Archive for the ‘Progressives’ Category

Progressives draw their line in the sand: Medicare expansion must remain in Biden bill – Salon

Progressives are drawing a red line in negotiations over President Biden's landmark $3.5 billion reconciliation bill, insisting that Medicare expansion must remain in the bill and even suggesting that the intra-partyDemocratic stalemate won't endif the provision is removed.

As it currently stands, the provision would expand Medicare to include coverage fordental care, hearingand vision and introducing added costs that "moderate" Democratslike Sens. Joe Manchin, D-W.Va., and Kyrsten Sinema, D-Ariz., have thus far vehemently opposed.

"My big concern right now is the 2026 deadline [for] Medicare insolvency and if no one's concerned about that, I've got people that's a lifeline," Manchin said on Monday. "You've got to stabilize that first before you look at basically expansion. So if we're not being fiscally responsible, that's a concern."

Manchin's apparent demand to kill Medicareexpansion is just his latest in a series of proposalsto water down oreliminate some of the most progressive provisions in the bill. Over the past several months, Manchin has called on Democratic colleagues to remove the bill's climate action policies, introduce means-testing for thechild tax creditand strip any abortion-related health care coverage fromMedicaid and Medicare.

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Although Manchin's stonewalling has proven successful so far, progressives in the House and Senate have signaled that any failure to expand Medicare willbe a deal-breaker.

Sen. Bernie Sanders, I-Vt., a years-long proponent of Medicare for All, said on Saturday that the Medicare provision is "not coming out."

"The expansion of Medicare to cover dental, hearing and vision is supported by 84% of the public and is one of the most important provisions in Build Back Better," he tweeted. "It's what the American people want and, after waiting over 50 years, what they are going to get."

RELATED: Bernie Sanders vows to stand firm on Medicare expansion: "It's not coming out!"

"Medicare treats your eyes, teeth, and ears like they're not part of your body," echoedRep. CoriBush, D-Mo. "It makes no sense. The Build Back Better Act currently expands Medicare to cover vision, dental, and hearing. We need to make sure that happens. And then we need Medicare for All."

Rep. Ilhan Omar, D-Minn., added that progressive votes in the Democratic caucus needed to be "earned," not taken for granted.

"Progressives are fighting to tackle the climate crisis, expand Medicare to cover dental, vision and hearing, and guarantee family leave in America," Omar tweeted."These are the investments major countries make in their communities and we can too."

Earlier this month, Rep. Pramila Jayapal, D-Wash., who chairs the Congressional Progressive Caucus,toldPoliticothat thecaucus has "no intention of backing down." Jayapal has argued that Medicare expansionwill yield political dividends for Democrats in next year'smidterms by providing near-term tangible benefitsto many seniors, especially those living on fixed incomes.

According toCNN,the unresolved conflict among Democrats could lead to a compromise under which Medicare is expanded to cover hearing and vision, but not dental care.According to the Kaiser Family Foundation, roughly half of all Medicare beneficiaries, or about 24 million people, have nodental insurance.

According to Politico, the progressive-backed Medicare plan is estimated to cost $350 billion. To cover that cost, Democrats have proposed allowingMedicare to negotiate prescription drug prices individually with pharmaceutical companies. But that issue too is trapped in the Democrats' internal morass: Manchin has said he supports that proposal, but Sinema a major recipient of Big Pharma political donations apparently does not.

More on the Democratic battle over Build Back Better:

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Progressives draw their line in the sand: Medicare expansion must remain in Biden bill - Salon

House Progressives: ‘When We Said These Two Bills Go Together, We Meant It’ – Common Dreams

Congressional Progressive Caucus Chair Pramila Jayapal on Wednesday stressed a need for the "transformational investments in programs" that her party's Build Back Better package stands to make and said House progressives wouldn't "be fools" by agreeing to a vote on a pending bipartisan infrastructure bill until the legislative text for a larger social spending package was finalized.

"If we're 90% there on the legislative text, which is what I keep hearing from the Speaker and others, then let's finish.. and we can get both bills done," Jayapal (D-Wash.) told MSNBC's Hallie Jackson.

"The big problem right now," she said, "is we still don't have that full agreement."

Asked by Jackson how many members of the CPC would vote no or withhold their vote on the bipartisan bill without having secured the legislative text for the reconciliation bill, Jayapal said that "the Speaker never brings a bill to the floor that goings to fail."

"I think we're up to 40 that really believe we have to vote both of these bills through," she said. "We're just saying we need both bills to pass the House, and we need everybody to agree that this is the agreement," meaning that it wouldn't be changed once it goes through the Senate.

Jayapal's remarks came just after the CPC reaffirmed its insistence that House passage of the smaller bipartisan infrastructure bill must be accompanied by a vote on and the legislative textnot simply the frameworkfor the broader Build Back Better package.

"When we said these two bills go together, we meant it," the group tweeted.

"A mere framework is not enough."

Jayapal also delivered that message in a tweet shortly after.

"Moving the infrastructure bill forward without the popular Build Back Better Act risks leaving behind working people, families, and our communities," Jayapal wrote. "That's not a risk we can take. These two bills must move together at the same time."

Democrats, facing obstruction of the Build Back Better package by right-wing members of the party like Sens. Joe Manchin of West Virginia and Kyrsten Sinema of Arizona, are still working out the specific contents and exact price tag of the reconciliation package. Already slashed down to around $2 trillion over 10 years, the package could make significant investments in climate action and the care economy. The party needs the support of all its members for passage.

Jayapal's message Wednesday echoed the one she had a day earlier following a meeting with House Speaker Nancy Pelosi (D-Calif.).

While Pelosi reportedly pushed for a framework on the broader package to suffice for progressives to vote on the bipartisan bill, Jayapal rejected the approach. Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez agreed, telling Bloomberg that "a mere framework is not enough."

Sen. Bernie Sanders (I-Vt.), meanwhile, is doubling down on his demand that the reconciliation bill include Medicare expansion as well asreforms to lower prescription drug prices.

This article has been updated from an earlier version to include remarks Jayapal made in her MSNBC interview.

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House Progressives: 'When We Said These Two Bills Go Together, We Meant It' - Common Dreams

‘Hold the Line’: Progressives Push to Block Vote on Weaker Bill Without Final Text of Build Back Better – Common Dreams

As President Joe Biden arrived on Capitol Hill to meet with Democratic leadership and caucus members on how to finalize agreement on a pair of bills designed to fix the nation's physical and care-giving infrastructure systems, progressive advocates mobilized Thursday to make sure lawmakers do not fully cave to the pressure of corporate lobbyists who have swarmed Congress over recent months to kill key aspects of the Build Back Better Act's social investment programs like Medicare expansion, paid family leave, bold climate action, elder care, and lower drug costs.

With the possibility for a vote on the Bipartisan Infrastructure Bill (BIF) possible as early as later in the day, Indivisible issued a call to action via email Thursday morning and told its members: "If the Democrats let conservatives push through BIF without also passing the reconciliation package (that's the one that covers healthcare, climate, childcare, and more), we are going to squander our trifecta and accomplish nothing. We can't let Democrats cave. That's why it is urgent you call your representatives and tell them to vote no on the BIF until they've passed an inclusive recovery bill that works for everyone."

While Biden was expected to push a scaled-back $1.75 trillion deal during the meeting with congressional Democrats, Indivisible warned that if the BIF is passed without final and firm guarantees, Democrats "will lose the much-needed leverage we had to pass our full Build Back Better planand Americans cant afford to lose Build Back Better."

The bipartisan deal isn't necessarily bad, the group explained, "it's just too small to meet the moment, which is why it needs to be paired with the full Build Back Better reconciliation package. Passing all of Build Back Better would mean expanding access to affordable healthcare and child care, making investments in a strong climate strategy, creating a pathway to citizenship for millions of immigrants and migrants, investing in housing, especially affordable housing and housing for unhoused populations, ensuring paid family and medical leave for every worker nationwide, and so much more. In short, it would help everyone."

In a joint statement, dozens of national, state, and local organizationsincluding Indivisible, Our Revolution, People's Action, Greenpeace USA, and othersoffered a similar message Thursday morning.

"We are fully behind the Progressive Caucus as it holds the line for the biggest, boldest reconciliation package possible. Over the last year, progressives in Congress have played a crucial role keeping the Build Back Better Act on track, even in the face of a multi-million dollar lobbying campaign by big business to kill it in its cradle," the groups said.

"Now we're in the home stretch," the statement continued. "By holding firm on keeping the Build Back Better Act and the Bipartisan Infrastructure Bill firmly linked, progressives are giving their colleagues in the Senate the space and the leverage to negotiate the strongest package possible."

Just ahead of a full Democratic caucus meeting with Biden mid-morning, Rep. Pramila Jayapal (D-Wash.), chair of the Congressional Progressive Caucus, reiterated to reporters that there is no deal that she and her members have agreed to and that both bills must be finalized before one can possibly be reached.

Also ahead of the meeting, campaigners with the progressive group People's Watch and others said that Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez (D-N.Y.) called on them to "hold the line" outside so that she and her progressive colleagues in the House could do the same from inside. "You holding the line out here helps us hold the line in there," Ocasio-Cortez said.

"With so much happening in Congress right now, it is crucial that we have all hands on deck," said Indivisible in its missive. "Congress must deliver on Biden's full recovery agenda. The recovery package is an essential, must-pass bill that will help pretty much everybody in the entire countrywe can't let conservatives tank it. We have to do everything we can to get it passed."

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'Hold the Line': Progressives Push to Block Vote on Weaker Bill Without Final Text of Build Back Better - Common Dreams

Social Infrastructure Bill Has Been Gutted. Progressives May Not Let It Pass. – Truthout

For those still playing along at home, still chasing the details of this long and ugly slog toward passage of a standard infrastructure bill and a second bill called the Build Back Better Act, this latest update brings grim tidings.

Due almost entirely to their own self-interest and devoted service to those who fund their campaigns, Democratic Senators Joe Manchin and Kyrsten Sinema have managed to either kill or mortally wound multiple elements of the social infrastructure bill that would have dramatically improved the lives of millions. Many of those items had already been removed from the standard infrastructure bill, on the promise they would be included in the second bill. This was a lie.

Gone, or almost gone from the bill are vital new climate provisions that would force utilities to move to clean energy; a Medicare expansion that includes dental, vision and hearing coverage; prescription drug pricing reform that is vital to funding the bill itself; free community college; new taxes on the ultra-wealthy; and 12 weeks of paid family and medical leave.

Manchin and Sinema did this, with some backstopping from a few House Democrats deep in the pockets of the pharmaceutical industry. The Republicans barely had to get out of bed. Were still no on everything, theyve occasionally reminded us as they sit back and watch the shit show unfold.

After days of relative silence as these provisions were stripped from the bill, Bernie Sanders and the Congressional Progressive Caucus (CPC) by far and away the most constructive and fair-handed players in this process sounded a warning alarm: If the Medicare expansion and climate provisions are removed from the bill, despite numerous promises they would be included, there is no promise the 96-strong Caucus will vote to approve it.

Without their votes, the bill is almost certainly doomed in the House, as less than 10 Republican House members have indicated they will support it. The Congressional Progressive Caucus votes are the margin, and at present, that margin is in peril.

Bottom line is that any reconciliation bill must include serious negotiations on the part of Medicare with the pharmaceutical industry, lower the cost of prescription drugs. Thats what the American people want, Sanders said forcefully on Tuesday, adding that a serious reconciliation bill must include expanding Medicare to cover dental, hearing aids and eyeglasses.

Progressives are fighting to tackle the climate crisis, expand Medicare to cover dental, vision and hearing, and guarantee family leave in America, tweeted progressive Rep. Ilhan Omar. These are the investments major countries make in their communities and we can too.

Medicare treats your eyes, teeth, and ears like theyre not part of your body, tweeted progressive Rep. Cori Bush. It makes no sense. The Build Back Better Act currently expands Medicare to cover vision, dental, and hearing. We need to make sure that happens.

The Democratic senator from West Virginia coal was unmoved.

Sen. Joe Manchin on Monday shut down one of Senate Budget Committee Chairman Bernie Sanderss biggest priorities, expanding Medicare, which Manchin warned would undermine the solvency of the broader program, reports The Hill. Sanders insisted in a tweet Saturday that his proposal to expand Medicare to cover dental, hearing and vision must be included in a budget reconciliation package that is likely to come in well below the $3.5 trillion price tag Democratic leaders initially envisioned. But Manchin on Monday threw cold water on Sanderss push to expand Medicare, warning the program faces insolvency in 2026.

Manchin is also insisting the price tag for the social infrastructure bill be no higher than $1.5 trillion, a full $2 trillion less than the amount Sanders and the Congressional Progressive Caucus settled on after much compromise.

Because these are Democrats we are talking about, we are now required to cross the ever-treacherous span between the nauseating and the utterly surreal. On the far side of that chasm stand House Speaker Nancy Pelosi and House Majority Leader Steny Hoyer, who have spent this entire endeavor watching Pelosis precious moderate Democrats gnaw through these bills like beavers.

At a historic crossroads that is nothing less than a genuine existential crisis, the speaker and the majority leader have watched as life-and-death provisions of these bills are chopped away by fellow Democrats chasing dollar signs around the building. Their advice to every Democrat in the face of this? Dont worry, be happy!

If we dont act like we are winning, the American people wont believe it either, Hoyer reportedly told Democrats during a recent private meeting. Pelosi, for her part, has been telling her caucus that the contest is over, and the corporations have won again. Embrace this, she reportedly told the room during that same private meeting, and have a narrative of success.

Yes, of course, pretend to lead and have a narrative of success so people believe were winning. This is the politics of fiction, of cowardly lions with gavels and titles, all roar and no bite. That should have been the Democratic Party slogan since right about when Pelosi and Hoyer got involved in big-time politics. Democrats: Pretending to Lead Since 1981, Because Reagan Was Scary and Republicans Say Mean Things.

This is not entirely true, of course. The Congressional Progressive Caucus has from top to bottom fought the good fight since the beginning. If they could be criticized for anything, it is that they were credulous enough to believe the promise that those vital provisions stripped from the infrastructure bill would be revived in the Build Back Better Act.

Perhaps they should have chosen the infrastructure bill as their hill to die on, an immediate signal that compromising on such life-or-death provisions was unacceptable. Thats all hindsight, and besides, how much can the CPC do when the partys leadership folds like a hotel laundromat?

Another twinkle of a bright spot: Sen. Elizabeth Warrens wildly popular two cents campaign platform to tax the ultra-wealthy may become part of the Build Back Better Act, a replacement for the other taxation vehicles that were gutted from the bill. The idea being proposed is not exactly the same as hers, but it is a close cousin, and would do much to claw back some of the money Donald Trump gave away to his rich pals in December of 2017. Whether it survives the denuding process remains to be seen.

Soon, soon, Pelosi and company keep telling us. The bills will be ready for passage soon but the Congressional Progressive Caucus may have something to say about that before the deal goes down. Its a dirty business, and its not finished yet.

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Social Infrastructure Bill Has Been Gutted. Progressives May Not Let It Pass. - Truthout

Bernie and Progressive Dems Can’t Succeed Without Mobilizing Their Supporters – Jacobin magazine

To everyones chagrin, negotiations drag on among Democrats on the Build Back Better Act, Joe Bidens signature social spending bill. While we dont yet know what the final bill will contain, the media has reported, blow-by-blow, as one progressive proposal after another has been cut, in a drawn out and seemingly futile effort to appease conservative Democratic senators Joe Manchin of West Virginia and Kyrsten Sinema of Arizona.

It didnt have to be this way.

The bill started as a $6 trillion social spending proposal from Bernie Sanders, what he called the most consequential piece of legislation for working families since the 1930s. Days later, Democrats announced they would spend no more than $3.5 trillion, but there was still a lot for progressives and working-class people to like: tuition-free community college; expanding Medicare to cover dental, hearing, and vision care; lowering Medicare eligibility to age sixty; paid family leave for new parents; and subsidies for childcare.

Now, virtually all of that is off the table, and the spending is down to $1.75 trillion. It seems all but certain that whatever new programs make it to Bidens desk for his signature will be minimal, temporary, means-tested, difficult to explain, and even harder to access and will still lag far behind every other highly developed country.

Because they had to appease two conservative senators, Democrats missed a critical chance to instead develop the kind of highly visible, popular programs that create deep-seated voter loyalty. More important, millions of people have been robbed of the sorely needed relief Biden campaigned on.

How progressive Democrats will respond to the gutted legislation remains to be seen. For his part, Sanderss messaging has toggled between acceptance and rejection. It is still possible for progressives to put up a fight, but theres a good chance theyll do what progressive Democrats often do: first, emphasize the improvements the bill makes (which, while not sufficient, are not imaginary), and second, repeat well-worn phrases about the necessity of compromise in the legislative process.

Neither of these points is wrong, exactly. But if the discussion ends there, without any critical reflection on the relationship between progressive politicians and their support bases, politicians like Bernie and the Squad will never translate their class-struggle rhetoric into significant material change.

Manchin and Sinema are the two people most responsible by far for gutting the bill. With a constant barrage of bad faith negotiating tactics and simple refusal to go along with Bidens agenda, Manchin and Sinema got the rest of the Democratic Party to negotiate against itself. Over the past several months, Biden has repeatedly cut social spending proposals from the bill, only to find that the two holdouts were still not satisfied. In these internal negotiations, it was always the progressives, never Manchin and Sinema, who gave something up.

There has been almost no discussion of the fact that Manchin and Sinema come from the two states where, only three years ago, the two largest political strikes against government austerity in a generation took place. How were Democrats from these states allowed to do so much damage to a bill whose original purpose was to begin to undo decades of federal austerity? Given recent events in their states, why were they entirely unafraid of any repercussions?

The short answer is that Sanders, the Squad, and progressives in general did not use their biggest strength. Specifically, they made no significant effort to mobilize their large, energetic base of supporters behind the legislation and against those trying to destroy it. Nor were they able to meaningfully rally to their side mass membership organizations like those unions that recently supported their campaigns. For that matter, beyond some rude press releases, they made little effort to get Manchin and Sinema to pay any price at all.

To be clear, Sanders and the Squad have fought harder than almost anyone to create new social benefits that millions of people desperately need. No one can doubt the sincerity of their commitment. But in this months negotiations, we have seen in stark relief the limits of a strategy one, ironically, for which Sanders has often criticized Barack Obama that demobilizes supporters and overemphasizes fitting in as good members of the broader Democratic congressional caucus. The defeat came not in the last few days but as a result of decisions made months and years ago.

Imagine for a moment a counterfactual world in which Sanders keeps significant pieces of his campaign organization intact after the 2020 elections. Perhaps this would have happened, were it not for the COVID-19 pandemic, or perhaps not. But lets pretend it did.

Sanders knows that the countrys most powerful industries are spending hundreds and hundreds of billions of dollars to prevent us from doing what the American people want. He funds organizers either through a PAC, another independent political organization, or through his congressional office. Perhaps citing historical precedent, he convinces progressive unions and other grassroots groups, like Democratic Socialists of America, who heavily backed his campaign to invest some portion of their resources in this effort. Members of the Squad contribute resources to the organization or create parallel efforts of their own.

In our hypothetical spring of 2021, working with previously identified Sanders supporters which surely number in the hundreds of thousands in West Virginia and Arizona alone, in addition to plenty more whove already demonstrated theyre willing to cross state lines this campaign-tested organization of full-timers and volunteers begins to educate, agitate, and organize around the original $6 trillion proposal, perhaps tying it directly to the states recent anti-austerity movements. As the two senators intransigence comes into focus, they organize escalating, disruptive campaigns to make life hell for Manchin and Sinema and, just as important, their donors.

Bear in mind that this is all in line with Sanderss own vision for how to effectively handle stubborn opposition. For example, during his 2020 campaign, he vowed to hold rallies in the backyards of recalcitrant Republican politicians like [Mitch] McConnell, raising hell in their districts and exerting pressure on them from their own constituents and repeatedly said that as president he would be organizer in chief.

Its true that mobilizing supporters in a meaningful way would have been unorthodox and would have required a significant amount of time, resources, and advanced planning. In fact, creating an organization capable of doing these things would have required an entirely different approach to politics. But this was exactly the kind of organization Sanders had begun to build with his 2020 campaign, one focused on building grassroots organizers skills, one-to-one organizing, and uncompromising class struggle rhetoric. Why abandon an approach that had already taken Sanders and the Squad so far?

Building and maintaining an independent organization with real teeth would entail a degree of risk, since other politicians would rightly see it as a threat to their usual closed-doors way of doing business. But would such a risk not have been worth it, in order to pass what progressives were selling as generation-defining legislation? Especially if it meant creating a template for further organizing campaigns and scaring the hell out of intransigent conservatives in the process? Why shouldnt conservative politicians feel politically threatened, if the stakes are whether democracy can continue to function?

Well never know for sure if such a risky and resource-intensive strategy would have applied enough pressure to change either Manchins or Sinemas vote. Direct action and mobilization are certainly no panacea. For every successful West Virginia or Arizona strike, there is an Occupy Wall Street or a Wisconsin State Capitol occupation with no immediate tangible effect. But the pressure of direct action and mobilization are most effective when they (unlike, say, Occupy Wall Street) target specific actors whose mind needs to change when they are actually making a decision. Further, bringing more people into active political organizing is an inherently important thing for the Left, even when we lose a specific campaign.

Regardless of this counterfactual scenario, we know now, from direct evidence, that Sanderss and progressives strategy of trying to be good team players within the Democratic caucus has not worked when it comes to passing core elements of the progressive agenda. This is the case even for programs that Biden vocally supported on the campaign trail and throughout negotiations. Given Manchins, Sinemas, and other Democrats history, we could have anticipated this before negotiations started. There is no reason to think the same strategy will work in Congress in the future, nor, for the most part, to think it will go very far in other contexts.

Its reasonable to ask why all this should fall on elected officials. Isnt such organizing the task of grassroots organizations? Ideally, yes, and it isnt as if no one is trying. But the vast majority of grassroots organizations simply dont have the resources to run a campaign with sufficient size or, more important, speed. Nor do they have the hope of getting such resources anytime soon.

It is an uncomfortable fact of US politics that individual politicians have the resources supporter contact information, money, organizing staff, name recognition, personal connections, media attention to mobilize their supporters far more quickly and with greater precision than grassroots organizations do. This is especially true of politicians like Bernie and the Squad who come to power with the strong support of grassroots movements.

For this reason, grassroots organizers and organizations need to make organizing and mobilizing strategy an important demand of those politicians who work in close collaboration with us. Politicians who come to office through grassroots movements have a responsibility to help build those movements further, and the only way to truly build them is to engage continually in active struggle, not just around election time.

No politician, Sanders and the Squad included, can simply turn on a spigot labeled militancy and flood the streets with people. It is precisely because such work takes a long time and a lot of effort that we should reflect on its possibilities now and find a way to make such organizing feasible. The alternative is, at best, the constant repetition of the negotiations we just saw in which one or two conservative legislators backed by essentially infinite capital can undermine progressives most popular and transformative proposals with little effort and no negative consequences.

When conservatives within their own party are backed by the most powerful industries in the country, progressive Democrats come to the bargaining table at an extreme disadvantage if they do nothing to activate the source of their power: the people.

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Bernie and Progressive Dems Can't Succeed Without Mobilizing Their Supporters - Jacobin magazine