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In the final days of Germanys election campaign, the center-left Social Democrats appeared to focus their final message to voters on one idea: respect. The message was plastered across the country on vibrant red posters and featured in the closing campaign speech of the partys candidate for chancellor, Olaf Scholz, who pledged that a Germany under his leadership would recognize the contributions of everyone in society, regardless of their professional or social merit.

We are working very hard on respect. Recognition is a question of how we live together in our societies, Scholz told me and a small group of reporters following his final campaign rally, in the West German city of Cologne. What mattered, he said, was that Germans all felt a degree of responsibility for the future, and that none thinks they are better than the others.

The message, though earnest and somewhat anodyne, nevertheless contains an anti-populist pitch aimed at combatting the narrative, both in Germany and around the world, that establishment parties such as the Social Democrats are out of touch with the wants and needs of everyday real people. A Germany led by Scholz would, the party seemed to be arguing, respect the contributions of all Germans.

This strategy, dull though it may be, might just have worked: Preliminary official results published today showed that the Social Democrats won the largest share of votes in yesterdays election, beating outgoing Chancellor Angela Merkels center-right Christian Democrats for the first time in more than a decade. Although the Social Democrats barely scraped together more than a quarter of all ballots, and the outcome of the election is still uncertain (coalition negotiations could take weeks, if not months), the results are being received as a great success by the partyone that other progressives can learn from.

And that is partly because Scholz and his team are open about the lessons theyve learned from progressive parties elsewhere. Close advisers to the candidate said that while he was crafting his political message, Scholz studied two of the lefts biggest political failures in recent memory: the United States 2016 presidential election and Britains Brexit referendum. His primary takeaway from both events was that we should, as progressives, be very careful to acknowledge all the different choices that people make about their life, Wolfgang Schmidt, a junior finance minister and one of Scholzs closest advisers, told me. Thats why Olaf Scholz talked a lot about respect. Somebody without a college degree should not get the impression [that] he or she is seen as part of a basket of deplorables, he said, referencing Hillary Clintons infamous gaffe about Donald Trumps supporters.

Scholz might not disagree with Clintons assessment. But his point is that this kind of rhetoric isnt the best way to reach voters. In a recent interview with The Guardian, he surmised that the main reason Britons voted for Brexit and Americans voted for Trump was that people are experiencing deep social insecurities, and lack appreciation for what they do. During his final campaign speech, Scholz bemoaned societys tendency to determine peoples merit on the basis of their education or profession, noting that lawyers such as himself are no more important to society than laborers or craftspeople. By appealing to those individuals and making them feel heard, Scholz would argue, progressives can bring them back into the fold and, crucially, steer them away from the appeals of the populist right.

Read: What Germany says about far-right politics

In some ways, Scholzs approach speaks to the consensual nature of the German system. Although it does see some elements of name-calling and partisan attacks (Merkels Christian Democrats, for example, sought to cast Scholz as a harbinger of the far left, despite the fact that he currently serves as deputy chancellor in Merkels governing coalition), German politics hardly rivals the polarization in American and British politics. Throughout the campaign, Scholz sought to avoid any rhetoric that would make him appear overtly partisana move that his campaign manager, Lars Klingbeil, said was intentional.

There are hard attacks in the election, but in the end, we know that we have to be respectful to the others because we have to work together in some coalitions, Klingbeil, the Social Democrats secretary general, told me and other American journalists in a briefing, noting that one of the issues he has observed in U.S. politics is politicians inclination to speak to their party base rather than to the people writ large. This, he argued, not only brings about polarization, but also unnecessarily limits a candidates appeal. Here, he said, we focus on the middle of society.

It helps, of course, that Scholz hasnt had to face a major populist challenger akin to Trump in the U.S. or Marine Le Pen in France. Although the far-right Alternative for Germany maintains a significant presence in German politics, support for the party has essentially flatlined since it entered Germanys parliament, following the countrys previous federal election, in 2017. That the AfD is all but certain to be excluded from any coalition talks has allowed Germanys mainstream parties to largely ignore it.

Yascha Mounk: The world wont miss Angela Merkel

Scholzs strategy has made him the front-runner to succeed Merkel as Germanys next chancellor. Yet winning an election and retaining power are two different things, and respect has to be more than just a slogan to be effective. In the Social Democrats case, that means following through on the partys pledge to address societal inequality by, among other initiatives, increasing the hourly minimum wage by 25 percent to 12 euros ($14) an hour and reintroducing a wealth tax on the countrys rich. Such promises wont be easily fulfilledespecially if the Social Democrats are forced into coalition with the pro-business Free Democratic Party, one of the elections kingmakers (the other being the Greens) and a fierce opponent of tax hikes.

Whether Scholz gets the chance to achieve any of these goals will be determined by coalition talks, which have already begun. Although his Social Democrats will enjoy the symbolic boost of having secured the highest number of votes, it doesnt guarantee that Scholz will succeed Merkel.

Still, Scholz is optimistic that progressives will look to his campaign not as a failure but as a playbook.

The Friedrich Ebert Foundation (Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung) supported reporting costs for this article.

Original post:
Germany's Progressive Playbook - The Atlantic

As someone whos dedicating my career to climate action, I find it wild that an ostensibly climate-focused group is primarying @DawnEuer, the senator most instrumental in passing the strongest climate statute weve ever had, while leaving actual anti-climate Dems unchallenged, he tweeted.

What an absurd waste of resources, Regunberg wrote. Real progressives dont let petty egos and personal bulls--- derail movement-building like this.

But the Rhode Island Political Cooperative didnt back down amid the backlash, instead piling more fuel on the fire.

Jennifer Rourke who co-chairs the co-op along with Brown and state Senator Jeanine Calkin tweeted: Boy, are the Fauxgressives upset today.

When asked why they were challenging Euer, the three co-op co-founders issued a written statement listing four reasons:

We have been clear since the beginning that our mission is to oust the political establishment and win a governing majority that will work for all Rhode Islanders, the co-op co-chairs said. That cannot happen as long as legislators like Euer continue to empower corrupt, conservative politicians like Ruggerio.

In response, Euer told the Globe, I am proud of my history of accomplishments in the Senate passing major legislation. The Act on Climate was landmark legislation that finally enshrined environmental climate standards in state law in a way that has already affected agency decision making.

For example, the Energy Facility Siting Board and the Coastal Resources Management Council have already factored the law into their decisions, she said.

I am also proud of the role I played in codifying Roe v. Wade in 2019, especially in light of the national conversation on abortion right now, Euer said of the Reproductive Privacy Act.

Also, she said was ready to meet with Green New Deal advocates but they canceled.

At the end of the day, we need bills that are going to make it to the governors desk and be signed, Euer said. Im focusing on doing the work representing my constituents and making positive change on their behalf, including sharing information about available rent and mortgage relief funds and advocating for aggressive solutions to the states housing crisis.

The attempt to oust Euer is just one of the flash points in a rapidly intensifying progressive civil war.

Representative Brandon Potter, a Cranston Democrat, fired a shot heard around the Twittersphere on Friday when he wrote a commentary piece in Globe Rhode Island, blasting the co-op as toxic to Rhode Islands progressive movement.

In that piece, Potter said he ran for the House in 2020 as a co-op member, but the group booted him out because he voted for K. Joseph Shekarchi, a Warwick Democrat, for House speaker. He claimed co-op members dont have a say in key decisions and must pay membership dues for campaign services that are for the most part never delivered.

In an interview, Potter said he campaigned against then-House Speaker Nicholas A. Mattiello, a Cranston Democrat, but after Mattiello lost his district seat, he joined almost every other progressive legislator in backing the leadership team of Shekarchi, House Majority Leader Christopher R. Blazejewski and House Majority Whip Katherine S. Kazarian.

Potter said he wanted to give the leadership team a chance to follow through on commitments, and he was pleased the House passed the Act on Climate, boosted the minimum wage to $15 an hour over four years, banned housing discrimination based on source of income, and authorized harm reduction centers where people can use drugs under supervision.

How are you going to say these things are not progressive? Potter asked. Young and impressionable people have been made to believe the legislation we passed is not truly impactful. As someone personally affected by source of income discrimination as a teenager, being able to see that bill pass hit home and shows how much of a difference we can make.

The co-ops co-chairs issued a statement Monday, calling Potters commentary full of lies and willful mischaracterizations.

Brandon is lying because the co-ops slate is an unprecedented threat to the corrupt political establishment that he has aligned himself with, ever since he violated his campaign pledge to oppose the Mattiello machine by voting for Joe Shekarchi Mattiellos hand-picked successor, the co-chairs said.

They said co-op candidates collectively make key decisions, including the development of a shared policy platform, and supports campaigns and candidates from the moment they launch all the way through the election by providing a broad and comprehensive set of services. Those services, listed in the FAQ section of the groups website, include producing candidate videos, maintaining a website, and a providing bulk email service.

While Potter points to progress being made, co-op leaders say their goal is a governing majority controlling the House, the Senate, and the governors office.

We have done some good things this year, but we need to go further, Calkin said in an interview last week. Its been weak tea.

For example, she said the state must act with more urgency to combat climate change by, for example, passing her bill to require carbon-emissions-reduction goals be considered in energy plant siting proceedings.

And Brown called for increasing the minimum wage to $19 an hour. Fifteen dollars an hour was a good idea when it came out 15 years ago, he said. But the cost of housing has gone through the roof, the cost of health care has gone through the roof. That is not a living wage.

The battle of the progressives also will play out in the Oct. 5 primary for the state Senate District 3 seat that Gayle L. Goldin vacated to join President Joe Bidens administration. In a five-way Democratic primary, the co-op is backing Geena Pham while the Rhode Island Working Families Party is backing Bret Jacob, and that splinter in progressive forces might help catapult another candidate to victory, Providence College political science professor Adam S. Myers said.

Myers said its unclear if the progressive schism reflects deep policy differences or simply competing egos and personality clashes, but it does reveal a clear difference in political strategy.

The co-op wants to be more assertive and aggressive in taking on the leadership in the General Assembly, Myers said. Whereas on the other side of the progressive camp, they are taking a more consensus-driven approach, trying to get buy-in from the existing leadership and folks already serving in the Assembly for progress policy goals.

In this battle of pragmatism vs. revolution, the stakes are high.

If the co-op wins all these primary races next year, then this will probably be the biggest shift in Rhode Island politics since the Bloodless Revolution in 1935, Myers said. But if their slate of candidates bombs, he said, their whole political theory will have been proven completely wrong.

Of course, the end result might fall between total victory and abject failure.

We will likely see middle ground where the co-op wins some seats, he said. If that happens, the next General Assembly will have a few more progressives, but still plenty of conservative Democrats, and the intra-party war will continue.

Edward Fitzpatrick can be reached at edward.fitzpatrick@globe.com. Follow him on Twitter @FitzProv.

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A progressive civil war is brewing in Rhode Island - The Boston Globe

The current stalemate in the Democratic Party between moderatesand progressives proved to be destructive after Congress failed to pass the George Floyd Justice in Policing Act. Author Eddie Glaude says appeasing Republicans should no longer be in the interest of Congressional Democrats, who instead need to stand their ground on progressivepolicies.

The Democratic Party often acts like a scorned lover the center of the partys political imagination is a white hetero male wearing a construction hat that particular constituency drives political strategy it seems. Eddie Glaude Jr., PrincetonUniversity

Eddie Glaude Jr. is Chair of African American Studies at Princeton University and author of Begin Again: James Baldwins American and Its Urgent Lessons. He says the Democratic Party that came into existence to respond to Reaganism is no longer relevant. We are witnessing in real time the collapse of the age of Reagan, its ideological pillars have revealed themselves to be hollow that all government is bad or that tax cuts are the source of economic stimulus many of those precepts are revealed to be bankrupt. Glaude says Democrats need to press progressive agenda instead of attempting to appease modern Republicans. The Democratic Party often acts like a scorned lover the center of the partys political imagination is a white hetero male wearing a construction hat that particular constituency drives political strategy itseems.

On the George Floyd Justice in Policing Act that Congress failed to pass, Glaude says the legislation was doomed by Democrats complicity in allowing it to be framed as an issue of law and order. Most people who respond to defund the police negatively are acting in bad faith we know it was a slogan aimed at budgeting values . Instead some politicians used it to focus on ourfears.

Glaude says many moderate Congressional Democrats are uninterested in addressing the systemic background to the issue of police overreach. Now were beginning to see that crime is a much more complex phenomena that requires a much more complex answer every community deserves to be safe, every community deserves to be secure, but what that entails goes beyond more police and more incarceration, hesays.

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Moderate Democrats Need to Stand Their Ground on Progressive Policies, Says Author of "Begin Again" - WDET

More than any other state, Pennsylvania has a good shot at changing the balance of power in the U.S. Senate after the 2022 midterm election.

Republican U.S. Sen. Pat Toomeys retirement is leaving a rare power vacuum in one of the countrys swingiest swing states, and Cook Political Report analyst Jessica Taylor, who is tracking key Senate races around the country, says that has led to a genuinely unpredictable outcome.

There are only two states on the map that Republicans hold that Democrats won in the presidential race, and those are Pennsylvania and Wisconsin, she said. Of those races, Pennsylvania, I think especially given that its an open seat, is really the best opportunity that Democrats have to flip a seat.

The dynamics could change as the primary and general elections draw closer, Taylor said. But right now, she says Democrats appear to be in a slightly stronger position because Republicans are still struggling to chart a post-Trump political course.

Establishment Republicans, Taylor notes, are lining up behind Jeff Bartos, while those aligned with Trump favor Sean Parnell, whom she calls a riskier choice.

The intra-party split isnt quite as pronounced on the Democratic side of the aisle, she noted, but its still present. Its unclear if Democratic primary voters will consolidate behind a progressive candidate, like John Fetterman or Malcolm Kenyatta, or a more centrist contender like Conor Lamb or Val Arkoosh.

National mood could make personality and policy differences moot, as midterms often bring a backlash against whichever party holds the presidency.

It will matter, Taylor said, where President Bidens numbers are a year from now.

If the national environment is bad [for Democrats], having a candidate who can be problematic, like Sean Parnell, may not matter, she said.

Scroll down to read about the candidates for Pennsylvanias U.S. Senate seat. This list will be updated as new information surfaces.

Democratic candidates:

Kimberly Paynter

Malcolm Kenyatta, 31Current occupation: State representativePolitical history: Community organizer, legislative stafferHometown: North Philadelphia

Kenyatta, a two-term state representative from North Philly, is running a progressive campaign rooted largely in social justice. At 31, he would be the youngest member of the U.S. Senate.

The first openly gay Black man to serve in Pennsylvanias legislature, Kenyatta says his platform is rooted in his own experience growing up poor in Philly. He wants to reduce or eliminate student loan debt and create free higher education options, raise the federal minimum wage, and impose a wealth tax on people worth $50 million or more, among other things. Hes also the only major Senate candidate who has said hed support a moratorium on fracking.

Between his graduation from Temple University and his 2018 election to the legislature, Kenyatta worked behind the scenes in city politics and got involved in community activism.

He is a longtime ally of President Joe Biden. While many of his fellow young, urban Pennsylvania progressives supported Vermont Sen. Bernie Sanders in the 2020 race, Kenyatta threw his hat in for Biden early. He became a prominent surrogate for the former vice president, getting significant airtime on cable news throughout the race, and eventually being named a rising star in the party during the 2020 DNC, alongside fellow candidate Conor Lamb.

John Fetterman, 52Current occupation: Lieutenant governorPolitical history: Braddock mayor, ran unsuccessfully for U.S. Senate in 2016Hometown:Braddock

Fetterman, former mayor of the small steel town of Braddock, and current Pennsylvania lieutenant governor, has a phrase he has repeated throughout his candidacy for U.S. Senate: the union way of life is sacred.

Fetterman, a progressive who wants universal healthcare, legal weed, and an overhauled criminal justice system, is taking a stab at creating the kind of Democratic coalition long thought to be mostly extinct in Pennsylvania: where urban liberals and union workers can find a home under one umbrella.

Hes primarily trying to achieve that through energy policy. Fetterman, who lives across the street from Braddocks steel mill, has called the tension between ending reliance on fossil fuels and maintaining union energy jobs a false choice. He says he supports transitioning away from coal and natural gas, but also says doing it too quickly is unacceptable. A spokesman recently told WHYY that we cant just abandon these people, and tell them to go learn how to code.

Fetterman has easily led the early Democratic field in both fundraising and spending, and has more than $3 million on hand over $1 million more than his closest Democratic opponent.

Emma Lee

Val Arkoosh, 55Current occupation: Chair of Montgomery County CommissionersPolitical history: Ran unsuccessfully for Congress (PA-13, now PA-02) in 2014Hometown: Springfield Township

Arkoosh, a former practicing physician who now serves as the chair of the Montgomery County Board of Commissioners, is the only woman running for the Senate seat who has previously held elected office.

She has centered health care in her Senate campaign, noting that as a doctor, she has seen radically different health outcomes based on income, race, and gender. She was a prominent Affordable Care Act advocate during an unsuccessful 2014 run for Congress, and says she still thinks adjusting that program is the best bet for making health care more affordable.

The county Arkoosh currently leads is Pennsylvanias second wealthiest. It has shifted sharply left over the last decade, moving from a bastion of well-off Republicans, to one of similarly comfortable Democrats.

Many of the accomplishments she lists reflect standard Democratic policy positions raising the minimum wage to $15 an hour for county workers, and giving those workers six weeks of paid parental leave while others are more specific to her constituents, like preserving farmland, restoring Montcos AAA bond rating, and maintaining relatively low property taxes.

Conor Lamb, 37Current occupation: Congressman (PA-17)Political history: Assistant U.S. AttorneyHometown: Mt. Lebanon

Lamb, a two-term US. representative from Allegheny County, is the most forthrightly moderate member of Pennsylvanias Democratic Senate field.

The former Marine and federal prosecutor has balked at big-spending proposals like single-payer health care while in Congress, and differed with the progressive wing of his party on sweeping messaging on defunding police and banning fracking, which he said alienated more conservative Democrats and independents.

Lamb is from a tricky district for Democrats, and has walked a fine political line since he flipped the seat blue in a 2018 special election. He retained it just eight months later in the general election, after being drawn into a new district and being forced to run against an incumbent Republican. He was reelected last year in a contest with a Trump-sympathetic opponent.

Lamb was a relatively late entrant to the U.S. Senate race, but has since confirmed himself to be a formidable fundraiser. After moving his congressional war chest over to the Senate campaign, he has more than $1.7 million on hand, second only to Fetterman among Democrats.

Democrats likely to join the race:

Kimberly Paynter

Sharif Street, 46Current occupation: State senator, Pennsylvania Democratic Party vice-chairPolitical history: Lawyer, Chief Democratic advisor on Senate Housing and Urban Development CommitteeHometown: North Philadelphia

A member of the Pa. Senate since 2016, Street has perhaps the most conventional political background of any candidate. His father, John Street, was mayor of Philly from 2000 to 2008, and a longtime City Council member before that.

Street grew up in the world of Philadelphia politics. Though he worked for nearly two decades as a lawyer before entering public life, he says his history factors heavily into his approach to his potential Senate bid. In April, when he filed a statement of candidacy and launched an exploratory committee, he told WHYY that hes uniquely well-connected on the ground in his city, Pennsylvanias biggest Democratic stronghold.

Hes from the same area as Malcolm Kenyatta, he noted, calling his potential opponent a great guy, but adding, When you talk to people in North Philadelphia about us, I dont think theres much debate.

Like much of the Democratic field, Street is progressive. Hes cited his key issues as being addressing gun violence, investing in education and career and technical training, and legalizing recreational marijuana.

Republican candidates:

Jeff Bartos

Jeff Bartos, 48Current occupation: Real estate developerPolitical history: 2018 lieutenant governor candidate, longtime GOP fundraiserHometown: Lower Merion

Bartos didnt formally enter electoral politics until 2018, when he joined former state Senator Scott Wagners 2018 gubernatorial bid, but hes no stranger to it.

A longtime fixture in the Pennsylvania real estate scene former jobs include a stint as a Toll Brothers division president Bartos has a long history as a GOP committeeperson and fundraiser. After his bid for lieutenant governor, during which he came off as generally affable and pragmatic beside the bombastic Wagner, Bartos was named chair of the state Republican Partys finance committee.

Thus far, Bartos has attempted to split the difference between appealing to the wing of his party eager to still ally itself with Donald Trump, and the more moderate wing attempting to distance itself from the former president.

In a video formally announcing his campaign, Bartos centered his appreciation for small businesses and talked about the nonprofit he co-founded in the midst of the pandemic, the Pennsylvania 30 Day Fund, which raises money to extend forgivable grants to businesses. But he also threw a bone to the former president, noting that he thinks Trump represented someone listening to millions of Pennsylvanians who felt like no one was fighting for them.

Bartos is not, however, Trumps chosen candidate. The endorsement went to Sean Parnell, who unsuccessfully ran for Congress in 2020 with Trumps blessing. Much of Bartoss recent campaign missives have been attacks on Parnell, highlighting now-expunged protection from abuse orders (PFAs) Parnells wife sought against him in 2017 and 2018.

Lucy Perkins

Sean Parnell, 39Current occupation: Author, Fox News contributorPolitical history: Ran unsuccessfully for Congress (PA-17) in 2020Hometown: Ohio Township

Parnell is the candidate in the GOP field who has managed to ally himself most closely with Trump and his voter base.

A decorated former Army Ranger, who earned a Purple Heart and a Bronze Star for valor while serving in Afghanistan, Parnell has been best-known in recent years for his frequent, consistently Trump-friendly commentary on Fox News. That reputation grew as he launched his 2020 campaign for Congress in one of Pennsylvanias purplest districts, where he lost narrowly to moderate Democratic Rep. Conor Lamb.

Parnells loss didnt cool Trumps support. He got a major boost when the former president endorsed him early this September, claiming baselessly that Parnell got robbed in his congressional run in the Crime of the Century the 2020 Presidential Election Scam. Its a claim Parnell has also echoed, albeit less explicitly, in calling for a forensic audit of the 2020 election in Pa.

Parnell and competitor Jeff Bartos have repeatedly traded barbs over the PFAs Parnells wife sought in the years before his congressional bid. Bartos said they make Parnell unelectable, while Parnell said Bartoss statements have been provably false and a scheme to score political points.

Parnells campaign told City and State PA that the PFAs were indeed issued, but Parnells wife later withdrew one, and a judge dismissed the second.

Kathy Barnette

Kathy Barnette, 49Current occupation: Political commentatorPolitical history: Ran unsuccessfully for Congress (PA-04) in 2020Hometown: Huntingdon Valley

Barnette, a veteran of the U.S. Army reserves who worked in finance before entering politics, is best-known for her crusade to find evidence of fraud in the 2020 election.

After losing badly and unsurprisingly to incumbent Democrat Madeleine Dean in a congressional race in deeply blue Montgomery County, Barnette became convinced something had been amiss in the race, and in the election at large, and coordinated with several prominent election fraud evangelists in her efforts to prove those theories.

Theres no evidence of any widespread or significant fraud in the 2020 election. But Barnettes post-2020 activities have made her prominent in right-wing, Trump-sympathetic circles, and she has become a frequent commentator on far-right shows.

She has also become a fairly formidable fundraiser. As of candidates last filing deadline, at the end of June, Barnette had more than $476,000 on hand, third to Bartos and Parnell in the GOP field. Her total receipts have been even greater than Parnells.

Carla Sands

Carla Sands, 60Current occupation: CEO of investment firm Vintage CapitalPolitical history: Ambassador to Denmark under Trump, served on Trumps Economic Advisory CouncilHometown: Camp Hill, though she very recently lived in Los Angeles

Sands put two things front and center in a video announcing her candidacy: her Christian values and servants heart, and her work and personal relationship with Trump. Her message to Pennsylvania voters is that our home she moved back recently, after selling her Bel-Air, Los Angeles, house for $19.5 million in 2019 is overtaxed and overregulated, and burdened with dwindling jobs, failing schools, and rising crime.

Sands worked as a chiropractor in Pennsylvania, before relocating to California with her late husband. After his death in 2015, she took over his investment company. She supported the former president in 2016 and was a key Trump fundraiser in California, and her support eventually turned into a spot on his Economic Advisory Council, and then an ambassadorship.

Shes expected to bring her own substantial financial resources to the race, though hadnt yet reported campaign finance data as of candidates last filing deadline.

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Progressive, Centrist, Trumper? These 2022 Candidates Could Change The Balance Of Power In The U.S. Senate - 90.5 WESA

We have looked at and talked to a bunch of progressive partners around the country West Virginia did West Virginia Cant Wait, said Brown, referencing the 2020 grassroots movement to bring a pro-labor electoral infrastructure to Charleston. The co-op model is, we think, kind of a breakthrough in progressive political organizing because the candidates pay dues and that means that the co-op can provide direct services to them, everything A to Z: campaign manager, recruitment, candidate training, writing campaign plans. So its really like running a statewide, coordinated campaign for 50 candidates.

The Sunrise Movement, the youth-led climate organization, has already endorsed the slate and is out with an ad promoting the bloc of candidates.

After Gov.Gina Raimondo, a Wall Street-friendly venture capitalist, resigned to become President Joe Bidens commerce secretary in March,Lt. Gov Dan McKee, a moderate Democrat, was sworn in as governor.McKee and a handful of other Democrats are also vying for governor in 2022.

Brown challenged Raimondo in 2018but did so without a statewide network, losing in the primary 57-34 percent, or roughly 28,000 votes.

But this time, Brown has a stronger progressive network to tap. The Rhode Island Political Cooperative won 10 of its 24 races in the 2020 election cycle: two for city council, five for state Senate, and three in the House.

Those victories shook up the state legislature. The General Assembly, which had balked at a minimum wage increase for years, quickly passed a bill lifting the minimum to $15 an hour, while making additional nods in a progressive direction.

But for the insurgents, it quickly became clear that a more wholesale sweep was needed. Mendes, who had knocked off the finance chair, said that she was taken aback at the apathy and callousness on display from her Democratic colleagues. As a state Senator, I witnessed really up close and personal the apathy and negligence of our government and just how they just refuse to work on behalf of the people even in the moments of our greatest need, she said. It was one thing to intellectually understand the corruption of the state government, but it was another thing altogether to see it up close.

It was difficult, Mendes said, to deal with the ache of being in that space and realizing how much they didnt care. Mendes, a single mom and a nurse, said that the gap between her everyday life at home and her life in the statehouse was monumental. To live in a community where theres a sense of urgency that there are deep needs around us, and that we need to address them, and then go into a chamber where people are interested in going to fundraisers, and getting a headline, and getting in front of a camera its actually surreal, she said.

We just cant wait for corrupt politicians to start caring, Mendes said.

Read the original:
Rhode Island Progressives Are Coming for Political Establishment - The Intercept