titled Transformative Politics or Promises of Democracy: Hopeful Critiques of American Ideology. The manuscript explored the political failures of the left and right and expounded on markets, race and democratic dialogue, showing glimmers of the political philosophy and rhetoric that Obama would come to embrace. A few years later, Fisher helped Obama rethink Dreams From My Father (originally titled Journeys in Black and White), making it less a policy book and more a personal one.

Obama had met Michelle Robinson at the Chicago law firm where she worked and where he was a summer associate after his first year of law school, and the couple quickly became serious. However, Jager, who soon arrived at Harvard on a teaching fellowship, was not entirely out of his life.

Barack and Sheila had continued to see each other irregularly throughout the 1990-91 academic year, notwithstanding the deepening of Baracks relationship with Michelle Robinson, Garrow writes. (I always felt bad about it, Sheila told the author more than two decades later. Once Barack and Michelle were married, his personal ties to Sheila was reduced to the occasional letter (such as after the 9/11 attacks) and phone call (when he reached out to ask whether a biographer had contacted her).

If Garrow is correct in concluding that Obamas romantic choices were influenced by his political ambitions, it is no small irony that Michelle Obama became one of those most skeptical about Obamas political prospects, and most dubious about his will to rise. She constantly discourages his efforts toward elective office and resents the time he spends away from her and their two young daughters. Obama vented to a friend how often Michelle would talk about money. Why dont you go out and get a good job? Youre a lawyer you can make all the money we need, she would tell him, as the couple struggled with student loans and the demands of family and political life. (Garrow sides with Michelle, highlighting how, on the day after Sasha was born, Barack went downtown for a meeting.)

[The self-referential presidency of Barack Obama]

As he considered a U.S. Senate bid, Obamas team commissioned a poll that covered, among other questions, his name. Barry, as he was known from childhood into his early college years, polled better than Barack, but Obama never considered resurrecting the old name. He had made his choice, of identity and image, long ago. Sheila recalls that one of the few times Obama became genuinely angry with her was in Hawaii, when she heard relatives calling him Barry, and she did so as well, just for fun. He became irrationally furious, she said. He told me that under no circumstances was I ever to use that name with him.

There was no going back.

***

Rising Star is exhaustive, but only occasionally exhausting. Garrow zooms his lens out far, for instance when he recounts the evisceration of Chicagos steel industry in the early 1980s, providing useful context for Obamas subsequent work. And he goes deliciously small-bore, too, delving into the culture of the Illinois statehouse, where poker was intense and infidelity was rampant. Theres a lot of people who fed in Springfield, a female lobbyist tells Garrow. What else is there to do? Obama, however, did not. Michelle would kick my butt, he told a colleague there. At times Garrow delivers information simply because he has it; I did not need a detailed readout of all of Obamas course evaluations from his years teaching at the University of Chicagos law school. (Turns out his students liked him.)

The books title seems chosen with a sense of irony. Garrow shows how media organizations invariably described Obama as a rising star, in almost self-fulfilling fashion. Yet, after nine years of research and reporting, Garrow does not appear too impressed by his subject, even if he recognizes Obamas historical importance.

The author is harsh but persuasive in his reading of Dreams From My Father, for instance, calling it not a memoir but a work of historical fiction, one in which the most important composite character was the narrator himself. (Reviewers were impressed by it, but few who knew Obama well seemed to recognize the man in its pages.) He points out that Obamas cocaine use extended into his post-college years, longer than Obama had previously acknowledged. And he suggests Obama deployed religion for political purposes; while campaigning for the U.S. Senate, Garrow notes, Obama began toting around a Bible and exhibited a greater religious faith than close acquaintances had ever previously sensed.

Throughout the book, Obama displays an almost petulant dissatisfaction with each step he took to reach the Oval Office. Community organizing is not ambitious enough, he decides, so he goes to law school. But then he moves into politics because I saw the law as being inadequate to the task of achieving social change, Obama explains. In Springfield, he is again disillusioned by the realization that politics is a business . . . an activity thats designed to advance ones career, accumulate resources and help ones friends, as opposed to a mission.And upon reaching the U.S. Senate, he tells National Journal that he is surprised by the lack of deliberation in the worlds greatest deliberative body. Nothing measures up.

Rising Star concludes with Obama announcing his presidential campaign, and Garrow speeds through the Obama presidency in a clunky and tacky epilogue, in which he recaps the growing media disenchantment with Obama and goes out of his way to cite unfavorable reviews of earlier Obama biographies. (Come on, David. Other books can be good.) In his acknowledgments, Garrow says that Obama granted him eight hours of off-the-record conversations and even read the bulk of the manuscript. His understandable remaining disagreements some strong indeed with multiple characterizations and interpretations contained herein do not lessen my deep thankfulness for his appreciation of the scholarly seriousness with which I have pursued this project, Garrow writes.

That is Obama now: a scholarly project, a figure of history. After the eight years of his presidency, it is odd to consider him in the past tense. Yes, he remains a public figure, as the mini-controversy over his speaking fees shows, and he is not going away, and certainly not with a post-presidential memoir still coming. But now he is fighting for history and legacy, and one of those battles is against another figure whose ascent is even more bizarre, yet perhaps no less personally preordained.

Obama had considered Donald Trump long before either man won the presidency, and brushed off his existence as a misguided national fantasy. Americans have a continuing normative commitment to the ideals of individual freedom and mobility, Obama wrote in the old Harvard book manuscript, now more than 25 years old. The depth of this commitment may be summarily dismissed as the unfounded optimism of the average American I may not be Donald Trump now, but just you wait; if I dont make it, my children will.

Follow Carlos Lozada on Twitter and read his latest reviews, including:

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Before Michelle, Barack Obama asked another woman to marry him. Then politics got in the way. - Washington Post

Ex-DNC chair: Obama’s $400K speaking fee ‘none of your business’ – The Hill

Former Democratic National Committee chairwoman Debbie Wasserman Schultz defended former President Obamas decision to accept $400,000 for a speech at a Wall Street firms healthcare conference later this year.

Wasserman Schultz (D-Fla.) chided critics of Obama on Tuesday and pointed to his public record fighting against the big banks.

Of all people to question ... their commitment to getting money out of politics, to really making sure we restored integrity to political finance process, President Obama couldnt have done more, she said Tuesday evening in an interview with CNN's "Erin Burnett OutFront.

Sens. Bernie SandersBernie SandersEx-DNC chair: Obama's 0K speaking fee 'none of your business' Clinton takes some responsibility for loss How Dems have evolved on border security MORE (I-Vt.) and Elizabeth WarrenElizabeth WarrenEx-DNC chair: Obama's 0K speaking fee 'none of your business' Lawmakers push FDA to allow over-the-counter hearing aids Overnight Regulation: Senate confirms SEC pick | House GOP passes 'comp time' bill | MORE (D-Mass.) have both publicly criticized Obamas speaking fee. Sanders and Wasserman Schultz have clashed in the past, particularly over her tenure at the DNC during the 2016 Democratic primary.

"Wall Street has incredible power, and I would have hoped that the president would not have given a speech like this," Sanders said last week, echoing comments from Sen. Elizabeth Warren (D-Mass.), who said that she was "troubled" by the speaking fee.

Look, it is none of anyones business what someone who is a member of the private sector decides to accept in terms of compensation, Wasserman Schultz said.

"With all due respect to anyone who chooses to comment publicly on what Barack ObamaBarack ObamaEx-DNC chair: Obama's 0K speaking fee 'none of your business' White House leaning toward exiting Paris climate pact GOP senators dismiss Trump filibuster change MORE, Hillary ClintonHillary Rodham ClintonClinton brings up Handmaids Tale in Planned Parenthood speech Trump: Comey 'the best thing' that happened to Clinton Ex-DNC chair: Obama's 0K speaking fee 'none of your business' MORE, or anyone earns as a member of the private sector, its just MYOB," she said, invoking the acronym for mind your own business.

"Its none of your business she added.

The Florida Democrat said the compensation that a private citizen agrees to accept for giving a speech is not my concern nor any of our business.

"I look more at the public record of someone like Barack Obama or Hillary Clinton. And their public record is pristine. They both fought back against the big banks and their practices and I have every confidence in the service they both provided."

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Ex-DNC chair: Obama's $400K speaking fee 'none of your business' - The Hill

Barack Obama, buck raker: Our view – USA TODAY

President Obama in 2016.(Photo: Susan Walsh, AP)

Former president Barack Obamas decision to accept $400,000 for an upcoming Wall Street speech certainly has been noticed by partisans on the left and right. Liberal Sen. Elizabeth Warren, for instance, said she was "troubled,"while Fox Business used it to call Obama Wall Streets newest fat cat.

But should the rest of America care? In ordinary times, Obamas decision to cash in wouldnt be that comment-worthy. He has led a life of public service paying well below what he could have made in corporate law or as a business executive. Now, with bills to pay and girls to put through college, he wants to play a little financial catch-up. Most presidents since GeraldFord have opted to make a quick buck in ways that aren't available to mere mortals.

But these are not normal times. In a little over 100 days, President Trump has mired his administration in a Russian influence scandal, broken new ground in peddling falsehoods, offeredWhite House posts to shady characters,brought the nation closer to war withNorth Korea, threatened to sabotage trade relations with Americas two closest neighbors, displayed a general impatience for complex issues, allowed his White House to descend into petty infighting,and set a record for time spent on the golf course. Oh, and he informed the president of China that he was firing missiles at Syria "in lieu of after-dinner entertainment."

It doesnt take much imagination to see an understaffed administration with erratic, divided leadership lurching into a political crisis, or something worse. If that moment comes, America might find itneeds Obama as a voice of reason.

The former presidentran arelativelyscandal-free administration known for favoring cautious steps rather than brash moves. Despite political setbacks that cost the Democratic Party dearlyduring his tenure,nostalgic Americanspushed his approval ratings above 60% in polls taken as he left office.

Speaking fee doesn't change Obama: Opposing view

Obama is a smart man, smart enough to know when to do the normal ex-president thing of keeping his mouth shut, and when to step in to say that things are going terribly wrong. It'ssomething he mightneed to do.

While Obamas views wouldnt carry much weight with Trump loyalists, they would with centrists,independents and Never-Trump Republicans. Obama and former president George W. Bush could be the only leaders with the clout to grab national attention if Trump's erratic behavior goes too far.

But that can't happen if Obama's buck-raking speeches turn him into a symbol of everything about Washington that voters detest. Obama has already taken a $400,000 for an appearance before television advertisers, and now plans to address a health care conference sponsored by investment bank Cantor Fitzgerald. The two speeches are potent symbols of a political class disconnected from voters who struggle to afford the American dream for their children while earning in an entire year what Obama earns in 11minutes.

And for what? Unless there is something we don't know, the Obamas don't need the money. He and his wife, Michelle, have signed a deal for two books with a $65 million advance, a mind-boggling fortune to most Americans that will only add to the millions the Obamas earned for previous books.

Indeed, if there is a lesson to be learned from the presidential campaign that put Trump in the White House, it is that there are consequences when politicians appear to set aside the values they stood for in their public lives to capitalize on their years of service.

Most Americans agreed with Obama when he noted in2010, "At a certain point, you've earned enough money." Especiallyat such a precarious moment for America, he ought to consider taking his own advice.

USA TODAY's editorial opinions are decided by itsEditorial Board, separate from the news staff. Most editorials are coupled with an opposing view a unique USA TODAY feature.

To read more editorials, go to theOpinion front pageor sign up for thedaily Opinion email newsletter.To respond to this editorial, submit a comment toletters@usatoday.com.

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Barack Obama, buck raker: Our view - USA TODAY